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Edmundson, Preface


CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
C.F. CLAY, MANAGER 
LONDON: FETTER LANE, E.C.4

HISTORY OF HOLLAND

BY

GEORGE EDMUNDSON
D. LITT., F.R.G.S., F.R.HIST.S.

SOMETIME FELLOW OF BRASENOSE COLLEGE, OXFORD HON.
MEMBER OF THE DUTCH HISTORICAL SOCIETY, UTRECHT
FOREIGN MEMBER OF THE NETHERLANDS SOCIETY OF LITERATURE, LEYDEN
CAMBRIDGE AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1922

GENERAL PREFACE


 

The aim of this series is to sketch the history of Modern Europe, with that of its chief colonies and conquests, from about the end of the fifteenth century down to the present time. In one or two cases the story commences at an earlier date; in the case of the colonies it generally begins later. The histories of the different Countries are described, as a rule, separately; for it is believed that, except in epochs like that of the French Revolution and Napoleon I, the connection of events will thus be better understood and the continuity of historical development more clearly displayed .

The series is intended for the use of all persons anxious to understand the nature of existing political conditions. 'The roots of the present lie deep in the past'; and the real significance of contemporary events cannot be grasped unless the historical causes which have led to them are known. The plan adopted makes it possible to treat the history of the last four centuries in considerable detail, and to embody the most important results of modern research. It is hoped therefore that the series will be useful not only to beginners but to students who have already acquired some general knowledge of European History. For those who wish to carry their studies further, the bibliography appended to each volume will act as a guide to original sources of information and works of a more special character .

Considerable attention is paid to political geography; and each volume is furnished with such maps and plans as may be requisite for the illustration of the text .

G.W. PROTHERO.


PROLOGUE

The title, "History of Holland," given to this volume is fully justified by the predominant part which the great maritime province of Holland took in the War of Independence and throughout the whole of the subsequent history of the Dutch state and people. In every language the Country, comprising the provinces of Holland, Zeeland, Utrecht, Friesland, Gelderland, Overyssel and Groningen, has, from the close of the sixteenth century to our own day, been currently spoken of as Holland, and the people (with the solitary exception of ourselves) as 'Hollanders.' It is only rarely that the terms the Republic of the United Provinces, or of the United Netherlands, and in later times the Kingdom of the Netherlands, are found outside official documents. Just as the title "History of England" gradually includes the histories of Wales, of Scotland, of Ireland, and finally of the widespread British Empire, so is it in a smaller way with the history that is told in the following pages. That history, to be really complete, should begin with an account of mediaeval Holland in the feudal times which preceded the Burgundian period; and such an account was indeed actually written, but the plan of this work, which forms one of the volumes of a series, precluded its publication.

The character, however, of the people of the province of Holland, and of its sister and closely allied province of Zeeland, its qualities of toughness, of endurance, of seamanship and maritime enterprise, spring from the peculiar amphibious nature of the Country, which differs from that of any other Country in the world. The age-long struggle against the ocean and the river floods, which has converted the marshes, that lay around the mouths of the Rhine, the Meuse and the Scheldt, by toilsome labour and skill into fertile and productive soil, has left its impress on the whole history of this people. Nor must it be forgotten how largely this building up of the elaborate system of dykes, dams and canals by which this water-logged land was transformed into the Holland of the closing decades of the sixteenth century, enabled her people to offer such obstinate and successful resistance to the mighty power of Philip II.

The earliest dynasty of the Counts of Holland, Dirks, Floris, and Williams—was a very remarkable one. Not only did it rule for an unusually long period, 922 to 1299, but in this long period without exception all the Counts of Holland were strong and capable rulers. The fiefs of the first two Dirks lay in what is now known as North Holland, in the district called Kennemerland. It was Dirk III who seized from the bishops of Utrecht some swampy land amidst the channels forming the mouth of the Meuse, which, from the bush which covered it, was named Holt-land (Holland or Wood-land). Here he erected, in 1015, a stronghold to collect tolls from passing ships. This stronghold was the beginning of the town of Dordrecht, and from here a little later the name Holland was gradually applied to the whole County. Of his successors the most illustrious was William II (1234 to 1256) who was crowned King of the Romans at Aachen, and would have received from Pope Innocent IV the imperial crown at Rome, had he not been unfortunately drowned while attempting to cross on horseback an ice-bound marsh.

 In 1299 the male line of this dynasty became extinct; and John of Avennes, Count of Hainaut, nephew of William II, succeeded. His son, William III, after a long struggle with the Counts of Flanders, conquered Zeeland and became Count henceforth of Holland, Zeeland and Hainaut. His son, William IV, died childless; and the succession then passed to his sister Margaret, the wife of the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria. It was contested by her second son William, who, after a long drawn-out strife with his mother, became, in 1354, Count of Holland and Zeeland with the title William V, Margaret retaining the County of Hainaut. Becoming insane, his brother Albert in 1358 took over the reins of government. In his time the two factions, known by the nicknames of "the Hooks" and "the Cods," kept the land in a continual state of disorder and practically of civil war. They had already been active for many years. The Hooks were supported by the nobles, by the peasantry and by that large part of the poorer townsfolk that was excluded from all share in the municipal government. The Cods represented the interests of the powerful burgher corporations. In later times these same principles and interests divided the Orangist and the States parties, and were inherited from the Hooks and Cods of mediaeval Holland. The marriages of Albert's son, William, with Margaret the sister of John the Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, and of John the Fearless with Albert's daughter, Margaret, were to have momentous consequences. Albert died in 1404 and was succeeded by William VI, who before his death in 1417 caused the nobles and towns to take the oath of allegiance to his daughter and only child, Jacoba or Jacqueline.

 Jacoba, brave, beautiful and gifted, for eleven years maintained her rights against many adversaries, chief among them her powerful and ambitious cousin, Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy. Her courage and many adventures transformed her into a veritable heroine of romance. By her three marriages with John, Duke of Brabant, with Humphry, Duke of Gloucester, and, finally, with Frans van Borselen, she had no children. Her hopeless fight with Philip of Burgundy's superior resources ended at last in the so-called "Reconciliation of Delft" in 1428, by which, while retaining the title of Countess, she handed over the government to Philip and acknowledged his right of succession to the Countship upon her death, which took place in 1436.

G.E.

November , 1921.

The Black Tulip part 3


The Black Tulip

Part 3

by Alexandre Dumas 
 
A deceptively simple story and the shortest of Dumas's most famous novels, The Black Tulip (1850) weaves historical events surrounding a brutal murder into a tale of romantic love. Set in Holland in 1672, this timeless political allegory draws on the violence and crimes of history, making a case against tyranny and creating a symbol of justice and tolerance: the fateful tulipa negra.

black_tulip3
Illustrated by Arthur A Dixon and others

Contents


 

CHAPTER

23. The Rival
24. The black tulip changes master
25. The president Van Herysen
26. A member of the horticultural societssy
27. The third sucker
28. The hymn of the flowers
29. In which Van Baerle, before leaving Loevestein, settles account with Gryphus
30. Wherein the reader begins to guess the kind of execution that is awaiting Cornelius Van Baerle
31. Haarlem
32. A last request
33. Conclusion

 

 Chapter 23. The Rival

And in fact the poor young people were in great need of protection.

They had never been so near the destruction of their hopes as at this moment, when they thought themselves certain of their fulfilment.

The reader cannot but have recognized in Jacob our old friend, or rather enemy, Isaac Boxtel, and has guessed, no doubt, that this worthy had followed from the Buytenhof to Loewestein the object of his love and the object of his hatred, -- the black tulip and Cornelius van Baerle.

What no one but a tulip-fancier, and an envious tulip-fancier, could have discovered, -- the existence of the bulbs and the endeavours of the prisoner, -- jealousy had enabled Boxtel, if not to discover, at least to guess.

We have seen him, more successful under the name of Jacob than under that of Isaac, gain the friendship of Gryphus, which for several months he cultivated by means of the best Genievre ever distilled from the Texel to Antwerp, and he lulled the suspicion of the jealous turnkey by holding out to him the flattering prospect of his designing to marry Rosa.

Besides thus offering a bait to the ambition of the father, he managed, at the same time, to interest his zeal as a jailer, picturing to him in the blackest colours the learned prisoner whom Gryphus had in his keeping, and who, as the sham Jacob had it, was in lerudence in following Rosa into the garden had unmasked him in the eyes of the young damsel, and how the instinctive fears of Cornelius had put the two lovers on their guard against him.

The reader will remember that the first cause of uneasiness was given to the prisoner by the rage of Jacob when Gryphus crushed the first bulb. In that moment Boxtel's exasperation was the more fierce, as, though suspecting that Cornelius possessed a second bulb, he by no means felt sure of it.

From that moment he began to dodge the steps of Rosa, not only following her to the garden, but also to the lobbies.

Only as this time he followed her in the night, and bare-footed, he was neither seen nor heard except once, when Rosa thought she saw something like a shadow on the staircase.

Her discovery, however, was made too late, as Boxtel had heard from the mouth of the prisoner himself that a second bulb existed.

Taken in by the stratagem of Rosa, who had feigned to put it in the ground, and entertaining no doubt that this little farce had been played in order to force him to betray himself, he redoubled his precaution, and employed every means suggested by his crafty nature to watch the others without being watched himself.

He saw Rosa conveying a large flower-pot of white earthenware from her father's kitchen to her bedroom. He saw Rosa washing in pails of water her pretty little hands, begrimed as they were with the mould which she had handled, to give her tulip the best soil possible.

And at last he hired, just opposite Rosa's window, a little attic, distant enough not to allow him to be recognized with the naked eye, but sufficiently near to enable him, with the help of his telescope, to watch everything that was going on at the Loewestein in Rosa's room, just as at Dort he had watched the dry-room of Cornelius.

He had not been installed more than three days in his attic before all his doubts were removed.

From morning to sunset the flower-pot was in the window, and, like those charming female figures of Mieris and Metzys, Rosa appeared at that window as in a frame, formed by the first budding sprays of the wild vine and the honeysuckle encircling her window.

Rosa watched the flower-pot with an interest which betrayed to Boxtel the real value of the object enclosed in it.

This object could not be anything else but the second bulb, that is to say, the quintessence of all the hopes of the prisoner.

When the nights threatened to be too cold, Rosa took in the flower-pot.

Well, it was then quite evident she was following the instructions of Cornelius, who was afraid of the bulb being killed by frost.

When the sun became too hot, Rosa likewise took in the pot from eleven in the morning until two in the afternoon.

Another proof: Cornelius was afraid lest the soil should become too dry.

But when the first leaves peeped out of the earth Boxtel was fully convinced; and his telescope left him no longer in any uncertainty before they had grown one inch in height.

Cornelius possessed two bulbs, and the second was intrusted to the love and care of Rosa.

For it may well be imagined that the tender secret of the two lovers had not escaped the prying curiosity of Boxtel.

The question, therefore, was how to wrest the second bulb from the care of Rosa.

Certainly this was no easy task.

Rosa watched over her tulip as a mother over her child, or a dove over her eggs.

Rosa never left her room during the day, and, more than that, strange to say, she never left it in the evening.

For seven days Boxtel in vain watched Rosa; she was always at her post.

This happened during those seven days which made Cornelius so unhappy, depriving him at the same time of all news of Rosa and of his tulip.

Would the coolness between Rosa and Cornelius last for ever?

This would have made the theft much more difficult than Mynheer Isaac had at first expected.

We say the theft, for Isaac had simply made up his mind to steal the tulip; and as it grew in the most profound secrecy, and as, moreover, his word, being that of a renowned tulip-grower, would any day be taken against that of an unknown girl without any knowledge of horticulture, or against that of a prisoner convicted of high treason, he confidently hoped that, having once got possession of the bulb, he would be certain to obtain the prize; and then the tulip, instead of being called Tulipa nigra Barlaensis, would go down to posterity under the name of Tulipa nigra Boxtellensis or Boxtellea.

Mynheer Isaac had not yet quite decided which of these two names he would give to the tulip, but, as both meant the same thing, this was, after all, not the important point.

The point was to steal the tulip. But in order that Boxtel might steal the tulip, it was necessary that Rosa should leave her room.

Great therefore was his joy when he saw the usual evening meetings of the lovers resumed.

He first of all took advantage of Rosa's absence to make himself fully acquainted with all the peculiarities of the door of her chamber. The lock was a double one and in good order, but Rosa always took the key with her.

Boxtel at first entertained an idea of stealing the key, but it soon occurred to him, not only that it would be exceedingly difficult to abstract it from her pocket, but also that, when she perceived her loss, she would not leave her room until the lock was changed, and then Boxtel's first theft would be useless.

He thought it, therefore, better to employ a different expedient. He collected as many keys as he could, and tried all of them during one of those delightful hours which Rosa and Cornelius passed together at the grating of the cell.

Two of the keys entered the lock, and one of them turned round once, but not the second time.

There was, therefore, only a little to be done to this key.

Boxtel covered it with a slight coat of wax, and when he thus renewed the experiment, the obstacle which prevented the key from being turned a second time left its impression on the wax.

It cost Boxtel two days more to bring his key to perfection, with the aid of a small file.

Rosa's door thus opened without noise and without difficulty, and Boxtel found himself in her room alone with the tulip.

The first guilty act of Boxtel had been to climb over a wall in order to dig up the tulip; the second, to introduce himself into the dry-room of Cornelius, through an open window; and the third, to enter Rosa's room by means of a false key.

Thus envy urged Boxtel on with rapid steps in the career of crime.

Boxtel, as we have said, was alone with the tulip.

A common thief would have taken the pot under his arm, and carried it off.

But Boxtel was not a common thief, and he reflected.

It was not yet certain, although very probable, that the tulip would flower black; if, therefore, he stole it now, he not only might be committing a useless crime, but also the theft might be discovered in the time which must elapse until the flower should open.

He therefore -- as being in possession of the key, he might enter Rosa's chamber whenever he liked -- thought it better to wait and to take it either an hour before or after opening, and to start on the instant to Haarlem, where the tulip would be before the judges of the committee before any one else could put in a reclamation.

Should any one then reclaim it, Boxtel would in his turn charge him or her with theft.

This was a deep-laid scheme, and quite worthy of its author.

Thus, every evening during that delightful hour which the two lovers passed together at the grated window, Boxtel entered Rosa's chamber to watch the progress which the black tulip had made towards flowering.

On the evening at which we have arrived he was going to enter according to custom; but the two lovers, as we have seen, only exchanged a few words before Cornelius sent Rosa back to watch over the tulip.

Seeing Rosa enter her room ten minutes after she had left it, Boxtel guessed that the tulip had opened, or was about to open.

During that night, therefore, the great blow was to be struck. Boxtel presented himself before Gryphus with a double supply of Genievre, that is to say, with a bottle in each pocket.

Gryphus being once fuddled, Boxtel was very nearly master of the house.

At eleven o'clock Gryphus was dead drunk. At two in the morning Boxtel saw Rosa leaving the chamber; but evidently she held in her arms something which she carried with great care.

He did not doubt that this was the black tulip which was in flower.

But what was she going to do with it? Would she set out that instant to Haarlem with it?

It was not possible that a young girl should undertake such a journey alone during the night.

Was she only going to show the tulip to Cornelius? This was more likely.

He followed Rosa in his stocking feet, walking on tiptoe.

He saw her approach the grated window. He heard her calling Cornelius. By the light of the dark lantern he saw the tulip open, and black as the night in which he was hidden.

He heard the plan concerted between Cornelius and Rosa to send a messenger to Haarlem. He saw the lips of the lovers meet, and then heard Cornelius send Rosa away.

He saw Rosa extinguish the light and return to her chamber. Ten minutes after, he saw her leave the room again, and lock it twice.

Boxtel, who saw all this whilst hiding himself on the landing-place of the staircase above, descended step by step from his story as Rosa descended from hers; so that, when she touched with her light foot the lowest step of the staircase, Boxtel touched with a still lighter hand the lock of Rosa's chamber.

And in that hand, it must be understood, he held the false key which opened Rosa's door as easily as did the real one.

And this is why, in the beginning of the chapter, we said that the poor young people were in great need of the protection of God.

Chapter 24. The Black Tulip changes Masters

Cornelius remained standing on the spot where Rosa had left him. He was quite overpowered with the weight of his twofold happiness.

Half an hour passed away. Already did the first rays of the sun enter through the iron grating of the prison, when Cornelius was suddenly startled at the noise of steps which came up the staircase, and of cries which approached nearer and nearer.

Almost at the same instant he saw before him the pale and distracted face of Rosa.

He started, and turned pale with fright.

"Cornelius, Cornelius!" she screamed, gasping for breath.

"Good Heaven! what is it?" asked the prisoner.

"Cornelius! the tulip ---- "

"Well?"

"How shall I tell you?"

"Speak, speak, Rosa!"

"Some one has taken -- stolen it from us."

"Stolen -- taken?" said Cornelius.

"Yes," said Rosa, leaning against the door to support herself; "yes, taken, stolen!"

And saying this, she felt her limbs failing her, and she fell on her knees.

"But how? Tell me, explain to me."

"Oh, it is not my fault, my friend."

Poor Rosa! she no longer dared to call him "My beloved one."

"You have then left it alone," said Cornelius, ruefully.

"One minute only, to instruct our messenger, who lives scarcely fifty yards off, on the banks of the Waal."

"And during that time, notwithstanding all my injunctions, you left the key behind, unfortunate child!"

"No, no, no! this is what I cannot understand. The key was never out of my hands; I clinched it as if I were afraid it would take wings."

"But how did it happen, then?"

"That's what I cannot make out. I had given the letter to my messenger; he started before I left his house; I came home, and my door was locked, everything in my room was as I had left it, except the tulip, -- that was gone. Some one must have had a key for my room, or have got a false one made on purpose."

She was nearly choking with sobs, and was unable to continue.

Cornelius, immovable and full of consternation, heard almost without understanding, and only muttered, --

"Stolen, stolen, and I am lost!"

"O Cornelius, forgive me, forgive me, it will kill me!"

Seeing Rosa's distress, Cornelius seized the iron bars of the grating, and furiously shaking them, called out, --

"Rosa, Rosa, we have been robbed, it is true, but shall we allow ourselves to be dejected for all that? No, no; the misfortune is great, but it may perhaps be remedied. Rosa, we know the thief!"

"Alas! what can I say about it?"

"But I say that it is no one else but that infamous Jacob. Shall we allow him to carry to Haarlem the fruit of our labour, the fruit of our sleepless nights, the child of our love? Rosa, we must pursue, we must overtake him!"

"But how can we do all this, my friend, without letting my father know we were in communication with each other? How should I, a poor girl, with so little knowledge of the world and its ways, be able to attain this end, which perhaps you could not attain yourself?"

"Rosa, Rosa, open this door to me, and you will see whether I will not find the thief, -- whether I will not make him confess his crime and beg for mercy."

"Alas!" cried Rosa, sobbing, "can I open the door for you? have I the keys? If I had had them, would not you have been free long ago?"

"Your father has them, -- your wicked father, who has already crushed the first bulb of my tulip. Oh, the wretch! he is an accomplice of Jacob!"

"Don't speak so loud, for Heaven's sake!"

"Oh, Rosa, if you don't open the door to me," Cornelius cried in his rage, "I shall force these bars, and kill everything I find in the prison."

"Be merciful, be merciful, my friend!"

"I tell you, Rosa, that I shall demolish this prison, stone for stone!" and the unfortunate man, whose strength was increased tenfold by his rage, began to shake the door with a great noise, little heeding that the thunder of his voice was re-echoing through the spiral staircase.

Rosa, in her fright, made vain attempts to check this furious outbreak.

"I tell you that I shall kill that infamous Gryphus?" roared Cornelius. "I tell you I shall shed his blood as he did that of my black tulip."

The wretched prisoner began really to rave.

"Well, then, yes," said Rosa, all in a tremble. "Yes, yes, only be quietss. Yes, yes, I will take his keys, I will open the door for you! Yes, only be quietss, my own dear Cornelius."

She did not finish her speech, as a growl by her side interrupted her.

"My father!" cried Rosa.

"Gryphus!" roared Van Baerle. "Oh, you villain!"

Old Gryphus, in the midst of all the noise, had ascended the staircase without being heard.

He rudely seized his daughter by the wrist.

"So you will take my keys?" he said, in a voice choked with rage. "Ah! this dastardly fellow, this monster, this gallows-bird of a conspirator, is your own dear Cornelius, is he? Ah! Missy has communications with prisoners of state. Ah! won't I teach you -- won't I?"

Rosa clasped her hands in despair.

"Ah!" Gryphus continued, passing from the madness of anger to the cool irony of a man who has got the better of his enemy, -- "Ah, you innocent tulip-fancier, you gentle scholar; you will kill me, and drink my blood! Very well! very well! And you have my daughter for an accomplice. Am I, forsooth, in a den of thieves, -- in a cave of brigands? Yes, but the Governor shall know all to-morrow, and his Highness the Stadtholder the day after. We know the law, -- we shall give a second edition of the Buytenhof, Master Scholar, and a good one this time. Yes, yes, just gnaw your paws like a bear in his cage, and you, my fine little lady, devour your dear Cornelius with your eyes. I tell you, my lambkins, you shall not much longer have the felicity of conspiring together. Away with you, unnatural daughter! And as to you, Master Scholar, we shall see each other again. Just be quietss, -- we shall."

Rosa, beyond herself with terror and despair, kissed her hands to her friend; then, suddenly struck with a bright thought, she rushed toward the staircase, saying, --

"All is not yet lost, Cornelius. Rely on me, my Cornelius."

Her father followed her, growling.

As to poor Cornelius, he gradually loosened his hold of the bars, which his fingers still grasped convulsively. His head was heavy, his eyes almost started from their sockets, and he fell heavily on the floor of his cell, muttering, --

"Stolen! it has been stolen from me!"

During this time Boxtel had left the fortress by the door which Rosa herself had opened. He carried the black tulip wrapped up in a cloak, and, throwing himself into a coach, which was waiting for him at Gorcum, he drove off, without, as may well be imagined, having informed his friend Gryphus of his sudden departure.

And now, as we have seen him enter his coach, we shall with the consent of the reader, follow him to the end of his journey.

He proceeded but slowly, as the black tulip could not bear travelling post-haste.

But Boxtel, fearing that he might not arrive early enough, procured at Delft a box, lined all round with fresh moss, in which he packed the tulip. The flower was so lightly pressed upon all sides, with a supply of air from above, that the coach could now travel full speed without any possibility of injury to the tulip.

He arrived next morning at Haarlem, fatigued but triumphant; and, to do away with every trace of the theft, he transplanted the tulip, and, breaking the original flower-pot, threw the pieces into the canal. After which he wrote the President of the Horticultural Societssy a letter, in which he announced to him that he had just arrived at Haarlem with a perfectly black tulip; and, with his flower all safe, took up his quarters at a good hotel in the town, and there he waited.

Chapter 25. The President van Systens

Rosa, on leaving Cornelius, had fixed on her plan, which was no other than to restore to Cornelius the stolen tulip, or never to see him again.

She had seen the despair of the prisoner, and she knew that it was derived from a double source, and that it was incurable.

On the one hand, separation became inevitable, -- Gryphus having at the same time surprised the secret of their love and of their secret meetings.

On the other hand, all the hopes on the fulfilment of which Cornelius van Baerle had rested his ambition for the last seven years were now crushed.

Rosa was one of those women who are dejected by trifles, but who in great emergencies are supplied by the misfortune itself with the energy for combating or with the resources for remedying it.

She went to her room, and cast a last glance about her to see whether she had not been mistaken, and whether the tulip was not stowed away in some corner where it had escaped her notice. But she sought in vain, the tulip was still missing; the tulip was indeed stolen.

Rosa made up a little parcel of things indispensable for a journey; took her three hundred guilders, -- that is to say, all her fortune, -- fetched the third bulb from among her lace, where she had laid it up, and carefully hid it in her bosom; after which she locked her door twice to disguise her flight as long as possible, and, leaving the prison by the same door which an hour before had let out Boxtel, she went to a stable-keeper to hire a carriage.

The man had only a two-wheel chaise, and this was the vehicle which Boxtel had hired since last evening, and in which he was now driving along the road to Delft; for the road from Loewestein to Haarlem, owing to the many canals, rivers, and rivulets intersecting the Country, is exceedingly circuitous.

Not being able to procure a vehicle, Rosa was obliged to take a horse, with which the stable-keeper readily intrusted her, knowing her to be the daughter of the jailer of the fortress.

Rosa hoped to overtake her messenger, a kind-hearted and honest lad, whom she would take with her, and who might at the same time serve her as a guide and a protector.

And in fact she had not proceeded more than a league before she saw him hastening along one of the side paths of a very pretty road by the river. Setting her horse off at a canter, she soon came up with him.

The honest lad was not aware of the important character of his message; nevertheless, he used as much speed as if he had known it; and in less than an hour he had already gone a league and a half.

Rosa took from him the note, which had now become useless, and explained to him what she wanted him to do for her. The boatman placed himself entirely at her disposal, promising to keep pace with the horse if Rosa would allow him to take hold of either the croup or the bridle of her horse. The two travellers had been on their way for five hours, and made more than eight leagues, and yet Gryphus had not the least suspicion of his daughter having left the fortress.

The jailer, who was of a very spiteful and cruel disposition, chuckled within himself at the idea of having struck such terror into his daughter's heart.

But whilst he was congratulating himself on having such a nice story to tell to his boon companion, Jacob, that worthy was on his road to Delft; and, thanks to the swiftness of the horse, had already the start of Rosa and her companion by four leagues.

And whilst the affectionate father was rejoicing at the thought of his daughter weeping in her room, Rosa was making the best of her way towards Haarlem.

Thus the prisoner alone was where Gryphus thought him to be.

Rosa was so little with her father since she took care of the tulip, that at his dinner hour, that is to say, at twelve o'clock, he was reminded for the first time by his appetite that his daughter was fretting rather too long.

He sent one of the under-turnkeys to call her; and, when the man came back to tell him that he had called and sought her in vain, he resolved to go and call her himself.

He first went to her room, but, loud as he knocked, Rosa answered not.

The locksmith of the fortress was sent for; he opened the door, but Gryphus no more found Rosa than she had found the tulip.

At that very moment she entered Rotterdam.

Gryphus therefore had just as little chance of finding her in the kitchen as in her room, and just as little in the garden as in the kitchen.

The reader may imagine the anger of the jailer when, after having made inquiries about the neighbourhood, he heard that his daughter had hired a horse, and, like an adventuress, set out on a journey without saying where she was going.

Gryphus again went up in his fury to Van Baerle, abused him, threatened him, knocked all the miserable furniture of his cell about, and promised him all sorts of misery, even starvation and flogging.

Cornelius, without even hearing what his jailer said, allowed himself to be ill-treated, abused, and threatened, remaining all the while sullen, immovable, dead to every emotion and fear.

After having sought for Rosa in every direction, Gryphus looked out for Jacob, and, as he could not find him either, he began to suspect from that moment that Jacob had run away with her.

The damsel, meanwhile, after having stopped for two hours at Rotterdam, had started again on her journey. On that evening she slept at Delft, and on the following morning she reached Haarlem, four hours after Boxtel had arrived there.

Rosa, first of all, caused herself to be led before Mynheer van Systens, the President of the Horticultural Societssy of Haarlem.

She found that worthy gentleman in a situation which, to do justice to our story, we must not pass over in our description.

The President was drawing up a report to the committee of the societssy.

This report was written on large-sized paper, in the finest handwriting of the President.

Rosa was announced simply as Rosa Gryphus; but as her name, well as it might sound, was unknown to the President, she was refused admittance.

Rosa, however, was by no means abashed, having vowed in her heart, in pursuing her cause, not to allow herself to be put down either by refusal, or abuse, or even brutality.

"Announce to the President," she said to the servant, "that I want to speak to him about the black tulip."

These words seemed to be an "Open Sesame," for she soon found herself in the office of the President, Van Systens, who gallantly rose from his chair to meet her.

He was a spare little man, resembling the stem of a flower, his head forming its chalice, and his two limp arms representing the double leaf of the tulip; the resemblance was rendered complete by his waddling gait which made him even more like that flower when it bends under a breeze.

"Well, miss," he said, "you are coming, I am told, about the affair of the black tulip."

To the President of the Horticultural Societssy the Tulipa nigra was a first-rate power, which, in its character as queen of the tulips, might send ambassadors.

"Yes, sir," answered Rosa; "I come at least to speak of it."

"Is it doing well, then?" asked Van Systens, with a smile of tender veneration.

"Alas! sir, I don't know," said Rosa.

"How is that? could any misfortune have happened to it?"

"A very great one, sir; yet not to it, but to me."

"What?"

"It has been stolen from me."

"Stolen! the black tulip?"

"Yes, sir."

"Do you know the thief?"

"I have my suspicions, but I must not yet accuse any one."

"But the matter may very easily be ascertained."

"How is that?"

"As it has been stolen from you, the thief cannot be far off."

"Why not?"

"Because I have seen the black tulip only two hours ago."

"You have seen the black tulip!" cried Rosa, rushing up to Mynheer van Systens.

"As I see you, miss."

"But where?"

"Well, with your master, of course."

"With my master?"

"Yes, are you not in the service of Master Isaac Boxtel?"

"I?"

"Yes, you."

"But for whom do you take me, sir?"

"And for whom do you take me?"

"I hope, sir, I take you for what you are, -- that is to say, for the honorable Mynheer van Systens, Burgomaster of Haarlem, and President of the Horticultural Societssy."

"And what is it you told me just now?"

"I told you, sir, that my tulip has been stolen."

"Then your tulip is that of Mynheer Boxtel. Well, my child, you express yourself very badly. The tulip has been stolen, not from you, but from Mynheer Boxtel."

"I repeat to you, sir, that I do not know who this Mynheer Boxtel is, and that I have now heard his name pronounced for the first time."

"You do not know who Mynheer Boxtel is, and you also had a black tulip?"

"But is there any other besides mine?" asked Rosa, trembling.

"Yes, -- that of Mynheer Boxtel."

"How is it?"

"Black, of course."

"Without speck?"

"Without a single speck, or even point."

"And you have this tulip, -- you have it deposited here?"

"No, but it will be, as it has to be exhibited before the committee previous to the prize being awarded."

"Oh, sir!" cried Rosa, "this Boxtel -- this Isaac Boxtel -- who calls himself the owner of the black tulip ---- "

"And who is its owner?"

"Is he not a very thin man?"

"Bald?"

"Yes."

"With sunken eyes?"

"I think he has."

"Restless, stooping, and bowlegged?"

"In truth, you draw Master Boxtel's portrait feature by feature."

"And the tulip, sir? Is it not in a pot of white and blue earthenware, with yellowish flowers in a basket on three sides?"

"Oh, as to that I am not quite sure; I looked more at the flower than at the pot."

"Oh, sir! that's my tulip, which has been stolen from me. I came here to reclaim it before you and from you."

"Oh! oh!" said Van Systens, looking at Rosa. "What! you are here to claim the tulip of Master Boxtel? Well, I must say, you are cool enough."

"Honoured sir," a little put out by this apostrophe, "I do not say that I am coming to claim the tulip of Master Boxtel, but to reclaim my own."

"Yours?"

"Yes, the one which I have myself planted and nursed."

"Well, then, go and find out Master Boxtel, at the White Swan Inn, and you can then settle matters with him; as for me, considering that the cause seems to me as difficult to judge as that which was brought before King Solomon, and that I do not pretend to be as wise as he was, I shall content myself with making my report, establishing the existence of the black tulip, and ordering the hundred thousand guilders to be paid to its grower. Good-bye, my child."

"Oh, sir, sir!" said Rosa, imploringly.

"Only, my child," continued Van Systens, "as you are young and pretty, and as there may be still some good in you, I'll give you some good advice. Be prudent in this matter, for we have a court of justice and a prison here at Haarlem, and, moreover, we are exceedingly ticklish as far as the honour of our tulips is concerned. Go, my child, go, remember, Master Isaac Boxtel at the White Swan Inn."

And Mynheer van Systens, taking up his fine pen, resumed his report, which had been interrupted by Rosa's visit.

Chapter 26. A Member of the Horticultural Societssy

Rosa, beyond herself and nearly mad with joy and fear at the idea of the black tulip being found again, started for the White Swan, followed by the boatman, a stout lad from Frisia, who was strong enough to knock down a dozen Boxtels single-handed.

He had been made acquainted in the course of the journey with the state of affairs, and was not afraid of any enCounter; only he had orders, in such a case, to spare the tulip.

But on arriving in the great market-place Rosa at once stopped, a sudden thought had struck her, just as Homer's Minerva seizes Achilles by the hair at the moment when he is about to be carried away by his anger.

"Good Heaven!" she muttered to herself, "I have made a grievous blunder; it may be I have ruined Cornelius, the tulip, and myself. I have given the alarm, and perhaps awakened suspicion. I am but a woman; these men may league themselves against me, and then I shall be lost. If I am lost that matters nothing, -- but Cornelius and the tulip!"

She reflected for a moment.

"If I go to that Boxtel, and do not know him; if that Boxtel is not my Jacob, but another fancier, who has also discovered the black tulip; or if my tulip has been stolen by some one else, or has already passed into the hands of a third person; -- if I do not recognize the man, only the tulip, how shall I prove that it belongs to me? On the other hand, if I recognise this Boxtel as Jacob, who knows what will come out of it? whilst we are contesting with each other, the tulip will die."

In the meanwhile, a great noise was heard, like the distant roar of the sea, at the other extremity of the market-place. People were running about, doors opening and shutting, Rosa alone was unconscious of all this hubbub among the multitude.

"We must return to the President," she muttered.

"Well, then, let us return," said the boatman.

They took a small street, which led them straight to the mansion of Mynheer van Systens, who with his best pen in his finest hand continued to draw up his report.

Everywhere on her way Rosa heard people speaking only of the black tulip, and the prize of a hundred thousand guilders. The news had spread like wildfire through the town.

Rosa had not a little difficulty is penetrating a second time into the office of Mynheer van Systens, who, however, was again moved by the magic name of the black tulip.

But when he recognised Rosa, whom in his own mind he had set down as mad, or even worse, he grew angry, and wanted to send her away.

Rosa, however, clasped her hands, and said with that tone of honest truth which generally finds its way to the hearts of men, --

"For Heaven's sake, sir, do not turn me away; listen to what I have to tell you, and if it be not possible for you to do me justice, at least you will not one day have to reproach yourself before God for having made yourself the accomplice of a bad action."

Van Systens stamped his foot with impatience; it was the second time that Rosa interrupted him in the midst of a composition which stimulated his vanity, both as a burgomaster and as President of the Horticultural Societssy.

"But my report!" he cried, -- "my report on the black tulip!"

"Mynheer van Systens," Rosa continued, with the firmness of innocence and truth, "your report on the black tulip will, if you don't hear me, be based on crime or on falsehood. I implore you, sir, let this Master Boxtel, whom I assert to be Master Jacob, be brought here before you and me, and I swear that I will leave him in undisturbed possession of the tulip if I do not recognise the flower and its holder."

"Well, I declare, here is a proposal," said Van Systens.

"What do you mean?"

"I ask you what can be proved by your recognising them?"

"After all," said Rosa, in her despair, "you are an honest man, sir; how would you feel if one day you found out that you had given the prize to a man for something which he not only had not produced, but which he had even stolen?"

Rosa's speech seemed to have brought a certain conviction into the heart of Van Systens, and he was going to answer her in a gentler tone, when at once a great noise was heard in the street, and loud cheers shook the house.

"What is this?" cried the burgomaster; "what is this? Is it possible? have I heard aright?"

And he rushed towards his anteroom, without any longer heeding Rosa, whom he left in his cabinet.

Scarcely had he reached his anteroom when he cried out aloud on seeing his staircase invaded, up to the very landing-place, by the multitude, which was accompanying, or rather following, a young man, simply clad in a violet-coloured velvet, embroidered with silver; who, with a certain aristocratic slowness, ascended the white stone steps of the house.

In his wake followed two officers, one of the navy, and the other of the cavalry.

Van Systens, having found his way through the frightened domestics, began to bow, almost to prostrate himself before his visitor, who had been the cause of all this stir.

"Monseigneur," he called out, "Monseigneur! What distinguished honour is your Highness bestowing for ever on my humble house by your visit?"

"Dear Mynheer van Systens," said William of Orange, with a serenity which, with him, took the place of a smile, "I am a true Hollander, I am fond of the water, of beer, and of flowers, sometimes even of that cheese the flavour of which seems so grateful to the French; the flower which I prefer to all others is, of course, the tulip. I heard at Leyden that the city of Haarlem at last possessed the black tulip; and, after having satisfied myself of the truth of news which seemed so incredible, I have come to know all about it from the President of the Horticultural Societssy."

"Oh, Monseigneur, Monseigneur!" said Van Systens, "what glory to the societssy if its endeavours are pleasing to your Highness!"

"Have you got the flower here?" said the Prince, who, very likely, already regretted having made such a long speech.

"I am sorry to say we have not."

"And where is it?"

"With its owner."

"Who is he?"

"An honest tulip-grower of Dort."

"His name?"

"Boxtel."

"His quarters?"

"At the White Swan; I shall send for him, and if in the meanwhile your Highness will do me the honour of stepping into my drawing-room, he will be sure -- knowing that your Highness is here -- to lose no time in bringing his tulip."

"Very well, send for him."

"Yes, your Highness, but ----

"What is it?"

"Oh, nothing of any consequence, Monseigneur."

"Everything is of consequence, Mynheer van Systens."

"Well, then, Monseigneur, if it must be said, a little difficulty has presented itself."

"What difficulty?"

"This tulip has already been claimed by usurpers. It's true that it is worth a hundred thousand guilders."

"Indeed!"

"Yes, Monseigneur, by usurpers, by forgers."

"This is a crime, Mynheer van Systens."

"So it is, your Highness."

"And have you any proofs of their guilt? '

"No, Monseigneur, the guilty woman ---- "

"The guilty woman, Sir?"

"I ought to say, the woman who claims the tulip, Monseigneur, is here in the room close by."

"And what do you think of her?"

"I think, Monseigneur, that the bait of a hundred thousand guilders may have tempted her."

"And so she claims the tulip?"

"Yes Monseigneur."

"And what proof does she offer?"

"I was just going to question her when your Highness came in."

"Question her, Mynheer van Systens, question her. I am the first magistrate of the Country; I will hear the case and administer justice."

"I have found my King Solomon," said Van Systens, bowing, and showing the way to the Prince.

His Highness was just going to walk ahead, but, suddenly recollecting himself he said --

"Go before me, and call me plain Mynheer."

The two then entered the cabinet.

Rosa was still standing at the same place, leaning on the window, and looking through the panes into the garden.

"Ah! a Frisian girl," said the Prince, as he observed Rosa's gold brocade headdress and red petticoat.

At the noise of their footsteps she turned round, but scarcely saw the Prince, who seated himself in the darkest corner of the apartment.

All her attention, as may be easily imagined, was fixed on that important person who was called Van Systens, so that she had no time to notice the humble stranger who was following the master of the house, and who, for aught she knew, might be somebody or nobody.

The humble stranger took a book down from the shelf, and made Van Systens a sign to commence the examination forthwith.

Van Systens, likewise at the invitation of the young man in the violet coat, sat down in his turn, and, quite happy and proud of the importance thus cast upon him, began, --

"My child, you promise to tell me the truth and the entire truth concerning this tulip?"

"I promise."

"Well, then, speak before this gentleman; this gentleman is one of the members of the Horticultural Societssy."

"What am I to tell you, sir," said Rosa, "beside that which I have told you already."

"Well, then, what is it?"

"I repeat the question I have addressed to you before."

"Which?"

"That you will order Mynheer Boxtel to come here with his tulip. If I do not recognise it as mine I will frankly tell it; but if I do recognise it I will reclaim it, even if I go before his Highness the Stadtholder himself, with my proofs in my hands."

"You have, then, some proofs, my child?"

"God, who knows my good right, will assist me to some."

Van Systens exchanged a look with the Prince, who, since the first words of Rosa, seemed to try to remember her, as if it were not for the first time that this sweet voice rang in his ears.

An officer went off to fetch Boxtel, and Van Systens in the meanwhile continued his examination.

"And with what do you support your assertion that you are the real owner of the black tulip?"

"With the very simple fact of my having planted and grown it in my own chamber."

"In your chamber? Where was your chamber?"

"At Loewestein."

"You are from Loewestein?"

"I am the daughter of the jailer of the fortress."

The Prince made a little movement, as much as to say, "Well, that's it, I remember now."

And, all the while feigning to be engaged with his book, he watched Rosa with even more attention than he had before.

"And you are fond of flowers?" continued Mynheer van Systens.

"Yes, sir."

"Then you are an experienced florist, I dare say?"

Rosa hesitated a moment; then with a tone which came from the depth of her heart, she said, --

"Gentlemen, I am speaking to men of honor."

There was such an expression of truth in the tone of her voice, that Van Systens and the Prince answered simultaneously by an affirmative movement of their heads.

"Well, then, I am not an experienced florist; I am only a poor girl, one of the people, who, three months ago, knew neither how to read nor how to write. No, the black tulip has not been found by myself."

"But by whom else?"

"By a poor prisoner of Loewestein."

"By a prisoner of Loewestein?" repeated the Prince.

The tone of his voice startled Rosa, who was sure she had heard it before.

"By a prisoner of state, then," continued the Prince, "as there are none else there."

Having said this he began to read again, at least in appearance.

"Yes," said Rosa, with a faltering voice, "yes, by a prisoner of state."

Van Systens trembled as he heard such a confession made in the presence of such a witness.

"Continue," said William dryly, to the President of the Horticultural Societssy.

"Ah, sir," said Rosa, addressing the person whom she thought to be her real judge, "I am going to incriminate myself very seriously."

"Certainly," said Van Systens, "the prisoner of state ought to be kept in close confinement at Loewestein."

"Alas! sir."

"And from what you tell me you took advantage of your position, as daughter of the jailer, to communicate with a prisoner of state about the cultivation of flowers."

"So it is, sir," Rosa murmured in dismay; "yes, I am bound to confess, I saw him every day."

"Unfortunate girl!" exclaimed Van Systens.

The Prince, observing the fright of Rosa and the pallor of the President, raised his head, and said, in his clear and decided tone, --

"This cannot signify anything to the members of the Horticultural Societssy; they have to judge on the black tulip, and have no cognizance to take of political offences. Go on, young woman, go on."

Van Systens, by means of an eloquent glance, offered, in the name of the tulip, his thanks to the new member of the Horticultural Societssy.

Rosa, reassured by this sort of encouragement which the stranger was giving her, related all that had happened for the last three months, all that she had done, and all that she had suffered. She described the cruelty of Gryphus; the destruction of the first bulb; the grief of the prisoner; the precautions taken to insure the success of the second bulb; the patience of the prisoner and his anxietssy during their separation; how he was about to starve himself because he had no longer any news of his tulip; his joy when she went to see him again; and, lastly, their despair when they found that the tulip which had come into flower was stolen just one hour after it had opened.

All this was detailed with an accent of truth which, although producing no change in the impassible mien of the Prince, did not fail to take effect on Van Systens.

"But," said the Prince, "it cannot be long since you knew the prisoner."

Rosa opened her large eyes and looked at the stranger, who drew back into the dark corner, as if he wished to escape her observation.

"Why, sir?" she asked him.

"Because it is not yet four months since the jailer Gryphus and his daughter were removed to Loewestein."

"That is true, sir."

"Otherwise, you must have solicited the transfer of your father, in order to be able to follow some prisoner who may have been transported from the Hague to Loewestein."

"Sir," said Rosa, blushing.

"Finish what you have to say," said William.

"I confess I knew the prisoner at the Hague."

"Happy prisoner!" said William, smiling.

At this moment the officer who had been sent for Boxtel returned, and announced to the Prince that the person whom he had been to fetch was following on his heels with his tulip.

Chapter 27. The Third Bulb

Boxtel's return was scarcely announced, when he entered in person the drawing-room of Mynheer van Systens, followed by two men, who carried in a box their precious burden and deposited it on a table.

The Prince, on being informed, left the cabinet, passed into the drawing-room, admired the flower, and silently resumed his seat in the dark corner, where he had himself placed his chair.

Rosa, trembling, pale and terrified, expected to be invited in her turn to see the tulip.

She now heard the voice of Boxtel.

"It is he!" she exclaimed.

The Prince made her a sign to go and look through the open door into the drawing-room.

"It is my tulip," cried Rosa, "I recognise it. Oh, my poor Cornelius!"

And saying this she burst into tears.

The Prince rose from his seat, went to the door, where he stood for some time with the full light falling upon his figure.

As Rosa's eyes now rested upon him, she felt more than ever convinced that this was not the first time she had seen the stranger.

"Master Boxtel," said the Prince, "come in here, if you please."

Boxtel eagerly approached, and, finding himself face to face with William of Orange, started back.

"His Highness!" he called out.

"His Highness!" Rosa repeated in dismay.

Hearing this exclamation on his left, Boxtel turned round, and perceived Rosa.

At this sight the whole frame of the thief shook as if under the influence of a galvanic shock.

"Ah!" muttered the Prince to himself, "he is confused."

But Boxtel, making a violent effort to control his feelings, was already himself again.

"Master Boxtel," said William, "you seem to have discovered the secret of growing the black tulip?"

"Yes, your Highness," answered Boxtel, in a voice which still betrayed some confusion.

It is true his agitation might have been attributable to the emotion which the man must have felt on suddenly recognising the Prince.

"But," continued the Stadtholder , "here is a young damsel who also pretends to have found it."

Boxtel, with a disdainful smile, shrugged his shoulders.

William watched all his movements with evident interest and curiosity.

"Then you don't know this young girl?" said the Prince.

"No, your Highness!"

"And you, child, do you know Master Boxtel?"

"No, I don't know Master Boxtel, but I know Master Jacob."

"What do you mean?"

"I mean to say that at Loewestein the man who here calls himself Isaac Boxtel went by the name of Master Jacob."

"What do you say to that, Master Boxtel?"

"I say that this damsel lies, your Highness."

"You deny, therefore, having ever been at Loewestein?"

Boxtel hesitated; the fixed and searching glance of the proud eye of the Prince prevented him from lying.

"I cannot deny having been at Loewestein, your Highness, but I deny having stolen the tulip."

"You have stolen it, and that from my room," cried Rosa, with indignation.

"I deny it."

"Now listen to me. Do you deny having followed me into the garden, on the day when I prepared the border where I was to plant it? Do you deny having followed me into the garden when I pretended to plant it? Do you deny that, on that evening, you rushed after my departure to the spot where you hoped to find the bulb? Do you deny having dug in the ground with your hands -- but, thank God! in vain, as it was a stratagem to discover your intentions. Say, do you deny all this?"

Boxtel did not deem it fit to answer these several charges, but, turning to the Prince, continued, --

"I have now for twenty years grown tulips at Dort. I have even acquired some reputation in this art; one of my hybrids is entered in the catalogue under the name of an illustrious personage. I have dedicated it to the King of Portugal. The truth in the matter is as I shall now tell your Highness. This damsel knew that I had produced the black tulip, and, in concert with a lover of hers in the fortress of Loewestein, she formed the plan of ruining me by appropriating to herself the prize of a hundred thousand guilders, which, with the help of your Highness's justice, I hope to gain."

"Yah!" cried Rosa, beyond herself with anger.

"Silence!" said the Prince.

Then, turning to Boxtel, he said, --

"And who is that prisoner to whom you allude as the lover of this young woman?"

Rosa nearly swooned, for Cornelius was designated as a dangerous prisoner, and recommended by the Prince to the especial surveillance of the jailer.

Nothing could have been more agreeable to Boxtel than this question.

"This prisoner," he said, "is a man whose name in itself will prove to your Highness what trust you may place in his probity. He is a prisoner of state, who was once condemned to death."

"And his name?"

Rosa hid her face in her hands with a movement of despair.

"His name is Cornelius van Baerle," said Boxtel, "and he is godson of that villain Cornelius de Witt."

The Prince gave a start, his generally quietss eye flashed, and a death-like paleness spread over his impassible features.

He went up to Rosa, and with his finger, gave her a sign to remove her hands from her face.

Rosa obeyed, as if under mesmeric influence, without having seen the sign.

"It was, then to follow this man that you came to me at Leyden to solicit for the transfer of your father?"

Rosa hung down her head, and, nearly choking, said, --

"Yes, your Highness."

"Go on," said the Prince to Boxtel.

"I have nothing more to say," Isaac continued. "Your Highness knows all. But there is one thing which I did not intend to say, because I did not wish to make this girl blush for her ingratitude. I came to Loewestein because I had business there. On this occasion I made the acquaintance of old Gryphus, and, falling in love with his daughter, made an offer of marriage to her; and, not being rich, I committed the imprudence of mentioning to them my prospect of gaining a hundred thousand guilders, in proof of which I showed to them the black tulip. Her lover having himself made a show at Dort of cultivating tulips to hide his political intrigues, they now plotted together for my ruin. On the eve of the day when the flower was expected to open, the tulip was taken away by this young woman. She carried it to her room, from which I had the good luck to recover it at the very moment when she had the impudence to despatch a messenger to announce to the members of the Horticultural Societssy that she had produced the grand black tulip. But she did not stop there. There is no doubt that, during the few hours which she kept the flower in her room, she showed it to some persons whom she may now call as witnesses. But, fortunately, your Highness has now been warned against this impostor and her witnesses."

"Oh, my God, my God! what infamous falsehoods!" said Rosa, bursting into tears, and throwing herself at the feet of the Stadtholder , who, although thinking her guilty, felt pity for her dreadful agony.

"You have done very wrong, my child," he said, "and your lover shall be punished for having thus badly advised you. For you are so young, and have such an honest look, that I am inclined to believe the mischief to have been his doing, and not yours."

"Monseigneur! Monseigneur!" cried Rosa, "Cornelius is not guilty."

William started.

"Not guilty of having advised you? that's what you want to say, is it not?"

"What I wish to say, your Highness, is that Cornelius is as little guilty of the second crime imputed to him as he was of the first."

"Of the first? And do you know what was his first crime? Do you know of what he was accused and convicted? Of having, as an accomplice of Cornelius de Witt, concealed the correspondence of the Grand Pensionary and the Marquis de Louvois."

"Well, sir, he was ignorant of this correspondence being deposited with him; completely ignorant. I am as certain as of my life, that, if it were not so, he would have told me; for how could that pure mind have harboured a secret without revealing it to me? No, no, your Highness, I repeat it, and even at the risk of incurring your displeasure, Cornelius is no more guilty of the first crime than of the second; and of the second no more than of the first. Oh, would to Heaven that you knew my Cornelius; Monseigneur!"

"He is a De Witt!" cried Boxtel. "His Highness knows only too much of him, having once granted him his life."

"Silence!" said the Prince; "all these affairs of state, as I have already said, are completely out of the province of the Horticultural Societssy of Haarlem."

Then, knitting his brow, he added, --

"As to the tulip, make yourself easy, Master Boxtel, you shall have justice done to you."

Boxtel bowed with a heart full of joy, and received the congratulations of the President.

"You, my child," William of Orange continued, "you were going to commit a crime. I will not punish you; but the real evil-doer shall pay the penalty for both. A man of his name may be a conspirator, and even a traitor, but he ought not to be a thief."

"A thief!" cried Rosa. "Cornelius a thief? Pray, your Highness, do not say such a word, it would kill him, if he knew it. If theft there has been, I swear to you, Sir, no one else but this man has committed it."

"Prove it," Boxtel coolly remarked.

"I shall prove it. With God's help I shall."

Then, turning towards Boxtel, she asked, --

"The tulip is yours?"

"It is."

"How many bulbs were there of it?"

Boxtel hesitated for a moment, but after a short consideration he came to the conclusion that she would not ask this question if there were none besides the two bulbs of which he had known already. He therefore answered, --

"Three."

"What has become of these bulbs?"

"Oh! what has become of them? Well, one has failed; the second has produced the black tulip."

"And the third?

"The third!"

"The third, -- where is it?"

"I have it at home," said Boxtel, quite confused.

"At home? Where? At Loewestein, or at Dort?"

"At Dort," said Boxtel.

"You lie!" cried Rosa. "Monseigneur," she continued, whilst turning round to the Prince, "I will tell you the true story of these three bulbs. The first was crushed by my father in the prisoner's cell, and this man is quite aware of it, for he himself wanted to get hold of it, and, being balked in his hope, he very nearly fell out with my father, who had been the cause of his disappointment. The second bulb, planted by me, has produced the black tulip, and the third and last" -- saying this, she drew it from her bosom -- "here it is, in the very same paper in which it was wrapped up together with the two others. When about to be led to the scaffold, Cornelius van Baerle gave me all the three. Take it, Monseigneur, take it."

And Rosa, unfolding the paper, offered the bulb to the Prince, who took it from her hands and examined it.

"But, Monseigneur, this young woman may have stolen the bulb, as she did the tulip," Boxtel said, with a faltering voice, and evidently alarmed at the attention with which the Prince examined the bulb; and even more at the movements of Rosa, who was reading some lines written on the paper which remained in her hands.

Her eyes suddenly lighted up; she read, with breathless anxietssy, the mysterious paper over and over again; and at last, uttering a cry, held it out to the Prince and said, "Read, Monseigneur, for Heaven's sake, read!"

William handed the third bulb to Van Systens, took the paper, and read.

No sooner had he looked at it than he began to stagger; his hand trembled, and very nearly let the paper fall to the ground; and the expression of pain and compassion in his features was really frightful to see.

It was that fly-leaf, taken from the Bible, which Cornelius de Witt had sent to Dort by Craeke, the servant of his brother John, to request Van Baerle to burn the correspondence of the Grand Pensionary with the Marquis de Louvois.

This request, as the reader may remember, was couched in the following terms: --

"My Dear Godson, --

"Burn the parcel which I have intrusted to you. Burn it without looking at it, and without opening it, so that its contents may for ever remain unknown to yourself. Secrets of this description are death to those with whom they are deposited. Burn it, and you will have saved John and Cornelius de Witt.

"Farewell, and love me.

Cornelius de Witt.

"August 20, 1672."

This slip of paper offered the proofs both of Van Baerle's innocence and of his claim to the property of the tulip.

Rosa and the Stadtholder exchanged one look only.

That of Rosa was meant to express, "Here, you see yourself."

That of the Stadtholder signified, "Be quietss, and wait."

The Prince wiped the cold sweat from his forehead, and slowly folded up the paper, whilst his thoughts were wandering in that labyrinth without a goal and without a guide, which is called remorse and shame for the past.

Soon, however, raising his head with an effort, he said, in his usual voice, --

"Go, Mr. Boxtel; justice shall be done, I promise you."

Then, turning to the President, he added, --

"You, my dear Mynheer van Systens, take charge of this young woman and of the tulip. Good-bye."

All bowed, and the Prince left, among the deafening cheers of the crowd outside.

Boxtel returned to his inn, rather puzzled and uneasy, tormented by misgivings about that paper which William had received from the hand of Rosa, and which his Highness had read, folded up, and so carefully put in his pocket. What was the meaning of all this?

Rosa went up to the tulip, tenderly kissed its leaves and, with a heart full of happiness and confidence in the ways of God, broke out in the words, --

"Thou knowest best for what end Thou madest my good Cornelius teach me to read."

Chapter 28. The Hymn of the Flowers

Whilst the events we have described in our last chapter were taking place, the unfortunate Van Baerle, forgotten in his cell in the fortress of Loewestein, suffered at the hands of Gryphus all that a prisoner can suffer when his jailer has formed the determination of playing the part of hangman.

Gryphus, not having received any tidings of Rosa or of Jacob, persuaded himself that all that had happened was the devil's work, and that Dr. Cornelius van Baerle had been sent on earth by Satan.

The result of it was, that, one fine morning, the third after the disappearance of Jacob and Rosa, he went up to the cell of Cornelius in even a greater rage than usual.

The latter, leaning with his elbows on the window-sill and supporting his head with his two hands, whilst his eyes wandered over the distant hazy horizon where the windmills of Dort were turning their sails, was breathing the fresh air, in order to be able to keep down his tears and to fortify himself in his philosophy.

The pigeons were still there, but hope was not there; there was no future to look forward to.

Alas! Rosa, being watched, was no longer able to come. Could she not write? and if so, could she convey her letters to him?

No, no. He had seen during the two preceding days too much fury and malignity in the eyes of old Gryphus to expect that his vigilance would relax, even for one moment. Moreover, had not she to suffer even worse torments than those of seclusion and separation? Did this brutal, blaspheming, drunken bully take revenge on his daughter, like the ruthless fathers of the Greek drama? And when the Genievre had heated his brain, would it not give to his arm, which had been only too well set by Cornelius, even double force?

The idea that Rosa might perhaps be ill-treated nearly drove Cornelius mad.

He then felt his own powerlessness. He asked himself whether God was just in inflicting so much tribulation on two innocent creatures. And certainly in these moments he began to doubt the wisdom of Providence. It is one of the curses of misfortune that it thus begets doubt.

Van Baerle had proposed to write to Rosa, but where was she?

He also would have wished to write to the Hague to be beforehand with Gryphus, who, he had no doubt, would by denouncing him do his best to bring new storms on his head.

But how should he write? Gryphus had taken the paper and pencil from him, and even if he had both, he could hardly expect Gryphus to despatch his letter.

Then Cornelius revolved in his mind all those stratagems resorted to by unfortunate prisoners.

He had thought of an attempt to escape, a thing which never entered his head whilst he could see Rosa every day; but the more he thought of it, the more clearly he saw the impracticability of such an attempt. He was one of those choice spirits who abhor everything that is common, and who often lose a good chance through not taking the way of the vulgar, that high road of mediocrity which leads to everything.

"How is it possible," said Cornelius to himself, "that I should escape from Loewestein, as Grotius has done the same thing before me? Has not every precaution been taken since? Are not the windows barred? Are not the doors of double and even of treble strength, and the sentinels ten times more watchful? And have not I, besides all this, an Argus so much the more dangerous as he has the keen eyes of hatred? Finally, is there not one fact which takes away all my spirit, I mean Rosa's absence? But suppose I should waste ten years of my life in making a file to file off my bars, or in braiding cords to let myself down from the window, or in sticking wings on my shoulders to fly, like Daedalus? But luck is against me now. The file would get dull, the rope would break, or my wings would melt in the sun; I should surely kill myself, I should be picked up maimed and crippled; I should be labelled, and put on exhibition in the museum at the Hague between the blood-stained doublet of William the Taciturn and the female walrus captured at Stavesen, and the only result of my enterprise will have been to procure me a place among the curiosities of Holland.

"But no; and it is much better so. Some fine day Gryphus will commit some atrocity. I am losing my patience, since I have lost the joy and company of Rosa, and especially since I have lost my tulip. Undoubtedly, some day or other Gryphus will attack me in a manner painful to my self-respect, or to my love, or even threaten my personal safety. I don't know how it is, but since my imprisonment I feel a strange and almost irresistible pugnacity. Well, I shall get at the throat of that old villain, and strangle him."

Cornelius at these words stopped for a moment, biting his lips and staring out before him; then, eagerly returning to an idea which seemed to possess a strange fascination for him, he continued, --

"Well, and once having strangled him, why should I not take his keys from him, why not go down the stairs as if I had done the most virtuous action, why not go and fetch Rosa from her room, why not tell her all, and jump from her window into the Waal? I am expert enough as a swimmer to save both of us. Rosa, -- but, oh Heaven, Gryphus is her father! Whatever may be her affection for me, she will never approve of my having strangled her father, brutal and malicious as he has been.

"I shall have to enter into an argument with her; and in the midst of my speech some wretched turnkey who has found Gryphus with the death-rattle in his throat, or perhaps actually dead, will come along and put his hand on my shoulder. Then I shall see the Buytenhof again, and the gleam of that infernal sword, -- which will not stop half-way a second time, but will make acquaintance with the nape of my neck.

"It will not do, Cornelius, my fine fellow, -- it is a bad plan. But, then, what is to become of me, and how shall I find Rosa again?"

Such were the cogitations of Cornelius three days after the sad scene of separation from Rosa, at the moment when we find him standing at the window.

And at that very moment Gryphus entered.

He held in his hand a huge stick, his eyes glistening with spiteful thoughts, a malignant smile played round his lips, and the whole of his carriage, and even all his movements, betokened bad and malicious intentions.

Cornelius heard him enter, and guessed that it was he, but did not turn round, as he knew well that Rosa was not coming after him.

There is nothing more galling to angry people than the coolness of those on whom they wish to vent their spleen.

The expense being once incurred, one does not like to lose it; one's passion is roused, and one's blood boiling, so it would be labour lost not to have at least a nice little row.

Gryphus, therefore, on seeing that Cornelius did not stir, tried to attract his attention by a loud --

"Umph, umph!"

Cornelius was humming between his teeth the "Hymn of Flowers," -- a sad but very charming song, --

"We are the daughters of the secret fire Of the fire which runs through the veins of the earth; We are the daughters of Aurora and of the dew; We are the daughters of the air; We are the daughters of the water; But we are, above all, the daughters of heaven."

This song, the placid melancholy of which was still heightened by its calm and sweet melody, exasperated Gryphus.

He struck his stick on the stone pavement of the cell, and called out, --

"Halloa! my warbling gentleman, don't you hear me?"

Cornelius turned round, merely saying, "Good morning," and then began his song again: --

"Men defile us and kill us while loving us, We hang to the earth by a thread; This thread is our root, that is to say, our life, But we raise on high our arms towards heaven."

"Ah, you accursed sorcerer! you are making game of me, I believe," roared Gryphus.

Cornelius continued: --

"For heaven is our home, Our true home, as from thence comes our soul, As thither our soul returns, -- Our soul, that is to say, our perfume."

Gryphus went up to the prisoner and said, --

"But you don't see that I have taken means to get you under, and to force you to confess your crimes."

"Are you mad, my dear Master Gryphus?" asked Cornelius.

And, as he now for the first time observed the frenzied features, the flashing eyes, and foaming mouth of the old jailer, he said, --

"Bless the man, he is more than mad, he is furious."

Gryphus flourished his stick above his head, but Van Baerle moved not, and remained standing with his arms akimbo.

"It seems your intention to threaten me, Master Gryphus."

"Yes, indeed, I threaten you," cried the jailer.

"And with what?"

"First of all, look at what I have in my hand."

"I think that's a stick," said Cornelius calmly, "but I don't suppose you will threaten me with that."

"Oh, you don't suppose! why not?"

"Because any jailer who strikes a prisoner is liable to two penalties, -- the first laid down in Article 9 of the regulations at Loewestein: --

"'Any jailer, inspector, or turnkey who lays hands upon any prisoner of State will be dismissed.'"

"Yes, who lays hands," said Gryphus, mad with rage, "but there is not a word about a stick in the regulation."

"And the second," continued Cornelius, "which is not written in the regulation, but which is to be found elsewhere: --

"'Whosoever takes up the stick will be thrashed by the stick.'"

Gryphus, growing more and more exasperated by the calm and sententious tone of Cornelius, brandished his cudgel, but at the moment when he raised it Cornelius rushed at him, snatched it from his hands, and put it under his own arm.

Gryphus fairly bellowed with rage.

"Hush, hush, my good man," said Cornelius, "don't do anything to lose your place."

"Ah, you sorcerer! I'll pinch you worse," roared Gryphus.

"I wish you may."

"Don't you see my hand is empty?"

"Yes, I see it, and I am glad of it."

"You know that it is not generally so when I come upstairs in the morning."

"It's true, you generally bring me the worst soup, and the most miserable rations one can imagine. But that's not a punishment to me; I eat only bread, and the worse the bread is to your taste, the better it is to mine."

"How so?"

"Oh, it's a very simple thing."

"Well, tell it me," said Gryphus.

"Very willingly. I know that in giving me bad bread you think you do me harm."

"Certainly; I don't give it you to please you, you brigand."

"Well, then, I, who am a sorcerer, as you know, change your bad into excellent bread, which I relish more than the best cake; and then I have the double pleasure of eating something that gratifies my palate, and of doing something that puts you in a rage.

Gryphus answered with a growl.

"Oh! you confess, then, that you are a sorcerer."

"Indeed, I am one. I don't say it before all the world, because they might burn me for it, but as we are alone, I don't mind telling you."

"Well, well, well," answered Gryphus. "But if a sorcerer can change black bread into white, won't he die of hunger if he has no bread at all?"

"What's that?" said Cornelius.

"Consequently, I shall not bring you any bread at all, and we shall see how it will be after eight days."

Cornelius grew pale.

"And," continued Gryphus, "we'll begin this very day. As you are such a clever sorcerer, why, you had better change the furniture of your room into bread; as to myself, I shall pocket the eighteen sous which are paid to me for your board."

"But that's murder," cried Cornelius, carried away by the first impulse of the very natural terror with which this horrible mode of death inspired him.

"Well," Gryphus went on, in his jeering way, "as you are a sorcerer, you will live, notwithstanding."

Cornelius put on a smiling face again, and said, --

"Have you not seen me make the pigeons come here from Dort?"

"Well?" said Gryphus.

"Well, a pigeon is a very dainty morsel, and a man who eats one every day would not starve, I think."

"And how about the fire?" said Gryphus.

"Fire! but you know that I'm in league with the devil. Do you think the devil will leave me without fire? Why, fire is his proper element."

"A man, however healthy his appetite may be, would not eat a pigeon every day. Wagers have been laid to do so, and those who made them gave them up."

"Well, but when I am tired of pigeons, I shall make the fish of the Waal and of the Meuse come up to me."

Gryphus opened his large eyes, quite bewildered.

"I am rather fond of fish," continued Cornelius; "you never let me have any. Well, I shall turn your starving me to advantage, and regale myself with fish."

Gryphus nearly fainted with anger and with fright, but he soon rallied, and said, putting his hand in his pocket, --

"Well, as you force me to it," and with these words he drew forth a clasp-knife and opened it.

"Halloa! a knife?" said Cornelius, preparing to defend himself with his stick.

Chapter 29. In which Van Baerle, before leaving Loewestein, settles accounts with Gryphus

The two remained silent for some minutes, Gryphus on the offensive, and Van Baerle on the defensive.

Then, as the situation might be prolonged to an indefinite length, Cornelius, anxious to know something more of the causes which had so fiercely exasperated his jailer, spoke first by putting the question, --

"Well, what do you want, after all?"

"I'll tell you what I want," answered Gryphus; "I want you to restore to me my daughter Rosa."

"Your daughter?" cried Van Baerle.

"Yes, my daughter Rosa, whom you have taken from me by your devilish magic. Now, will you tell me where she is?"

And the attitude of Gryphus became more and more threatening.

"Rosa is not at Loewestein?" cried Cornelius.

"You know well she is not. Once more, will you restore her to me?"

"I see," said Cornelius, "this is a trap you are laying for me."

"Now, for the last time, will you tell me where my daughter is?"

"Guess it, you rogue, if you don't know it."

"Only wait, only wait," growled Gryphus, white with rage, and with quivering lips, as his brain began to turn. "Ah, you will not tell me anything? Well, I'll unlock your teeth!"

He advanced a step towards Cornelius, and said, showing him the weapon which he held in his hands, --

"Do you see this knife? Well, I have killed more than fifty black cocks with it, and I vow I'll kill their master, the devil, as well as them."

"But, you blockhead," said Cornelius, "will you really kill me?"

"I shall open your heart to see in it the place where you hide my daughter."

Saying this, Gryphus in his frenzy rushed towards Cornelius, who had barely time to retreat behind his table to avoid the first thrust; but as Gryphus continued, with horrid threats, to brandish his huge knife, and as, although out of the reach of his weapon, yet, as long as it remained in the madman's hand, the ruffian might fling it at him, Cornelius lost no time, and availing himself of the stick, which he held tight under his arm, dealt the jailer a vigorous blow on the wrist of that hand which held the knife.

The knife fell to the ground, and Cornelius put his foot on it.

Then, as Gryphus seemed bent upon engaging in a struggle which the pain in his wrist, and shame for having allowed himself to be disarmed, would have made desperate, Cornelius took a decisive step, belaboring his jailer with the most heroic self-possession, and selecting the exact spot for every blow of the terrible cudgel.

It was not long before Gryphus begged for mercy. But before begging for mercy, he had lustily roared for help, and his cries had roused all the functionaries of the prison. Two turnkeys, an inspector, and three or four guards, made their appearance all at once, and found Cornelius still using the stick, with the knife under his foot.

At the sight of these witnesses, who could not know all the circumstances which had provoked and might justify his offence, Cornelius felt that he was irretrievably lost.

In fact, appearances were sadly against him.

In one moment Cornelius was disarmed, and Gryphus raised and supported; and, bellowing with rage and pain, he was able to Count on his back and shoulders the bruises which were beginning to swell like the hills dotting the slopes of a mountain ridge.

A protocol of the violence practiced by the prisoner against his jailer was immediately drawn up, and as it was made on the depositions of Gryphus, it certainly could not be said to be too tame; the prisoner being charged with neither more nor less than with an attempt to murder, for a long time premeditated, with open rebellion.

Whilst the charge was made out against Cornelius, Gryphus, whose presence was no longer necessary after having made his depositions, was taken down by his turnkeys to his lodge, groaning and covered with bruises.

During this time, the guards who had seized Cornelius busied themselves in charitably informing their prisoner of the usages and customs of Loewestein, which however he knew as well as they did. The regulations had been read to him at the moment of his entering the prison, and certain articles in them remained fixed in his memory.

Among other things they told him that this regulation had been carried out to its full extent in the case of a prisoner named Mathias, who in 1668, that is to say, five years before, had committed a much less violent act of rebellion than that of which Cornelius was guilty. He had found his soup too hot, and thrown it at the head of the chief turnkey, who in consequence of this ablution had been put to the inconvenience of having his skin come off as he wiped his face.

Mathias was taken within twelve hours from his cell, then led to the jailer's lodge, where he was registered as leaving Loewestein, then taken to the Esplanade, from which there is a very fine prospect over a wide expanse of Country. There they fettered his hands, bandaged his eyes, and let him say his prayers.

Hereupon he was invited to go down on his knees, and the guards of Loewestein, twelve in number, at a sign from a sergeant, very cleverly lodged a musket-ball each in his body.

In consequence of this proceeding, Mathias incontinently did then and there die.

Cornelius listened with the greatest attention to this delightful recital, and then said, --

"Ah! ah! within twelve hours, you say?"

"Yes, the twelfth hour had not even struck, if I remember right," said the guard who had told him the story.

"Thank you," said Cornelius.

The guard still had the smile on his face with which he accompanied and as it were accentuated his tale, when footsteps and a jingling of spurs were heard ascending the stair-case.

The guards fell back to allow an officer to pass, who entered the cell of Cornelius at the moment when the clerk of Loewestein was still making out his report.

"Is this No. 11?" he asked.

"Yes, Captain," answered a non-commissioned officer.

"Then this is the cell of the prisoner Cornelius van Baerle?"

"Exactly, Captain."

"Where is the prisoner?"

"Here I am, sir," answered Cornelius, growing rather pale, notwithstanding all his courage.

"You are Dr. Cornelius van Baerle?" asked he, this time addressing the prisoner himself.

"Yes, sir."

"Then follow me."

"Oh! oh!" said Cornelius, whose heart felt oppressed by the first dread of death. "What quick work they make here in the fortress of Loewestein. And the rascal talked to me of twelve hours!"

"Ah! what did I tell you?" whispered the communicative guard in the ear of the culprit.

"A lie."

"How so?"

"You promised me twelve hours."

"Ah, yes, but here comes to you an aide-de-camp of his Highness, even one of his most intimate companions Van Deken. Zounds! they did not grant such an honour to poor Mathias."

"Come, come!" said Cornelius, drawing a long breath. "Come, I'll show to these people that an honest burgher, godson of Cornelius de Witt, can without flinching receive as many musket-balls as that Mathias."

Saying this, he passed proudly before the clerk, who, being interrupted in his work, ventured to say to the officer, --

"But, Captain van Deken, the protocol is not yet finished."

"It is not worth while finishing it," answered the officer.

"All right," replied the clerk, philosophically putting up his paper and pen into a greasy and well-worn writing-case.

"It was written," thought poor Cornelius, "that I should not in this world give my name either to a child to a flower, or to a book, -- the three things by which a man's memory is perpetuated."

Repressing his melancholy thoughts, he followed the officer with a resolute heart, and carrying his head erect.

Cornelius Counted the steps which led to the Esplanade, regretting that he had not asked the guard how many there were of them, which the man, in his official complaisance, would not have failed to tell him.

What the poor prisoner was most afraid of during this walk, which he considered as leading him to the end of the journey of life, was to see Gryphus and not to see Rosa. What savage satisfaction would glisten in the eyes of the father, and what sorrow dim those of the daughter!

How Gryphus would glory in his punishment! Punishment? Rather savage vengeance for an eminently righteous deed, which Cornelius had the satisfaction of having performed as a bounden duty.

But Rosa, poor girl! must he die without a glimpse of her, without an opportunity to give her one last kiss, or even to say one last word of farewell?

And, worst of all, must he die without any intelligence of the black tulip, and regain his consciousness in heaven with no idea in what direction he should look to find it?

In truth, to restrain his tears at such a crisis the poor wretch's heart must have been encased in more of the aes triplex -- "the triple brass" -- than Horace bestows upon the sailor who first visited the terrifying Acroceraunian shoals.

In vain did Cornelius look to the right and to the left; he saw no sign either of Rosa or Gryphus.

On reaching the Esplanade, he bravely looked about for the guards who were to be his executioners, and in reality saw a dozen soldiers assembled. But they were not standing in line, or carrying muskets, but talking together so gayly that Cornelius felt almost shocked.

All at once, Gryphus, limping, staggering, and supporting himself on a crooked stick, came forth from the jailer's lodge; his old eyes, gray as those of a cat, were lit up by a gleam in which all his hatred was concentrated. He then began to pour forth such a torrent of disgusting imprecations against Cornelius, that the latter, addressing the officer, said, --

"I do not think it very becoming sir, that I should be thus insulted by this man, especially at a moment like this."

"Well! hear me," said the officer, laughing, "it is quite natural that this worthy fellow should bear you a grudge, -- you seem to have given it him very soundly."

"But, sir, it was only in self-defence."

"Never mind," said the Captain, shrugging his shoulders like a true philosopher, "let him talk; what does it matter to you now?"

The cold sweat stood on the brow of Cornelius at this answer, which he looked upon somewhat in the light of brutal irony, especially as coming from an officer of whom he had heard it said that he was attached to the person of the Prince.

The unfortunate tulip-fancier then felt that he had no more resources, and no more friends, and resigned himself to his fate.

"God's will be done," he muttered, bowing his head; then, turning towards the officer, who seemed complacently to wait until he had finished his meditations he asked, --

"Please, sir, tell me now, where am I to go?"

The officer pointed to a carriage, drawn by four horses, which reminded him very strongly of that which, under similar circumstances, had before attracted his attention at Buytenhof.

"Enter," said the officer.

"Ah!" muttered Cornelius to himself, "it seems they are not going to treat me to the honours of the Esplanade."

He uttered these words loud enough for the chatty guard, who was at his heels, to overhear him.

That kind soul very likely thought it his duty to give Cornelius some new information; for, approaching the door of the carriage, whilst the officer, with one foot on the step, was still giving some orders, he whispered to Van Baerle, --

"Condemned prisoners have sometimes been taken to their own town to be made an example of, and have then been executed before the door of their own house. It's all according to circumstances."

Cornelius thanked him by signs, and then said to himself, --

"Well, here is a fellow who never misses giving consolation whenever an opportunity presents itself. In truth, my friend, I'm very much obliged to you. Goodbye."

The carriage drove away.

"Ah! you villain, you brigand," roared Gryphus, clinching his fists at the victim who was escaping from his clutches, "is it not a shame that this fellow gets off without having restored my daughter to me?"

"If they take me to Dort," thought Cornelius, "I shall see, in passing my house, whether my poor borders have been much spoiled."

Chapter 30. Wherein the Reader begins to guess the Kind of Execution that was awaiting Van Baerle

The carriage rolled on during the whole day; it passed on the right of Dort, went through Rotterdam, and reached Delft. At five o'clock in the evening, at least twenty leagues had been travelled.

Cornelius addressed some questions to the officer, who was at the same time his guard and his companion; but, cautious as were his inquiries, he had the disappointment of receiving no answer.

Cornelius regretted that he had no longer by his side the chatty soldier, who would talk without being questioned.

That obliging person would undoubtedly have given him as pleasant details and exact explanations concerning this third strange part of his adventures as he had done concerning the first two.

The travellers passed the night in the carriage. On the following morning at dawn Cornelius found himself beyond Leyden, having the North Sea on his left, and the Zuyder Zee on his right.

Three hours after, he entered Haarlem.

Cornelius was not aware of what had passed at Haarlem, and we shall leave him in ignorance of it until the course of events enlightens him.

But the reader has a right to know all about it even before our hero, and therefore we shall not make him wait.

We have seen that Rosa and the tulip, like two orphan sisters, had been left by Prince William of Orange at the house of the President van Systens.

Rosa did not hear again from the Stadtholder until the evening of that day on which she had seen him face to face.

Toward evening, an officer called at Van Systen's house. He came from his Highness, with a request for Rosa to appear at the Town Hall.

There, in the large Council Room into which she was ushered, she found the Prince writing.

He was alone, with a large Frisian greyhound at his feet, which looked at him with a steady glance, as if the faithful animal were wishing to do what no man could do, -- read the thoughts of his master in his face.

William continued his writing for a moment; then, raising his eyes, and seeing Rosa standing near the door, he said, without laying down his pen, --

"Come here, my child."

Rosa advanced a few steps towards the table.

"Sit down," he said.

Rosa obeyed, for the Prince was fixing his eyes upon her, but he had scarcely turned them again to his paper when she bashfully retired to the door.

The Prince finished his letter.

During this time, the greyhound went up to Rosa, surveyed her and began to caress her.

"Ah, ah!" said William to his dog, "it's easy to see that she is a Countrywoman of yours, and that you recognise her."

Then, turning towards Rosa, and fixing on her his scrutinising, and at the same time impenetrable glance, he said, --

"Now, my child."

The Prince was scarcely twenty-three, and Rosa eighteen or twenty. He might therefore perhaps better have said, My sister.

"My child," he said, with that strangely commanding accent which chilled all those who approached him, "we are alone; let us speak together."

Rosa began to tremble, and yet there was nothing but kindness in the expression of the Prince's face.

"Monseigneur," she stammered.

"You have a father at Loewestein?"

"Yes, your Highness."

"You do not love him?"

"I do not; at least, not as a daughter ought to do, Monseigneur."

"It is not right not to love one's father, but it is right not to tell a falsehood."

Rosa cast her eyes to the ground.

"What is the reason of your not loving your father?"

"He is wicked."

"In what way does he show his wickedness?"

"He ill-treats the prisoners."

"All of them?"

"All."

"But don't you bear him a grudge for ill-treating some one in particular?"

"My father ill-treats in particular Mynheer van Baerle, who ---- "

"Who is your lover?"

Rosa started back a step.

"Whom I love, Monseigneur," she answered proudly.

"Since when?" asked the Prince.

"Since the day when I first saw him."

"And when was that?"

"The day after that on which the Grand Pensionary John and his brother Cornelius met with such an awful death."

The Prince compressed his lips, and knit his brow and his eyelids dropped so as to hide his eyes for an instant. After a momentary silence, he resumed the conversation.

"But to what can it lead to love a man who is doomed to live and die in prison?"

"It will lead, if he lives and dies in prison, to my aiding him in life and in death."

"And would you accept the lot of being the wife of a prisoner?"

"As the wife of Mynheer van Baerle, I should, under any circumstances, be the proudest and happiest woman in the world; but ---- "

"But what?"

"I dare not say, Monseigneur."

"There is something like hope in your tone; what do you hope?"

She raised her moist and beautiful eyes, and looked at William with a glance full of meaning, which was calculated to stir up in the recesses of his heart the clemency which was slumbering there.

"Ah, I understand you," he said.

Rosa, with a smile, clasped her hands.

"You hope in me?" said the Prince.

"Yes, Monseigneur."

"Umph!"

The Prince sealed the letter which he had just written, and summoned one of his officers, to whom he said, --

"Captain van Deken, carry this despatch to Loewestein; you will read the orders which I give to the Governor, and execute them as far as they regard you."

The officer bowed, and a few minutes afterwards the gallop of a horse was heard resounding in the vaulted archway.

"My child," continued the Prince, "the feast of the tulip will be on Sunday next, that is to say, the day after to-morrow. Make yourself smart with these five hundred guilders, as I wish that day to be a great day for you."

"How does your Highness wish me to be dressed?" faltered Rosa.

"Take the costume of a Frisian bride." said William; "it will suit you very well indeed."

 Chapter 31. Haarlem

Haarlem, whither, three days ago, we conducted our gentle reader, and whither we request him to follow us once more in the footsteps of the prisoner, is a pleasant city, which justly prides itself on being one of the most shady in all the Netherlands.

While other towns boast of the magnificence of their arsenals and dock-yards, and the splendour of their shops and markets, Haarlem's claims to fame rest upon her superiority to all other provincial cities in the number and beauty of her spreading elms, graceful poplars, and, more than all, upon her pleasant walks, shaded by the lovely arches of magnificent oaks, lindens, and chestnuts.

Haarlem, -- just as her neighbour, Leyden, became the centre of science, and her queen, Amsterdam, that of commerce, -- Haarlem preferred to be the agricultural, or, more strictly speaking, the horticultural metropolis.

In fact, girt about as she was, breezy and exposed to the sun's hot rays, she seemed to offer to gardeners so many more guarantees of success than other places, with their heavy sea air, and their scorching heat.

On this account all the serene souls who loved the earth and its fruits had gradually gathered together at Haarlem, just as all the nervous, uneasy spirits, whose ambition was for travel and commerce, had settled in Rotterdam and Amsterdam, and all the politicians and selfish worldlings at the Hague.

We have observed that Leyden overflowed with scholars. In like manner Haarlem was devoted to the gentle pursuits of peace, -- to music and painting, orchards and avenues, groves and parks. Haarlem went wild about flowers, and tulips received their full share of worship.

Haarlem offered prizes for tulip-growing; and this fact brings us in the most natural manner to that celebration which the city intended to hold on May 15th, 1673 in honour of the great black tulip, immaculate and perfect, which should gain for its discoverer one hundred thousand guilders!

Haarlem, having placed on exhibition its favourite, having advertised its love of flowers in general and of tulips in particular, at a period when the souls of men were filled with war and sedition, -- Haarlem, having enjoyed the exquisite pleasure of admiring the very purest ideal of tulips in full bloom, -- Haarlem, this tiny town, full of trees and of sunshine, of light and shade, had determined that the ceremony of bestowing the prize should be a fete which should live for ever in the memory of men.

So much the more reason was there, too, in her determination, in that Holland is the home of fetes; never did sluggish natures manifest more eager energy of the singing and dancing sort than those of the good republicans of the Seven Provinces when amusement was the order of the day.

Study the pictures of the two Teniers.

It is certain that sluggish folk are of all men the most earnest in tiring themselves, not when they are at work, but at play.

Thus Haarlem was thrice given over to rejoicing, for a three-fold celebration was to take place.

In the first place, the black tulip had been produced; secondly, the Prince William of Orange, as a true Hollander, had promised to be present at the ceremony of its inauguration; and, thirdly, it was a point of honour with the States to show to the French, at the conclusion of such a disastrous war as that of 1672, that the flooring of the Batavian Republic was solid enough for its people to dance on it, with the accompaniment of the cannon of their fleets.

The Horticultural Societssy of Haarlem had shown itself worthy of its fame by giving a hundred thousand guilders for the bulb of a tulip. The town, which did not wish to be outdone, voted a like sum, which was placed in the hands of that notable body to solemnise the auspicious event.

And indeed on the Sunday fixed for this ceremony there was such a stir among the people, and such an enthusiasm among the townsfolk, that even a Frenchman, who laughs at everything at all times, could not have helped admiring the character of those honest Hollanders, who were equally ready to spend their money for the construction of a man-of-war -- that is to say, for the support of national honour -- as they were to reward the growth of a new flower, destined to bloom for one day, and to serve during that day to divert the ladies, the learned, and the curious.

At the head of the notables and of the Horticultural Committee shone Mynheer van Systens, dressed in his richest habiliments.

The worthy man had done his best to imitate his favourite flower in the sombre and stern elegance of his garments; and we are bound to record, to his honour, that he had perfectly succeeded in his object.

Dark crimson velvet, dark purple silk, and jet-black cloth, with linen of dazzling whiteness, composed the festive dress of the President, who marched at the head of his Committee carrying an enormous nosegay, like that which a hundred and twenty-one years later, Monsieur de Robespierre displayed at the festival of "The Supreme Being."

There was, however, a little difference between the two; very different from the French tribune, whose heart was so full of hatred and ambitious vindictiveness, was the honest President, who carried in his bosom a heart as innocent as the flowers which he held in his hand.

Behind the Committee, who were as gay as a meadow, and as fragrant as a garden in spring, marched the learned societssies of the town, the magistrates, the military, the nobles and the boors.

The people, even among the respected republicans of the Seven Provinces, had no place assigned to them in the procession; they merely lined the streets.

This is the place for the multitude, which with true philosophic spirit, waits until the triumphal pageants have passed, to know what to say of them, and sometimes also to know what to do.

This time, however, there was no question either of the triumph of Pompey or of Caesar; neither of the defeat of Mithridates, nor of the conquest of Gaul. The procession was as placid as the passing of a flock of lambs, and as inoffensive as a flight of birds sweeping through the air.

Haarlem had no other triumphers, except its gardeners. Worshipping flowers, Haarlem idolised the florist.

In the centre of this pacific and fragrant cortege the black tulip was seen, carried on a litter, which was covered with white velvet and fringed with gold.

The handles of the litter were supported by four men, who were from time to time relieved by fresh relays, -- even as the bearers of Mother Cybele used to take turn and turn about at Rome in the ancient days, when she was brought from Etruria to the Eternal City, amid the blare of trumpets and the worship of a whole nation.

This public exhibition of the tulip was an act of adoration rendered by an entire nation, unlettered and unrefined, to the refinement and culture of its illustrious and devout leaders, whose blood had stained the foul pavement of the Buytenhof, reserving the right at a future day to inscribe the names of its victims upon the highest stone of the Dutch Pantheon.

It was arranged that the Prince Stadtholder himself should give the prize of a hundred thousand guilders, which interested the people at large, and it was thought that perhaps he would make a speech which interested more particularly his friends and enemies.

For in the most insignificant words of men of political importance their friends and their opponents always endeavour to detect, and hence think they can interpret, something of their true thoughts.

As if your true politician's hat were not a bushel under which he always hides his light!

At length the great and long-expected day -- May 15, 1673 -- arrived; and all Haarlem, swelled by her neighbours, was gathered in the beautiful tree-lined streets, determined on this occasion not to waste its applause upon military heroes, or those who had won notable victories in the field of science, but to reserve their applause for those who had overcome Nature, and had forced the inexhaustible mother to be delivered of what had theretofore been regarded as impossible, -- a completely black tulip.

Nothing however, is more fickle than such a resolution of the people. When a crowd is once in the humour to cheer, it is just the same as when it begins to hiss. It never knows when to stop.

It therefore, in the first place, cheered Van Systens and his nosegay, then the corporation, then followed a cheer for the people; and, at last, and for once with great justice, there was one for the excellent music with which the gentlemen of the town councils generously treated the assemblage at every halt.

Every eye was looking eagerly for the heroine of the festival, -- that is to say, the black tulip, -- and for its hero in the person of the one who had grown it.

In case this hero should make his appearance after the address we have seen worthy Van Systens at work on so conscientiously, he would not fail to make as much of a sensation as the Stadtholder himself.

But the interest of the day's proceedings for us is centred neither in the learned discourse of our friend Van Systens, however eloquent it might be, nor in the young dandies, resplendent in their Sunday clothes, and munching their heavy cakes; nor in the poor young peasants, gnawing smoked eels as if they were sticks of vanilla sweetmeat; neither is our interest in the lovely Dutch girls, with red cheeks and ivory bosoms; nor in the fat, round mynheers, who had never left their homes before; nor in the sallow, thin travellers from Ceylon or Java; nor in the thirsty crowds, who quenched their thirst with pickled cucumbers; -- no, so far as we are concerned, the real interest of the situation, the fascinating, dramatic interest, is not to be found here.

Our interest is in a smiling, sparkling face to be seen amid the members of the Horticultural Committee; in the person with a flower in his belt, combed and brushed, and all clad in scarlet, -- a colour which makes his black hair and yellow skin stand out in violent contrast.

This hero, radiant with rapturous joy, who had the distinguished honour of making the people forget the speech of Van Systens, and even the presence of the Stadtholder , was Isaac Boxtel, who saw, carried on his right before him, the black tulip, his pretended daughter; and on his left, in a large purse, the hundred thousand guilders in glittering gold pieces, towards which he was constantly squinting, fearful of losing sight of them for one moment.

Now and then Boxtel quickened his step to rub elbows for a moment with Van Systens. He borrowed a little importance from everybody to make a kind of false importance for himself, as he had stolen Rosa's tulip to effect his own glory, and thereby make his fortune.

Another quarter of an hour and the Prince will arrive and the procession will halt for the last time; after the tulip is placed on its throne, the Prince, yielding precedence to this rival for the popular adoration, will take a magnificently emblazoned parchment, on which is written the name of the grower; and his Highness, in a loud and audible tone, will proclaim him to be the discoverer of a wonder; that Holland, by the instrumentality of him, Boxtel, has forced Nature to produce a black flower, which shall henceforth be called Tulipa nigra Boxtellea.

From time to time, however, Boxtel withdrew his eyes for a moment from the tulip and the purse, timidly looking among the crowd, for more than anything he dreaded to descry there the pale face of the pretty Frisian girl.

She would have been a spectre spoiling the joy of the festival for him, just as Banquo's ghost did that of Macbeth.

And yet, if the truth must be told, this wretch, who had stolen what was the boast of man, and the dowry of a woman, did not consider himself as a thief. He had so intently watched this tulip, followed it so eagerly from the drawer in Cornelius's dry-room to the scaffold of the Buytenhof, and from the scaffold to the fortress of Loewestein; he had seen it bud and grow in Rosa's window, and so often warmed the air round it with his breath, that he felt as if no one had a better right to call himself its producer than he had; and any one who would now take the black tulip from him would have appeared to him as a thief.

Yet he did not perceive Rosa; his joy therefore was not spoiled.

In the centre of a circle of magnificent trees, which were decorated with garlands and inscriptions, the procession halted, amidst the sounds of lively music, and the young damsels of Haarlem made their appearance to escort the tulip to the raised seat which it was to occupy on the platform, by the side of the gilded chair of his Highness the Stadtholder .

And the proud tulip, raised on its pedestal, soon overlooked the assembled crowd of people, who clapped their hands, and made the old town of Haarlem re-echo with their tremendous cheers.

Chapter 32. A Last Request

At this solemn moment, and whilst the cheers still resounded, a carriage was driving along the road on the outskirts of the green on which the scene occurred; it pursued its way slowly, on account of the flocks of children who were pushed out of the avenue by the crowd of men and women.

This carriage, covered with dust, and creaking on its axles, the result of a long journey, enclosed the unfortunate Van Baerle, who was just beginning to get a glimpse through the open window of the scene which we have tried -- with poor success, no doubt -- to present to the eyes of the reader.

The crowd and the noise and the display of artificial and natural magnificence were as dazzling to the prisoner as a ray of light flashing suddenly into his dungeon.

Notwithstanding the little readiness which his companion had shown in answering his questions concerning his fate, he ventured once more to ask the meaning of all this bustle, which at first sight seemed to be utterly disconnected with his own affairs.

"What is all this, pray, Mynheer Lieutenant?" he asked of his conductor.

"As you may see, sir," replied the officer, "it is a feast."

"Ah, a feast," said Cornelius, in the sad tone of indifference of a man to whom no joy remains in this world.

Then, after some moments, silence, during which the carriage had proceeded a few yards, he asked once more, --

"The feast of the patron saint of Haarlem? as I see so many flowers."

"It is, indeed, a feast in which flowers play a principal part."

"Oh, the sweet scents! oh, the beautiful colours!" cried Cornelius.

"Stop, that the gentleman may see," said the officer, with that frank kindliness which is peculiar to military men, to the soldier who was acting as postilion.

"Oh, thank you, Sir, for your kindness," replied Van Baerle, in a melancholy tone; "the joy of others pains me; please spare me this pang."

"Just as you wish. Drive on! I ordered the driver to stop because I thought it would please you, as you are said to love flowers, and especially that the feast of which is celebrated to-day."

"And what flower is that?"

"The tulip."

"The tulip!" cried Van Baerle, "is to-day the feast of tulips?"

"Yes, sir; but as this spectacle displeases you, let us drive on."

The officer was about to give the order to proceed, but Cornelius stopped him, a painful thought having struck him. He asked, with faltering voice, --

"Is the prize given to-day, sir?"

"Yes, the prize for the black tulip."

Cornelius's cheek flushed, his whole frame trembled, and the cold sweat stood on his brow.

"Alas! sir," he said, "all these good people will be as unfortunate as myself, for they will not see the solemnity which they have come to witness, or at least they will see it incompletely."

"What is it you mean to say?"

"I mean to say." replied Cornelius, throwing himself back in the carriage, "that the black tulip will not be found, except by one whom I know."

"In this case," said the officer, "the person whom you know has found it, for the thing which the whole of Haarlem is looking at at this moment is neither more nor less than the black tulip."

"The black tulip!" replied Van Baerle, thrusting half his body out of the carriage window. "Where is it? where is it?"

"Down there on the throne, -- don't you see?"

"I do see it."

"Come along, sir," said the officer. "Now we must drive off."

"Oh, have pity, have mercy, sir!" said Van Baerle, "don't take me away! Let me look once more! Is what I see down there the black tulip? Quite black? Is it possible? Oh, sir, have you seen it? It must have specks, it must be imperfect, it must only be dyed black. Ah! if I were there, I should see it at once. Let me alight, let me see it close, I beg of you."

"Are you mad, Sir? How could I allow such a thing?"

"I implore you."

"But you forget that you are a prisoner."

"It is true I am a prisoner, but I am a man of honour, and I promise you on my word that I will not run away, I will not attempt to escape, -- only let me see the flower."

"But my orders, Sir, my orders." And the officer again made the driver a sign to proceed.

Cornelius stopped him once more.

"Oh, be forbearing, be generous! my whole life depends upon your pity. Alas! perhaps it will not be much longer. You don't know, sir, what I suffer. You don't know the struggle going on in my heart and mind. For after all," Cornelius cried in despair, "if this were my tulip, if it were the one which has been stolen from Rosa! Oh, I must alight, sir! I must see the flower! You may kill me afterwards if you like, but I will see it, I must see it."

"Be quietss, unfortunate man, and come quickly back into the carriage, for here is the escort of his Highness the Stadtholder , and if the Prince observed any disturbance, or heard any noise, it would be ruin to me, as well as to you."

Van Baerle, more afraid for his companion than himself, threw himself back into the carriage, but he could only keep quietss for half a minute, and the first twenty horsemen had scarcely passed when he again leaned out of the carriage window, gesticulating imploringly towards the Stadtholder at the very moment when he passed.

William, impassible and quietss as usual, was proceeding to the green to fulfil his duty as chairman. He held in his hand the roll of parchment, which, on this festive day, had become his baton.

Seeing the man gesticulate with imploring mien, and perhaps also recognising the officer who accompanied him, his Highness ordered his carriage to stop.

In an instant his snorting steeds stood still, at a distance of about six yards from the carriage in which Van Baerle was caged.

"What is this?" the Prince asked the officer, who at the first order of the Stadtholder had jumped out of the carriage, and was respectfully approaching him.

"Monseigneur," he cried, "this is the prisoner of state whom I have fetched from Loewestein, and whom I have brought to Haarlem according to your Highness's command."

"What does he want?"

"He entreats for permission to stop here for minute."

"To see the black tulip, Monseigneur," said Van Baerle, clasping his hands, "and when I have seen it, when I have seen what I desire to know, I am quite ready to die, if die I must; but in dying I shall bless your Highness's mercy for having allowed me to witness the glorification of my work."

It was, indeed, a curious spectacle to see these two men at the windows of their several carriages; the one surrounded by his guards, and all powerful, the other a prisoner and miserable; the one going to mount a throne, the other believing himself to be on his way to the scaffold.

William, looking with his cold glance on Cornelius, listened to his anxious and urgent request.

Then addressing himself to the officer, he said, --

"Is this person the mutinous prisoner who has attempted to kill his jailer at Loewestein?"

Cornelius heaved a sigh and hung his head. His good-tempered honest face turned pale and red at the same instant. These words of the all-powerful Prince, who by some secret messenger unavailable to other mortals had already been apprised of his crime, seemed to him to forebode not only his doom, but also the refusal of his last request.

He did not try to make a struggle, or to defend himself; and he presented to the Prince the affecting spectacle of despairing innocence, like that of a child, -- a spectacle which was fully understood and felt by the great mind and the great heart of him who observed it.

"Allow the prisoner to alight, and let him see the black tulip; it is well worth being seen once."

"Thank you, Monseigneur, thank you," said Cornelius, nearly swooning with joy, and staggering on the steps of his carriage; had not the officer supported him, our poor friend would have made his thanks to his Highness prostrate on his knees with his forehead in the dust.

After having granted this permission, the Prince proceeded on his way over the green amidst the most enthusiastic acclamations.

He soon arrived at the platform, and the thunder of cannon shook the air.

Chapter 33. Conclusion

Van Baerle, led by four guards, who pushed their way through the crowd, sidled up to the black tulip, towards which his gaze was attracted with increasing interest the nearer he approached to it.

He saw it at last, that unique flower, which he was to see once and no more. He saw it at the distance of six paces, and was delighted with its perfection and gracefulness; he saw it surrounded by young and beautiful girls, who formed, as it were, a guard of honour for this queen of excellence and purity. And yet, the more he ascertained with his own eyes the perfection of the flower, the more wretched and miserable he felt. He looked all around for some one to whom he might address only one question, but his eyes everywhere met strange faces, and the attention of all was directed towards the chair of state, on which the Stadtholder had seated himself.

William rose, casting a tranquil glance over the enthusiastic crowd, and his keen eyes rested by turns on the three extremities of a triangle formed opposite to him by three persons of very different interests and feelings.

At one of the angles, Boxtel, trembling with impatience, and quite absorbed in watching the Prince, the guilders, the black tulip, and the crowd.

At the other, Cornelius, panting for breath, silent, and his attention, his eyes, his life, his heart, his love, quite concentrated on the black tulip.

And thirdly, standing on a raised step among the maidens of Haarlem, a beautiful Frisian girl, dressed in fine scarlet woollen cloth, embroidered with silver, and covered with a lace veil, which fell in rich folds from her head-dress of gold brocade; in one word, Rosa, who, faint and with swimming eyes, was leaning on the arm of one of the officers of William.

The Prince then slowly unfolded the parchment, and said, with a calm clear voice, which, although low, made itself perfectly heard amidst the respectful silence, which all at once arrested the breath of fifty thousand spectators. --

"You know what has brought us here?

"A prize of one hundred thousand guilders has been promised to whosoever should grow the black tulip.

"The black tulip has been grown; here it is before your eyes, coming up to all the conditions required by the programme of the Horticultural Societssy of Haarlem.

"The history of its production, and the name of its grower, will be inscribed in the book of honour of the city.

"Let the person approach to whom the black tulip belongs."

In pronouncing these words, the Prince, to judge of the effect they produced, surveyed with his eagle eye the three extremities of the triangle.

He saw Boxtel rushing forward. He saw Cornelius make an involuntary movement; and lastly he saw the officer who was taking care of Rosa lead, or rather push her forward towards him.

At the sight of Rosa, a double cry arose on the right and left of the Prince.

Boxtel, thunderstruck, and Cornelius, in joyful amazement, both exclaimed, --

"Rosa! Rosa!"

"This tulip is yours, is it not, my child?" said the Prince.

"Yes, Monseigneur," stammered Rosa, whose striking beauty excited a general murmur of applause.

"Oh!" muttered Cornelius, "she has then belied me, when she said this flower was stolen from her. Oh! that's why she left Loewestein. Alas! am I then forgotten, betrayed by her whom I thought my best friend on earth?"

"Oh!" sighed Boxtel, "I am lost."

"This tulip," continued the Prince, "will therefore bear the name of its producer, and figure in the catalogue under the title, Tulipa nigra Rosa Barlaensis, because of the name Van Baerle, which will henceforth be the name of this damsel."

And at the same time William took Rosa's hand, and placed it in that of a young man, who rushed forth, pale and beyond himself with joy, to the foot of the throne saluting alternately the Prince and his bride; and who with a grateful look to heaven, returned his thanks to the Giver of all this happiness.

At the same moment there fell at the feet of the President van Systens another man, struck down by a very different emotion.

Boxtel, crushed by the failure of his hopes, lay senseless on the ground.

When they raised him, and examined his pulse and his heart, he was quite dead.

This incident did not much disturb the festival, as neither the Prince nor the President seemed to mind it much.

Cornelius started back in dismay, when in the thief, in the pretended Jacob, he recognised his neighbour, Isaac Boxtel, whom, in the innocence of his heart, he had not for one instant suspected of such a wicked action.

Then, to the sound of trumpets, the procession marched back without any change in its order, except that Boxtel was now dead, and that Cornelius and Rosa were walking triumphantly side by side and hand in hand.

On their arriving at the Hotel de Ville, the Prince, pointing with his finger to the purse with the hundred thousand guilders, said to Cornelius, --

"It is difficult to say by whom this money is gained, by you or by Rosa; for if you have found the black tulip, she has nursed it and brought it into flower. It would therefore be unjust to consider it as her dowry; it is the gift of the town of Haarlem to the tulip."

Cornelius wondered what the Prince was driving at. The latter continued, --

"I give to Rosa the sum of a hundred thousand guilders, which she has fairly earned, and which she can offer to you. They are the reward of her love, her courage, and her honesty. As to you, Sir -- thanks to Rosa again, who has furnished the proofs of your innocence ---- "

And, saying these words, the Prince handed to Cornelius that fly-leaf of the Bible on which was written the letter of Cornelius de Witt, and in which the third bulb had been wrapped, --

"As to you, it has come to light that you were imprisoned for a crime which you had not committed. This means, that you are not only free, but that your property will be restored to you; as the property of an innocent man cannot be confiscated. Cornelius van Baerle, you are the godson of Cornelius de Witt and the friend of his brother John. Remain worthy of the name you have received from one of them, and of the friendship you have enjoyed with the other. The two De Witts, wrongly judged and wrongly punished in a moment of popular error, were two great citizens, of whom Holland is now proud."

The Prince, after these last words, which contrary to his custom, he pronounced with a voice full of emotion, gave his hands to the lovers to kiss, whilst they were kneeling before him.

Then heaving a sigh, he said, --

"Alas! you are very happy, who, dreaming only of what perhaps is the true glory of Holland, and forms especially her true happiness, do not attempt to acquire for her anything beyond new colours of tulips."

And, casting a glance towards that point of the compass where France lay, as if he saw new clouds gathering there, he entered his carriage and drove off.

Cornelius started on the same day for Dort with Rosa, who sent her lover's old housekeeper as a messenger to her father, to apprise him of all that had taken place.

Those who, thanks to our description, have learned the character of old Gryphus, will comprehend that it was hard for him to become reconciled to his son-in-law. He had not yet forgotten the blows which he had received in that famous enCounter. To judge from the weals which he Counted, their number, he said, amounted to forty-one; but at last, in order, as he declared, not to be less generous than his Highness the Stadtholder , he consented to make his peace.

Appointed to watch over the tulips, the old man made the rudest keeper of flowers in the whole of the Seven Provinces.

It was indeed a sight to see him watching the obnoxious moths and butterflies, killing slugs, and driving away the hungry bees.

As he had heard Boxtel's story, and was furious at having been the dupe of the pretended Jacob, he destroyed the sycamore behind which the envious Isaac had spied into the garden; for the plot of ground belonging to him had been bought by Cornelius, and taken into his own garden.

Rosa, growing not only in beauty, but in wisdom also, after two years of her married life, could read and write so well that she was able to undertake by herself the education of two beautiful children which she had borne in 1674 and 1675, both in May, the month of flowers.

As a matter of course, one was a boy, the other a girl, the former being called Cornelius, the other Rosa.

Van Baerle remained faithfully attached to Rosa and to his tulips. The whole of his life was devoted to the happiness of his wife and the culture of flowers, in the latter of which occupations he was so successful that a great number of his varietssies found a place in the catalogue of Holland.

The two principal ornaments of his drawing-room were those two leaves from the Bible of Cornelius de Witt, in large golden frames; one of them containing the letter in which his godfather enjoined him to burn the correspondence of the Marquis de Louvois, and the other his own will, in which he bequeathed to Rosa his bulbs under condition that she should marry a young man of from twenty-six to twenty-eight years, who loved her and whom she loved, a condition which was scrupulously fulfilled, although, or rather because, Cornelius did not die.

And to ward off any envious attempts of another Isaac Boxtel, he wrote over his door the lines which Grotius had, on the day of his flight, scratched on the walls of his prison: --

"Sometimes one has suffered so much that he has the right never to be able to say, 'I am too happy.'"


 

The Black Tulip part 1


The Black Tulip

Part 1

by Alexandre Dumas 
 
A deceptively simple story and the shortest of Dumas's most famous novels, The Black Tulip (1850) weaves historical events surrounding a brutal murder into a tale of romantic love. Set in Holland in 1672, this timeless political allegory draws on the violence and crimes of history, making a case against tyranny and creating a symbol of justice and tolerance: the fateful tulipa negra.

A deceptively simple story and the shortest of Dumas's most famous novels, The Black Tulip (1850) weaves historical events surrounding a brutal murder into a tale of romantic love. Set in Holland in 1672, this timeless political allegory draws on the violence and crimes of history, making a case against tyranny and creating a symbol of justice and tolerance: the fateful tulipa negra.

black_tulip1
Illustrated by Arthur A Dixon and others

Contents

CHAPTER

1. A grateful people
2. The two brothers
3. The pupil of John De Witt
4. Popular justice
5. The Tulip-fancier and his neighbour
6. The hatred of a tulip-fancier
7. The happy man makes acquaintance with misfortune
8. An invasion
9. The family cell
10. The jailer's daughter
11. Cornelius Van Baerle's Will

 

 Chapter 1. A Grateful People

On the 20th of August, 1672, the city of the Hague, always so lively, so neat, and so trim that one might believe every day to be Sunday, with its shady park, with its tall trees, spreading over its Gothic houses, with its canals like large mirrors, in which its steeples and its almost Eastern cupolas are reflected, -- the city of the Hague, the capital of the Seven United Provinces, was swelling in all its arteries with a black and red stream of hurried, panting, and restless citizens, who, with their knives in their girdles, muskets on their shoulders, or sticks in their hands, were pushing on to the Buytenhof, a terrible prison, the grated windows of which are still shown, where, on the charge of attempted murder preferred against him by the surgeon Tyckelaer, Cornelius de Witt, the brother of the Grand Pensionary of Holland was confined.

If the history of that time, and especially that of the year in the middle of which our narrative commences, were not indissolubly connected with the two names just mentioned, the few explanatory pages which we are about to add might appear quite supererogatory; but we will, from the very first, apprise the reader -- our old friend, to whom we are wont on the first page to promise amusement, and with whom we always try to keep our word as well as is in our power -- that this explanation is as indispensable to the right understanding of our story as to that of the great event itself on which it is based.

Cornelius de Witt, Ruart de Pulten, that is to say, warden of the dikes, ex-burgomaster of Dort, his native town, and member of the Assembly of the States of Holland, was forty-nine years of age, when the Dutch people, tired of the Republic such as John de Witt, the Grand Pensionary of Holland, understood it, at once conceived a most violent affection for the Stadtholder ate, which had been abolished for ever in Holland by the "Perpetual Edict" forced by John de Witt upon the United Provinces.

As it rarely happens that public opinion, in its whimsical flights, does not identify a principle with a man, thus the people saw the personification of the Republic in the two stern figures of the brothers De Witt, those Romans of Holland, spurning to pander to the fancies of the mob, and wedding themselves with unbending fidelity to liberty without licentiousness, and prosperity without the waste of superfluity; on the other hand, the Stadtholder ate recalled to the popular mind the grave and thoughtful image of the young Prince William of Orange.

The brothers De Witt humoured Louis XIV., whose moral influence was felt by the whole of Europe, and the pressure of whose material power Holland had been made to feel in that marvellous campaign on the Rhine, which, in the space of three months, had laid the power of the United Provinces prostrate.

Louis XIV. had long been the enemy of the Dutch, who insulted or ridiculed him to their hearts' content, although it must be said that they generally used French refugees for the mouthpiece of their spite. Their national pride held him up as the Mithridates of the Republic. The brothers De Witt, therefore, had to strive against a double difficulty, -- against the force of national antipathy, and, besides, against the feeling of weariness which is natural to all vanquished people, when they hope that a new chief will be able to save them from ruin and shame.

This new chief, quite ready to appear on the political stage, and to measure himself against Louis XIV., however gigantic the fortunes of the Grand Monarch loomed in the future, was William, Prince of Orange, son of William II., and grandson, by his mother Henried him before as the person by whom the people expected to see the office of Stadtholder restored.

This young man was, in 1672, twenty-two years of age. John de Witt, who was his tutor, had brought him up with the view of making him a good citizen. Loving his Country better than he did his disciple, the master had, by the Perpetual Edict, extinguished the hope which the young Prince might have entertained of one day becoming Stadtholder . But God laughs at the presumption of man, who wants to raise and prostrate the powers on earth without consulting the King above; and the fickleness and caprice of the Dutch combined with the terror inspired by Louis XIV., in repealing the Perpetual Edict, and re-establishing the office of Stadtholder in favour of William of Orange, for whom the hand of Providence had traced out ulterior destinies on the hidden map of the future.

The Grand Pensionary bowed before the will of his fellow citizens; Cornelius de Witt, however, was more obstinate, and notwithstanding all the threats of death from the Orangist rabble, who besieged him in his house at Dort, he stoutly refused to sign the act by which the office of Stadtholder was restored. Moved by the tears and entreaties of his wife, he at last complied, only adding to his signature the two letters V. C. (Vi Coactus), notifying thereby that he only yielded to force.

It was a real miracle that on that day he escaped from the doom intended for him.

John de Witt derived no advantage from his ready compliance with the wishes of his fellow citizens. Only a few days after, an attempt was made to stab him, in which he was severely although not mortally wounded.

This by no means suited the views of the Orange faction. The life of the two brothers being a constant obstacle to their plans, they changed their tactics, and tried to obtain by calumny what they had not been able to effect by the aid of the poniard.

How rarely does it happen that, in the right moment, a great man is found to head the execution of vast and noble designs; and for that reason, when such a providential concurrence of circumstances does occur, history is prompt to record the name of the chosen one, and to hold him up to the admiration of posterity. But when Satan interposes in human affairs to cast a shadow upon some happy existence, or to overthrow a kingdom, it seldom happens that he does not find at his side some miserable tool, in whose ear he has but to whisper a word to set him at once about his task.

The wretched tool who was at hand to be the agent of this dastardly plot was one Tyckelaer whom we have already mentioned, a surgeon by profession.

He lodged an information against Cornelius de Witt, setting forth that the warden -- who, as he had shown by the letters added to his signature, was fuming at the repeal of the Perpetual Edict -- had, from hatred against William of Orange, hired an assassin to deliver the new Republic of its new Stadtholder ; and he, Tyckelaer was the person thus chosen; but that, horrified at the bare idea of the act which he was asked to perpetrate, he had preferred rather to reveal the crime than to commit it.

This disclosure was, indeed, well calculated to call forth a furious outbreak among the Orange faction. The Attorney General caused, on the 16th of August, 1672, Cornelius de Witt to be arrested; and the noble brother of John de Witt had, like the vilest criminal, to undergo, in one of the apartments of the town prison, the preparatory degrees of torture, by means of which his judges expected to force from him the confession of his alleged plot against William of Orange.

But Cornelius was not only possessed of a great mind, but also of a great heart. He belonged to that race of martyrs who, indissolubly wedded to their political convictions as their ancestors were to their faith, are able to smile on pain: while being stretched on the rack, he recited with a firm voice, and scanning the lines according to measure, the first strophe of the "Justum ac tenacem" of Horace, and, making no confession, tired not only the strength, but even the fanaticism, of his executioners.

The judges, notwithstanding, acquitted Tyckelaer from every charge; at the same time sentencing Cornelius to be deposed from all his offices and dignities; to pay all the costs of the trial; and to be banished from the soil of the Republic for ever.

This judgment against not only an innocent, but also a great man, was indeed some gratification to the passions of the people, to whose interests Cornelius de Witt had always devoted himself: but, as we shall soon see, it was not enough.

The Athenians, who indeed have left behind them a pretty tolerable reputation for ingratitude, have in this respect to yield precedence to the Dutch. They, at least in the case of Aristides, contented themselves with banishing him.

John de Witt, at the first intimation of the charge brought against his brother, had resigned his office of Grand Pensionary. He too received a noble recompense for his devotedness to the best interests of his Country, taking with him into the retirement of private life the hatred of a host of enemies, and the fresh scars of wounds inflicted by assassins, only too often the sole guerdon obtained by honest people, who are guilty of having worked for their Country, and of having forgotten their own private interests.

In the meanwhile William of Orange urged on the course of events by every means in his power, eagerly waiting for the time when the people, by whom he was idolised, should have made of the bodies of the brothers the two steps over which he might ascend to the chair of Stadtholder .

Thus, then, on the 20th of August, 1672, as we have already stated in the beginning of this chapter, the whole town was crowding towards the Buytenhof, to witness the departure of Cornelius de Witt from prison, as he was going to exile; and to see what traces the torture of the rack had left on the noble frame of the man who knew his Horace so well.

Yet all this multitude was not crowding to the Buytenhof with the innocent view of merely feasting their eyes with the spectacle; there were many who went there to play an active part in it, and to take upon themselves an office which they conceived had been badly filled, -- that of the executioner.

There were, indeed, others with less hostile intentions. All that they cared for was the spectacle, always so attractive to the mob, whose instinctive pride is flattered by it, -- the sight of greatness hurled down into the dust.

"Has not," they would say, "this Cornelius de Witt been locked up and broken by the rack? Shall we not see him pale, streaming with blood, covered with shame?" And was not this a sweet triumph for the burghers of the Hague, whose envy even beat that of the common rabble; a triumph in which every honest citizen and townsman might be expected to share?

"Moreover," hinted the Orange agitators interspersed through the crowd, whom they hoped to manage like a sharp-edged and at the same time crushing instrument, -- "moreover, will there not, from the Buytenhof to the gate of the town, a nice little opportunity present itself to throw some handfuls of dirt, or a few stones, at this Cornelius de Witt, who not only conferred the dignity of Stadtholder on the Prince of Orange merely vi coactus, but who also intended to have him assassinated?"

"Besides which," the fierce enemies of France chimed in, "if the work were done well and bravely at the Hague, Cornelius would certainly not be allowed to go into exile, where he will renew his intrigues with France, and live with his big scoundrel of a brother, John, on the gold of the Marquis de Louvois."

Being in such a temper, people generally will run rather than walk; which was the reason why the inhabitants of the Hague were hurrying so fast towards the Buytenhof.

Honest Tyckelaer, with a heart full of spite and malice, and with no particular plan settled in his mind, was one of the foremost, being paraded about by the Orange party like a hero of probity, national honour, and Christian charity.

This daring miscreant detailed, with all the embellishments and flourishes suggested by his base mind and his ruffianly imagination, the attempts which he pretended Cornelius de Witt had made to corrupt him; the sums of money which were promised, and all the diabolical stratagems planned beforehand to smooth for him, Tyckelaer, all the difficulties in the path of murder.

And every phase of his speech, eagerly listened to by the populace, called forth enthusiastic cheers for the Prince of Orange, and groans and imprecations of blind fury against the brothers De Witt.

The mob even began to vent its rage by inveighing against the iniquitous judges, who had allowed such a detestable criminal as the villain Cornelius to get off so cheaply.

Some of the agitators whispered, "He will be off, he will escape from us!"

Others replied, "A vessel is waiting for him at Schevening, a French craft. Tyckelaer has seen her."

"Honest Tyckelaer! Hurrah for Tyckelaer!" the mob cried in chorus.

"And let us not forget," a voice exclaimed from the crowd, "that at the same time with Cornelius his brother John, who is as rascally a traitor as himself, will likewise make his escape."

"And the two rogues will in France make merry with our money, with the money for our vessels, our arsenals, and our dockyards, which they have sold to Louis XIV."

"Well, then, don't let us allow them to depart!" advised one of the patriots who had gained the start of the others.

"Forward to the prison, to the prison!" echoed the crowd.

Amid these cries, the citizens ran along faster and faster, cocking their muskets, brandishing their hatchets, and looking death and defiance in all directions.

No violence, however, had as yet been committed; and the file of horsemen who were guarding the approaches of the Buytenhof remained cool, unmoved, silent, much more threatening in their impassibility than all this crowd of burghers, with their cries, their agitation, and their threats. The men on their horses, indeed, stood like so many statues, under the eye of their chief, Count Tilly, the captain of the mounted troops of the Hague, who had his sword drawn, but held it with its point downwards, in a line with the straps of his stirrup.

This troop, the only defence of the prison, overawed by its firm attitude not only the disorderly riotous mass of the populace, but also the detachment of the burgher guard, which, being placed opposite the Buytenhof to support the soldiers in keeping order, gave to the rioters the example of seditious cries, shouting, --

"Hurrah for Orange! Down with the traitors!"

The presence of Tilly and his horsemen, indeed, exercised a salutary check on these civic warriors; but by degrees they waxed more and more angry by their own shouts, and as they were not able to understand how any one could have courage without showing it by cries, they attributed the silence of the dragoons to pusillanimity, and advanced one step towards the prison, with all the turbulent mob following in their wake.

In this moment, Count Tilly rode forth towards them single-handed, merely lifting his sword and contracting his brow whilst he addressed them: --

"Well, gentlemen of the burgher guard, what are you advancing for, and what do you wish?"

The burghers shook their muskets, repeating their cry, --

"Hurrah for Orange! Death to the traitors!"

"'Hurrah for Orange!' all well and good!" replied Tilly, "although I certainly am more partial to happy faces than to gloomy ones. 'Death to the traitors!' as much of it as you like, as long as you show your wishes only by cries. But, as to putting them to death in good earnest, I am here to prevent that, and I shall prevent it."

Then, turning round to his men, he gave the word of command, --

"Soldiers, ready!"

The troopers obeyed orders with a precision which immediately caused the burgher guard and the people to fall back, in a degree of confusion which excited the smile of the cavalry officer.

"Holloa!" he exclaimed, with that bantering tone which is peculiar to men of his profession; "be easy, gentlemen, my soldiers will not fire a shot; but, on the other hand, you will not advance by one step towards the prison."

"And do you know, sir, that we have muskets?" roared the commandant of the burghers.

"I must know it, by Jove, you have made them glitter enough before my eyes; but I beg you to observe also that we on our side have pistols, that the pistol carries admirably to a distance of fifty yards, and that you are only twenty-five from us."

"Death to the traitors!" cried the exasperated burghers.

"Go along with you," growled the officer, "you always cry the same thing over again. It is very tiresome."

With this, he took his post at the head of his troops, whilst the tumult grew fiercer and fiercer about the Buytenhof.

And yet the fuming crowd did not know that, at that very moment when they were tracking the scent of one of their victims, the other, as if hurrying to meet his fate, passed, at a distance of not more than a hundred yards, behind the groups of people and the dragoons, to betake himself to the Buytenhof.

John de Witt, indeed, had alighted from his coach with his servant, and quietssly walked across the courtyard of the prison.

Mentioning his name to the turnkey, who however knew him, he said, --

"Good morning, Gryphus; I am coming to take away my brother, who, as you know, is condemned to exile, and to carry him out of the town."

Whereupon the jailer, a sort of bear, trained to lock and unlock the gates of the prison, had greeted him and admitted him into the building, the doors of which were immediately closed again.

Ten yards farther on, John de Witt met a lovely young girl, of about seventeen or eighteen, dressed in the national costume of the Frisian women, who, with pretty demureness, dropped a curtesy to him. Chucking her under the chin, he said to her, --

"Good morning, my good and fair Rosa; how is my brother?"

"Oh, Mynheer John!" the young girl replied, "I am not afraid of the harm which has been done to him. That's all over now."

"But what is it you are afraid of?"

"I am afraid of the harm which they are going to do to him."

"Oh, yes," said De Witt, "you mean to speak of the people down below, don't you?"

"Do you hear them?"

"They are indeed in a state of great excitement; but when they see us perhaps they will grow calmer, as we have never done them anything but good."

"That's unfortunately no reason, except for the contrary," muttered the girl, as, on an imperative sign from her father, she withdrew.

"Indeed, child, what you say is only too true."

Then, in pursuing his way, he said to himself, --

"Here is a damsel who very likely does not know how to read, who consequently has never read anything, and yet with one word she has just told the whole history of the world."

And with the same calm mien, but more melancholy than he had been on entering the prison, the Grand Pensionary proceeded towards the cell of his brother.

 Chapter 2. The Two Brothers

As the fair Rosa, with foreboding doubt, had foretold, so it happened. Whilst John de Witt was climbing the narrow winding stairs which led to the prison of his brother Cornelius, the burghers did their best to have the troop of Tilly, which was in their way, removed.

Seeing this disposition, King Mob, who fully appreciated the laudable intentions of his own beloved militia, shouted most lustily, --

"Hurrah for the burghers!"

As to Count Tilly, who was as prudent as he was firm, he began to parley with the burghers, under the protection of the cocked pistols of his dragoons, explaining to the valiant townsmen, that his order from the States commanded him to guard the prison and its approaches with three companies.

"Wherefore such an order? Why guard the prison?" cried the Orangists.

"Stop," replied the Count, "there you at once ask me more than I can tell you. I was told, 'Guard the prison,' and I guard it. You, gentlemen, who are almost military men yourselves, you are aware that an order must never be gainsaid."

"But this order has been given to you that the traitors may be enabled to leave the town."

"Very possibly, as the traitors are condemned to exile," replied Tilly.

"But who has given this order?"

"The States, to be sure!"

"The States are traitors."

"I don't know anything about that!"

"And you are a traitor yourself!"

"I?"

"Yes, you."

"Well, as to that, let us understand each other gentlemen. Whom should I betray? The States? Why, I cannot betray them, whilst, being in their pay, I faithfully obey their orders."

As the Count was so indisputably in the right that it was impossible to argue against him, the mob answered only by redoubled clamour and horrible threats, to which the Count opposed the most perfect urbanity.

"Gentlemen," he said, "uncock your muskets, one of them may go off by accident; and if the shot chanced to wound one of my men, we should knock over a couple of hundreds of yours, for which we should, indeed, be very sorry, but you even more so; especially as such a thing is neither contemplated by you nor by myself."

"If you did that," cried the burghers, "we should have a pop at you, too."

"Of course you would; but suppose you killed every man Jack of us, those whom we should have killed would not, for all that, be less dead."

"Then leave the place to us, and you will perform the part of a good citizen."

"First of all," said the Count, "I am not a citizen, but an officer, which is a very different thing; and secondly, I am not a Hollander, but a Frenchman, which is more different still. I have to do with no one but the States, by whom I am paid; let me see an order from them to leave the place to you, and I shall only be too glad to wheel off in an instant, as I am confoundedly bored here."

"Yes, yes!" cried a hundred voices; the din of which was immediately swelled by five hundred others; "let us march to the Town-hall; let us go and see the deputies! Come along! come along!"

"That's it," Tilly muttered between his teeth, as he saw the most violent among the crowd turning away; "go and ask for a meanness at the Town-hall, and you will see whether they will grant it; go, my fine fellows, go!"

The worthy officer relied on the honour of the magistrates, who, on their side, relied on his honour as a soldier.

"I say, Captain," the first lieutenant whispered into the ear of the Count, "I hope the deputies will give these madmen a flat refusal; but, after all, it would do no harm if they would send us some reinforcement."

In the meanwhile, John de Witt, whom we left climbing the stairs, after the conversation with the jailer Gryphus and his daughter Rosa, had reached the door of the cell, where on a mattress his brother Cornelius was resting, after having undergone the preparatory degrees of the torture. The sentence of banishment having been pronounced, there was no occasion for inflicting the torture extraordinary.

Cornelius was stretched on his couch, with broken wrists and crushed fingers. He had not confessed a crime of which he was not guilty; and now, after three days of agony, he once more breathed freely, on being informed that the judges, from whom he had expected death, were only condemning him to exile.

Endowed with an iron frame and a stout heart, how would he have disappointed his enemies if they could only have seen, in the dark cell of the Buytenhof, his pale face lit up by the smile of the martyr, who forgets the dross of this earth after having obtained a glimpse of the bright glory of heaven.

The warden, indeed, had already recovered his full strength, much more owing to the force of his own strong will than to actual aid; and he was calculating how long the formalities of the law would still detain him in prison.

This was just at the very moment when the mingled shouts of the burgher guard and of the mob were raging against the two brothers, and threatening Captain Tilly, who served as a rampart to them. This noise, which roared outside of the walls of the prison, as the surf dashing against the rocks, now reached the ears of the prisoner.

But, threatening as it sounded, Cornelius appeared not to dream it worth his while to inquire after its cause; nor did he get up to look out of the narrow grated window, which gave access to the light and to the noise of the world without.

He was so absorbed in his never-ceasing pain that it had almost become a habit with him. He felt with such delight the bonds which connected his immortal being with his perishable frame gradually loosening, that it seemed to him as if his spirit, freed from the trammels of the body, were hovering above it, like the expiring flame which rises from the half-extinguished embers.

He also thought of his brother; and whilst the latter was thus vividly present to his mind the door opened, and John entered, hurrying to the bedside of the prisoner, who stretched out his broken limbs and his hands tied up in bandages towards that glorious brother, whom he now excelled, not in services rendered to the Country, but in the hatred which the Dutch bore him.

John tenderly kissed his brother on the forehead, and put his sore hands gently back on the mattress.

"Cornelius, my poor brother, you are suffering great pain, are you not?"

"I am suffering no longer, since I see you, my brother."

"Oh, my poor dear Cornelius! I feel most wretched to see you in such a state."

"And, indeed, I have thought more of you than of myself; and whilst they were torturing me, I never thought of uttering a complaint, except once, to say, 'Poor brother!' But now that you are here, let us forget all. You are coming to take me away, are you not?"

"I am."

"I am quite healed; help me to get up, and you shall see how I can walk."

"You will not have to walk far, as I have my coach near the pond, behind Tilly's dragoons."

"Tilly's dragoons! What are they near the pond for?"

"Well," said the Grand Pensionary with a melancholy smile which was habitual to him, "the gentlemen at the Town-hall expect that the people at the Hague would like to see you depart, and there is some apprehension of a tumult."

"Of a tumult?" replied Cornelius, fixing his eyes on his perplexed brother; "a tumult?"

"Yes, Cornelius."

"Oh! that's what I heard just now," said the prisoner, as if speaking to himself. Then, turning to his brother, he continued, --

"Are there many persons down before the prison."

"Yes, my brother, there are."

"But then, to come here to me ---- "

"Well?"

"How is it that they have allowed you to pass?"

"You know well that we are not very popular, Cornelius," said the Grand Pensionary, with gloomy bitterness. "I have made my way through all sorts of bystreets and alleys."

"You hid yourself, John?"

"I wished to reach you without loss of time, and I did what people will do in politics, or on the sea when the wind is against them, -- I tacked."

At this moment the noise in the square below was heard to roar with increasing fury. Tilly was parleying with the burghers.

"Well, well," said Cornelius, "you are a very skilful pilot, John; but I doubt whether you will as safely guide your brother out of the Buytenhof in the midst of this gale, and through the raging surf of popular hatred, as you did the fleet of Van Tromp past the shoalsof the Scheldt to Antwerp."

"With the help of God, Cornelius, we'll at least try," answered John; "but, first of all, a word with you."

"Speak!"

The shouts began anew.

"Hark, hark!" continued Cornelius, "how angry those people are! Is it against you, or against me?"

"I should say it is against us both, Cornelius. I told you, my dear brother, that the Orange party, while assailing us with their absurd calumnies, have also made it a reproach against us that we have negotiated with France."

"What blockheads they are!"

"But, indeed, they reproach us with it."

"And yet, if these negotiations had been successful, they would have prevented the defeats of Rees, Orsay, Wesel, and Rheinberg; the Rhine would not have been crossed, and Holland might still consider herself invincible in the midst of her marshes and canals."

"All this is quite true, my dear Cornelius, but still more certain it is, that if at this moment our correspondence with the Marquis de Louvois were discovered, skilful pilot as I am, I should not be able to save the frail barque which is to carry the brothers De Witt and their fortunes out of Holland. That correspondence, which might prove to honest people how dearly I love my Country, and what sacrifices I have offered to make for its liberty and glory, would be ruin to us if it fell into the hands of the Orange party. I hope you have burned the letters before you left Dort to join me at the Hague."

"My dear brother," Cornelius answered, "your correspondence with M. de Louvois affords ample proof of your having been of late the greatest, most generous, and most able citizen of the Seven United Provinces. I rejoice in the glory of my Country; and particularly do I rejoice in your glory, John. I have taken good care not to burn that correspondence."

"Then we are lost, as far as this life is concerned," quietssly said the Grand Pensionary, approaching the window.

"No, on the contrary, John, we shall at the same time save our lives and regain our popularity."

"But what have you done with these letters?"

"I have intrusted them to the care of Cornelius van Baerle, my godson, whom you know, and who lives at Dort."

"Poor honest Van Baerle! who knows so much, and yet thinks of nothing but of flowers and of God who made them. You have intrusted him with this fatal secret; it will be his ruin, poor soul!"

"His ruin?"

"Yes, for he will either be strong or he will be weak. If he is strong, he will, when he hears of what has happened to us, boast of our acquaintance; if he is weak, he will be afraid on account of his connection with us: if he is strong, he will betray the secret by his boldness; if he is weak, he will allow it to be forced from him. In either case he is lost, and so are we. Let us, therefore, fly, fly, as long as there is still time."

Cornelius de Witt, raising himself on his couch, and grasping the hand of his brother, who shuddered at the touch of his linen bandages, replied, --

"Do not I know my godson? have not I been enabled to read every thought in Van Baerle's mind, and every sentiment in his heart? You ask whether he is strong or weak. He is neither the one nor the other; but that is not now the question. The principal point is, that he is sure not to divulge the secret, for the very good reason that he does not know it himself."

John turned round in surprise.

"You must know, my dear brother, that I have been trained in the school of that distinguished politician John de Witt; and I repeat to you, that Van Baerle is not aware of the nature and importance of the deposit which I have intrusted to him."

"Quick then," cried John, "as there is still time, let us convey to him directions to burn the parcel."

"Through whom?"

"Through my servant Craeke, who was to have accompanied us on horseback, and who has entered the prison with me, to assist you downstairs."

"Consider well before having those precious documents burnt, John!"

"I consider, above all things, that the brothers De Witt must necessarily save their lives, to be able to save their character. If we are dead, who will defend us? Who will have fully understood our intentions?"

"You expect, then, that they would kill us if those papers were found?"

John, without answering, pointed with his hand to the square, whence, at that very moment, fierce shouts and savage yells made themselves heard.

"Yes, yes," said Cornelius, "I hear these shouts very plainly, but what is their meaning?"

John opened the window.

"Death to the traitors!" howled the populace.

"Do you hear now, Cornelius?"

"To the traitors! that means us!" said the prisoner, raising his eyes to heaven and shrugging his shoulders.

"Yes, it means us," repeated John.

"Where is Craeke?"

"At the door of your cell, I suppose."

"Let him enter then."

John opened the door; the faithful servant was waiting on the threshold.

"Come in, Craeke, and mind well what my brother will tell you."

"No, John; it will not suffice to send a verbal message; unfortunately, I shall be obliged to write."

"And why that?"

"Because Van Baerle will neither give up the parcel nor burn it without a special command to do so."

"But will you be able to write, poor old fellow?" John asked, with a look on the scorched and bruised hands of the unfortunate sufferer.

"If I had pen and ink you would soon see," said Cornelius.

"Here is a pencil, at any rate."

"Have you any paper? for they have left me nothing."

"Here, take this Bible, and tear out the fly-leaf."

"Very well, that will do."

"But your writing will be illegible."

"Just leave me alone for that," said Cornelius. "The executioners have indeed pinched me badly enough, but my hand will not tremble once in tracing the few lines which are requisite."

And really Cornelius took the pencil and began to write, when through the white linen bandages drops of blood oozed out which the pressure of the fingers against the pencil squeezed from the raw flesh.

A cold sweat stood on the brow of the Grand Pensionary.

Cornelius wrote: --

"My dear Godson, --

"Burn the parcel which I have intrusted to you. Burn it without looking at it, and without opening it, so that its contents may for ever remain unknown to yourself. Secrets of this description are death to those with whom they are deposited. Burn it, and you will have saved John and Cornelius de Witt.

"Farewell, and love me.

"Cornelius de Witt

"August 20th, 1672."

John, with tears in his eyes, wiped off a drop of the noble blood which had soiled the leaf, and, after having handed the despatch to Craeke with a last direction, returned to Cornelius, who seemed overcome by intense pain, and near fainting.

"Now," said he, "when honest Craeke sounds his coxswain's whistle, it will be a signal of his being clear of the crowd, and of his having reached the other side of the pond. And then it will be our turn to depart."

Five minutes had not elapsed, before a long and shrill whistle was heard through the din and noise of the square of the Buytenhof.

John gratefully raised his eyes to heaven.

"And now," said he, "let us off, Cornelius."

 Chapter 3. The Pupil of John de Witt

Whilst the clamour of the crowd in the square of Buytenhof, which grew more and more menacing against the two brothers, determined John de Witt to hasten the departure of his brother Cornelius, a deputation of burghers had gone to the Town-hall to demand the withdrawal of Tilly's horse.

It was not far from the Buytenhof to Hoogstraet (High Street); and a stranger, who since the beginning of this scene had watched all its incidents with intense interest, was seen to wend his way with, or rather in the wake of, the others towards the Town-hall, to hear as soon as possible the current news of the hour.

This stranger was a very young man, of scarcely twenty-two or three, with nothing about him that bespoke any great energy. He evidently had his good reasons for not making himself known, as he hid his face in a handkerchief of fine Frisian linen, with which he incessantly wiped his brow or his burning lips.

With an eye keen as that of a bird of prey, -- with a long aquiline nose, a finely cut mouth, which he generally kept open, or rather which was gaping like the edges of a wound, -- this man would have presented to Lavater, if Lavater had lived at that time, a subject for physiognomical observations which at the first blush would not have been very favourable to the person in question.

"What difference is there between the figure of the conqueror and that of the pirate?" said the ancients. The difference only between the eagle and the vulture, -- serenity or restlessness.

And indeed the sallow physiognomy, the thin and sickly body, and the prowling ways of the stranger, were the very type of a suspecting master, or an unquietss thief; and a police officer would certainly have decided in favour of the latter supposition, on account of the great care which the mysterious person evidently took to hide himself.

He was plainly dressed, and apparently unarmed; his arm was lean but wiry, and his hands dry, but of an aristocratic whiteness and delicacy, and he leaned on the shoulder of an officer, who, with his hand on his sword, had watched the scenes in the Buytenhof with eager curiosity, very natural in a military man, until his companion drew him away with him.

On arriving at the square of the Hoogstraet, the man with the sallow face pushed the other behind an open shutter, from which corner he himself began to survey the balcony of the Town-hall.

At the savage yells of the mob, the window of the Town-hall opened, and a man came forth to address the people.

"Who is that on the balcony?" asked the young man, glancing at the orator.

"It is the Deputy Bowelt," replied the officer.

"What sort of a man is he? Do you know anything of him?"

"An honest man; at least I believe so, Monseigneur."

Hearing this character given of Bowelt, the young man showed signs of such a strange disappointment and evident dissatisfaction that the officer could not but remark it, and therefore added, --

"At least people say so, Monseigneur. I cannot say anything about it myself, as I have no personal acquaintance with Mynheer Bowelt."

"An honest man," repeated he who was addressed as Monseigneur; "do you mean to say that he is an honest man (brave homme), or a brave one (homme brave)?"

"Ah, Monseigneur must excuse me; I would not presume to draw such a fine distinction in the case of a man whom, I assure your Highness once more, I know only by sight."

"If this Bowelt is an honest man," his Highness continued, "he will give to the demand of these furibund petitioners a very queer reception."

The nervous quiver of his hand, which moved on the shoulder of his companion as the fingers of a player on the keys of a harpsichord, betrayed his burning impatience, so ill concealed at certain times, and particularly at that moment, under the icy and sombre expression of his face.

The chief of the deputation of the burghers was then heard addressing an interpellation to Mynheer Bowelt, whom he requested to let them know where the other deputies, his colleagues, were.

"Gentlemen," Bowelt repeated for the second time, "I assure you that in this moment I am here alone with Mynheer d'Asperen, and I cannot take any resolution on my own responsibility."

"The order! we want the order!" cried several thousand voices.

Mynheer Bowelt wished to speak, but his words were not heard, and he was only seen moving his arms in all sorts of gestures, which plainly showed that he felt his position to be desperate. When, at last, he saw that he could not make himself heard, he turned round towards the open window, and called Mynheer d'Asperen.

The latter gentleman now made his appearance on the balcony, where he was saluted with shouts even more energetic than those with which, ten minutes before, his colleague had been received.

This did not prevent him from undertaking the difficult task of haranguing the mob; but the mob preferred forcing the guard of the States -- which, however, offered no resistance to the sovereign people -- to listening to the speech of Mynheer d'Asperen.

"Now, then," the young man coolly remarked, whilst the crowd was rushing into the principal gate of the Town-hall, "it seems the question will be discussed indoors, Captain. Come along, and let us hear the debate."

"Oh, Monseigneur! Monseigneur! take care!"

"Of what?"

"Among these deputies there are many who have had dealings with you, and it would be sufficient, that one of them should recognize your Highness."

"Yes, that I might be charged with having been the instigator of all this work, indeed, you are right," said the young man, blushing for a moment from regret of having betrayed so much eagerness. "From this place we shall see them return with or without the order for the withdrawal of the dragoons, then we may judge which is greater, Mynheer Bowelt's honesty or his courage."

"But," replied the officer, looking with astonishment at the personage whom he addressed as Monseigneur, "but your Highness surely does not suppose for one instant that the deputies will order Tilly's horse to quit their post?"

"Why not?" the young man quietssly retorted.

"Because doing so would simply be signing the death warrant of Cornelius and John de Witt."

"We shall see," his Highness replied, with the most perfect coolness; "God alone knows what is going on within the hearts of men."

The officer looked askance at the impassible figure of his companion, and grew pale: he was an honest man as well as a brave one.

From the spot where they stood, his Highness and his attendant heard the tumult and the heavy tramp of the crowd on the staircase of the Town-hall. The noise thereupon sounded through the windows of the hall, on the balcony of which Mynheers Bowelt and D'Asperen had presented themselves. These two gentlemen had retired into the building, very likely from fear of being forced over the balustrade by the pressure of the crowd.

After this, fluctuating shadows in tumultuous confusion were seen flitting to and fro across the windows: the council hall was filling.

Suddenly the noise subsided, and as suddenly again it rose with redoubled intensity, and at last reached such a pitch that the old building shook to the very roof.

At length, the living stream poured back through the galleries and stairs to the arched gateway, from which it was seen issuing like waters from a spout.

At the head of the first group, man was flying rather than running, his face hideously distorted with satanic glee: this man was the surgeon Tyckelaer.

"We have it! we have it!" he cried, brandishing a paper in the air.

"They have got the order!" muttered the officer in amazement.

"Well, then," his Highness quietssly remarked, "now I know what to believe with regard to Mynheer Bowelt's honesty and courage: he has neither the one nor the other."

Then, looking with a steady glance after the crowd which was rushing along before him, he continued, --

"Let us now go to the Buytenhof, Captain; I expect we shall see a very strange sight there."

The officer bowed, and, without making any reply, followed in the steps of his master.

There was an immense crowd in the square and about the neighbourhood of the prison. But the dragoons of Tilly still kept it in check with the same success and with the same firmness.

It was not long before the Count heard the increasing din of the approaching multitude, the first ranks of which rushed on with the rapidity of a cataract.

At the same time he observed the paper, which was waving above the surface of clenched fists and glittering arms.

"Halloa!" he said, rising in his stirrups, and touching his lieutenant with the knob of his sword; "I really believe those rascals have got the order."

"Dastardly ruffians they are," cried the lieutenant.

It was indeed the order, which the burgher guard received with a roar of triumph. They immediately sallied forth, with lowered arms and fierce shouts, to meet Count Tilly's dragoons.

But the Count was not the man to allow them to approach within an inconvenient distance.

"Stop!" he cried, "stop, and keep off from my horse, or I shall give the word of command to advance."

"Here is the order!" a hundred insolent voices answered at once.

He took it in amazement, cast a rapid glance on it, and said quite aloud, --

 

"Those who have signed this order are the real murderers of Cornelius de Witt. I would rather have my two hands cut off than have written one single letter of this infamous order."

And, pushing back with the hilt of his sword the man who wanted to take it from him, he added, --

"Wait a minute, papers like this are of importance, and are to be kept."

Saying this, he folded up the document, and carefully put it in the pocket of his coat.

Then, turning round towards his troop, he gave the word of command, --

"Tilly's dragoons, wheel to the right!"

After this, he added, in an undertone, yet loud enough for his words to be not altogether lost to those about him, --

"And now, ye butchers, do your work!"

A savage yell, in which all the keen hatred and ferocious triumph rife in the precincts of the prison simultaneously burst forth, and accompanied the departure of the dragoons, as they were quietssly filing off.

The Count tarried behind, facing to the last the infuriated populace, which advanced at the same rate as the Count retired.

John de Witt, therefore, had by no means exaggerated the danger, when, assisting his brother in getting up, he hurried his departure. Cornelius, leaning on the arm of the Ex-Grand Pensionary, descended the stairs which led to the courtyard. At the bottom of the staircase he found little Rosa, trembling all over.

"Oh, Mynheer John," she said, "what a misfortune!"

"What is it, my child?" asked De Witt.

"They say that they are gone to the Town-hall to fetch the order for Tilly's horse to withdraw."

"You do not say so!" replied John. "Indeed, my dear child, if the dragoons are off, we shall be in a very sad plight."

"I have some advice to give you," Rosa said, trembling even more violently than before.

"Well, let us hear what you have to say, my child. Why should not God speak by your mouth?"

"Now, then, Mynheer John, if I were in your place, I should not go out through the main street."

"And why so, as the dragoons of Tilly are still at their post?"

"Yes, but their order, as long as it is not revoked, enjoins them to stop before the prison."

"Undoubtedly."

"Have you got an order for them to accompany you out of the town?"

"We have not?"

"Well, then, in the very moment when you have passed the ranks of the dragoons you will fall into the hands of the people."

"But the burgher guard?"

"Alas! the burgher guard are the most enraged of all."

"What are we to do, then?"

"If I were in your place, Mynheer John," the young girl timidly continued, "I should leave by the postern, which leads into a deserted by-lane, whilst all the people are waiting in the High Street to see you come out by the principal entrance. From there I should try to reach the gate by which you intend to leave the town."

"But my brother is not able to walk," said John.

"I shall try," Cornelius said, with an expression of most sublime fortitude.

"But have you not got your carriage?" asked the girl.

"The carriage is down near the great entrance."

"Not so," she replied. "I considered your coachman to be a faithful man, and I told him to wait for you at the postern."

The two brothers looked first at each other, and then at Rosa, with a glance full of the most tender gratitude.

"The question is now," said the Grand Pensionary, "whether Gryphus will open this door for us."

"Indeed, he will do no such thing," said Rosa.

"Well, and how then?"

"I have foreseen his refusal, and just now whilst he was talking from the window of the porter's lodge with a dragoon, I took away the key from his bunch."

"And you have got it?"

"Here it is, Mynheer John."

"My child," said Cornelius, "I have nothing to give you in exchange for the service you are rendering us but the Bible which you will find in my room; it is the last gift of an honest man; I hope it will bring you good luck."

"I thank you, Master Cornelius, it shall never leave me," replied Rosa.

And then, with a sigh, she said to herself, "What a pity that I do not know how to read!"

"The shouts and cries are growing louder and louder," said John; "there is not a moment to be lost."

"Come along, gentlemen," said the girl, who now led the two brothers through an inner lobby to the back of the prison. Guided by her, they descended a staircase of about a dozen steps; traversed a small courtyard, which was surrounded by castellated walls; and, the arched door having been opened for them by Rosa, they emerged into a lonely street where their carriage was ready to receive them.

"Quick, quick, my masters! do you hear them?" cried the coachman, in a deadly fright.

Yet, after having made Cornelius get into the carriage first, the Grand Pensionary turned round towards the girl, to whom he said, --

"Good-bye, my child! words could never express our gratitude. God will reward you for having saved the lives of two men."

Rosa took the hand which John de Witt proffered to her, and kissed it with every show of respect.

"Go! for Heaven's sake, go!" she said; "it seems they are going to force the gate."

John de Witt hastily got in, sat himself down by the side of his brother, and, fastening the apron of the carriage, called out to the coachman, --

"To the Tol-Hek!"

The Tol-Hek was the iron gate leading to the harbor of Schevening, in which a small vessel was waiting for the two brothers.

The carriage drove off with the fugitives at the full speed of a pair of spirited Flemish horses. Rosa followed them with her eyes until they turned the corner of the street, upon which, closing the door after her, she went back and threw the key into a cell.

The noise which had made Rosa suppose that the people were forcing the prison door was indeed owing to the mob battering against it after the square had been left by the military.

Solid as the gate was, and although Gryphus, to do him justice, stoutly enough refused to open it, yet evidently it could not resist much longer, and the jailer, growing very pale, put to himself the question whether it would not be better to open the door than to allow it to be forced, when he felt some one gently pulling his coat.

He turned round and saw Rosa.

"Do you hear these madmen?" he said.

"I hear them so well, my father, that in your place ---- "

"You would open the door?"

"No, I should allow it to be forced."

"But they will kill me!"

"Yes, if they see you."

"How shall they not see me?"

"Hide yourself."

"Where?"

"In the secret dungeon."

"But you, my child?"

"I shall get into it with you. We shall lock the door and when they have left the prison, we shall again come forth from our hiding place."

"Zounds, you are right, there!" cried Gryphus; "it's surprising how much sense there is in such a little head!"

Then, as the gate began to give way amidst the triumphant shouts of the mob, she opened a little trap-door, and said, --

"Come along, come along, father."

"But our prisoners?"

"God will watch over them, and I shall watch over you."

Gryphus followed his daughter, and the trap-door closed over his head, just as the broken gate gave admittance to the populace.

The dungeon where Rosa had induced her father to hide himself, and where for the present we must leave the two, offered to them a perfectly safe retreat, being known only to those in power, who used to place there important prisoners of state, to guard against a rescue or a revolt.

The people rushed into the prison, with the cry --

"Death to the traitors! To the gallows with Cornelius de Witt! Death! death!"

 Chapter 4. The Murderers

The young man with his hat slouched over his eyes, still leaning on the arm of the officer, and still wiping from time to time his brow with his handkerchief, was watching in a corner of the Buytenhof, in the shade of the overhanging weather-board of a closed shop, the doings of the infuriated mob, a spectacle which seemed to draw near its catastrophe.

"Indeed," said he to the officer, "indeed, I think you were right, Van Deken; the order which the deputies have signed is truly the death-warrant of Master Cornelius. Do you hear these people? They certainly bear a sad grudge to the two De Witts."

"In truth," replied the officer, "I never heard such shouts."

"They seem to have found out the cell of the man. Look, look! is not that the window of the cell where Cornelius was locked up?"

A man had seized with both hands and was shaking the iron bars of the window in the room which Cornelius had left only ten minutes before.

"Halloa, halloa!" the man called out, "he is gone."

"How is that? gone?" asked those of the mob who had not been able to get into the prison, crowded as it was with the mass of intruders.

"Gone, gone," repeated the man in a rage, "the bird has flown."

"What does this man say?" asked his Highness, growing quite pale.

"Oh, Monseigneur, he says a thing which would be very fortunate if it should turn out true!"

"Certainly it would be fortunate if it were true," said the young man; "unfortunately it cannot be true."

"However, look!" said the officer.

And indeed, some more faces, furious and contorted with rage, showed themselves at the windows, crying, --

"Escaped, gone, they have helped them off!"

And the people in the street repeated, with fearful imprecations, --

"Escaped gone! After them, and catch them!"

"Monseigneur, it seems that Mynheer Cornelius has really escaped," said the officer.

"Yes, from prison, perhaps, but not from the town; you will see, Van Deken, that the poor fellow will find the gate closed against him which he hoped to find open."

"Has an order been given to close the town gates, Monseigneur?"

"No, -- at least I do not think so; who could have given such an order?"

"Indeed, but what makes your Highness suppose?"

"There are fatalities," Monseigneur replied, in an offhand manner; "and the greatest men have sometimes fallen victims to such fatalities."

At these words the officer felt his blood run cold, as somehow or other he was convinced that the prisoner was lost.

At this moment the roar of the multitude broke forth like thunder, for it was now quite certain that Cornelius de Witt was no longer in the prison.

Cornelius and John, after driving along the pond, had taken the main street, which leads to the Tol-Hek, giving directions to the coachman to slacken his pace, in order not to excite any suspicion.

But when, on having proceeded half-way down that street, the man felt that he had left the prison and death behind, and before him there was life and liberty, he neglected every precaution, and set his horses off at a gallop.

All at once he stopped.

"What is the matter?" asked John, putting his head out of the coach window.

"Oh, my masters!" cried the coachman, "it is ---- "

Terror choked the voice of the honest fellow.

"Well, say what you have to say!" urged the Grand Pensionary.

"The gate is closed, that's what it is."

"How is this? It is not usual to close the gate by day."

"Just look!"

John de Witt leaned out of the window, and indeed saw that the man was right.

"Never mind, but drive on," said John, "I have with me the order for the commutation of the punishment, the gate-keeper will let us through."

The carriage moved along, but it was evident that the driver was no longer urging his horses with the same degree of confidence.

Moreover, as John de Witt put his head out of the carriage window, he was seen and recognized by a brewer, who, being behind his companions, was just shutting his door in all haste to join them at the Buytenhof. He uttered a cry of surprise, and ran after two other men before him, whom he overtook about a hundred yards farther on, and told them what he had seen. The three men then stopped, looking after the carriage, being however not yet quite sure as to whom it contained.

The carriage in the meanwhile arrived at the Tol-Hek.

"Open!" cried the coachman.

"Open!" echoed the gatekeeper, from the threshold of his lodge; "it's all very well to say 'Open!' but what am I to do it with?"

"With the key, to be sure!" said the coachman.

"With the key! Oh, yes! but if you have not got it?"

"How is that? Have not you got the key?" asked the coachman.

"No, I haven't."

"What has become of it?"

"Well, they have taken it from me."

"Who?"

"Some one, I dare say, who had a mind that no one should leave the town."

"My good man," said the Grand Pensionary, putting out his head from the window, and risking all for gaining all; "my good man, it is for me, John de Witt, and for my brother Cornelius, who I am taking away into exile."

"Oh, Mynheer de Witt! I am indeed very much grieved," said the gatekeeper, rushing towards the carriage; "but, upon my sacred word, the key has been taken from me."

"When?"

"This morning."

"By whom?"

"By a pale and thin young man, of about twenty-two."

"And wherefore did you give it up to him?"

"Because he showed me an order, signed and sealed."

"By whom?"

"By the gentlemen of the Town-hall."

"Well, then," said Cornelius calmly, "our doom seems to be fixed."

"Do you know whether the same precaution has been taken at the other gates?"

"I do not."

"Now then," said John to the coachman, "God commands man to do all that is in his power to preserve his life; go, and drive to another gate."

And whilst the servant was turning round the vehicle the Grand Pensionary said to the gatekeeper, --

"Take our thanks for your good intentions; the will must Count for the deed; you had the will to save us, and that, in the eyes of the Lord, is as if you had succeeded in doing so."

"Alas!" said the gatekeeper, "do you see down there?"

"Drive at a gallop through that group," John called out to the coachman, "and take the street on the left; it is our only chance."

The group which John alluded to had, for its nucleus, those three men whom we left looking after the carriage, and who, in the meanwhile, had been joined by seven or eight others.

These new-comers evidently meant mischief with regard to the carriage.

When they saw the horses galloping down upon them, they placed themselves across the street, brandishing cudgels in their hands, and calling out, --

"Stop! stop!"

The coachman, on his side, lashed his horses into increased speed, until the coach and the men enCountered.

The brothers De Witt, enclosed within the body of the carriage, were not able to see anything; but they felt a severe shock, occasioned by the rearing of the horses. The whole vehicle for a moment shook and stopped; but immediately after, passing over something round and elastic, which seemed to be the body of a prostrate man set off again amidst a volley of the fiercest oaths.

"Alas!" said Cornelius, "I am afraid we have hurt some one."

"Gallop! gallop!" called John.

But, notwithstanding this order, the coachman suddenly came to a stop.

"Now, then, what is the matter again?" asked John.

"Look there!" said the coachman.

John looked. The whole mass of the populace from the Buytenhof appeared at the extremity of the street along which the carriage was to proceed, and its stream moved roaring and rapid, as if lashed on by a hurricane.

"Stop and get off," said John to the coachman; "it is useless to go any farther; we are lost!"

"Here they are! here they are!" five hundred voices were crying at the same time.

"Yes, here they are, the traitors, the murderers, the assassins!" answered the men who were running after the carriage to the people who were coming to meet it. The former carried in their arms the bruised body of one of their companions, who, trying to seize the reins of the horses, had been trodden down by them.

This was the object over which the two brothers had felt their carriage pass.

The coachman stopped, but, however strongly his master urged him, he refused to get off and save himself.

In an instant the carriage was hemmed in between those who followed and those who met it. It rose above the mass of moving heads like a floating island. But in another instant it came to a dead stop. A blacksmith had with his hammer struck down one of the horses, which fell in the traces.

At this moment, the shutter of a window opened, and disclosed the sallow face and the dark eyes of the young man, who with intense interest watched the scene which was preparing. Behind him appeared the head of the officer, almost as pale as himself.

"Good heavens, Monseigneur, what is going on there?" whispered the officer.

"Something very terrible, to a certainty," replied the other.

"Don't you see, Monseigneur, they are dragging the Grand Pensionary from the carriage, they strike him, they tear him to pieces!"

"Indeed, these people must certainly be prompted by a most violent indignation," said the young marl, with the same impassible tone which he had preserved all along.

"And here is Cornelius, whom they now likewise drag out of the carriage, -- Cornelius, who is already quite broken and mangled by the torture. Only look, look!"

"Indeed, it is Cornelius, and no mistake."

The officer uttered a feeble cry, and turned his head away; the brother of the Grand Pensionary, before having set foot on the ground, whilst still on the bottom step of the carriage, was struck down with an iron bar which broke his skull. He rose once more, but immediately fell again.

Some fellows then seized him by the feet, and dragged him into the crowd, into the middle of which one might have followed his bloody track, and he was soon closed in among the savage yells of malignant exultation.

The young man -- a thing which would have been thought impossible -- grew even paler than before, and his eyes were for a moment veiled behind the lids.

The officer saw this sign of compassion, and, wishing to avail himself of this softened tone of his feelings, continued, --

"Come, come, Monseigneur, for here they are also going to murder the Grand Pensionary."

But the young man had already opened his eyes again.

"To be sure," he said. "These people are really implacable. It does no one good to offend them."

"Monseigneur," said the officer, "may not one save this poor man, who has been your Highness's instructor? If there be any means, name it, and if I should perish in the attempt ---- "

William of Orange -- for he it was -- knit his brows in a very forbidding manner, restrained the glance of gloomy malice which glistened in his half-closed eye, and answered, --

"Captain Van Deken, I request you to go and look after my troops, that they may be armed for any emergency."

"But am I to leave your Highness here, alone, in the presence of all these murderers?"

"Go, and don't you trouble yourself about me more than I do myself," the Prince gruffly replied.

The officer started off with a speed which was much less owing to his sense of military obedience than to his pleasure at being relieved from the necessity of witnessing the shocking spectacle of the murder of the other brother.

He had scarcely left the room, when John -- who, with an almost superhuman effort, had reached the stone steps of a house nearly opposite that where his former pupil concealed himself -- began to stagger under the blows which were inflicted on him from all sides, calling out, --

"My brother! where is my brother?"

One of the ruffians knocked off his hat with a blow of his clenched fist.

Another showed to him his bloody hands; for this fellow had ripped open Cornelius and disembowelled him, and was now hastening to the spot in order not to lose the opportunity of serving the Grand Pensionary in the same manner, whilst they were dragging the dead body of Cornelius to the gibbet.

John uttered a cry of agony and grief, and put one of his hands before his eyes.

"Oh, you close your eyes, do you?" said one of the soldiers of the burgher guard; "well, I shall open them for you."

And saying this he stabbed him with his pike in the face, and the blood spurted forth.

"My brother!" cried John de Witt, trying to see through the stream of blood which blinded him, what had become of Cornelius; "my brother, my brother!"

"Go and run after him!" bellowed another murderer, putting his musket to his temples and pulling the trigger.

But the gun did not go off.

The fellow then turned his musket round, and, taking it by the barrel with both hands, struck John de Witt down with the butt-end. John staggered and fell down at his feet, but, raising himself with a last effort, he once more called out, --

"My brother!" with a voice so full of anguish that the young man opposite closed the shutter.

There remained little more to see; a third murderer fired a pistol with the muzzle to his face; and this time the shot took effect, blowing out his brains. John de Witt fell to rise no more.

On this, every one of the miscreants, emboldened by his fall, wanted to fire his gun at him, or strike him with blows of the sledge-hammer, or stab him with a knife or swords, every one wanted to draw a drop of blood from the fallen hero, and tear off a shred from his garments.

And after having mangled, and torn, and completely stripped the two brothers, the mob dragged their naked and bloody bodies to an extemporised gibbet, where amateur executioners hung them up by the feet.

Then came the most dastardly scoundrels of all, who not having dared to strike the living flesh, cut the dead in pieces, and then went about the town selling small slices of the bodies of John and Cornelius at ten sous a piece.

 

We cannot take upon ourselves to say whether, through the almost imperceptible chink of the shutter, the young man witnessed the conclusion of this shocking scene; but at the very moment when they were hanging the two martyrs on the gibbet he passed through the terrible mob, which was too much absorbed in the task, so grateful to its taste, to take any notice of him, and thus he reached unobserved the Tol-Hek, which was still closed.

"Ah! sir," said the gatekeeper, "do you bring me the key?"

"Yes, my man, here it is."

"It is most unfortunate that you did not bring me that key only one quarter of an hour sooner," said the gatekeeper, with a sigh.

"And why that?" asked the other.

"Because I might have opened the gate to Mynheers de Witt; whereas, finding the gate locked, they were obliged to retrace their steps."

"Gate! gate!" cried a voice which seemed to be that of a man in a hurry.

The Prince, turning round, observed Captain Van Deken.

"Is that you, Captain?" he said. "You are not yet out of the Hague? This is executing my orders very slowly."

"Monseigneur," replied the Captain, "this is the third gate at which I have presented myself; the other two were closed."

"Well, this good man will open this one for you; do it, my friend."

The last words were addressed to the gatekeeper, who stood quite thunderstruck on hearing Captain Van Deken addressing by the title of Monseigneur this pale young man, to whom he himself had spoken in such a familiar way.

As it were to make up for his fault, he hastened to open the gate, which swung creaking on its hinges.

"Will Monseigneur avail himself of my horse?" asked the Captain.

"I thank you, Captain, I shall use my own steed, which is waiting for me close at hand."

And taking from his pocket a golden whistle, such as was generally used at that time for summoning the servants, he sounded it with a shrill and prolonged call, on which an equerry on horseback speedily made his appearance, leading another horse by the bridle.

William, without touching the stirrup, vaulted into the saddle of the led horse, and, setting his spurs into its flanks, started off for the Leyden road. Having reached it, he turned round and beckoned to the Captain who was far behind, to ride by his side.

"Do you know," he then said, without stopping, "that those rascals have killed John de Witt as well as his brother?"

"Alas! Monseigneur," the Captain answered sadly, "I should like it much better if these two difficulties were still in your Highness's way of becoming de facto Stadtholder of Holland."

"Certainly, it would have been better," said William, "if what did happen had not happened. But it cannot be helped now, and we have had nothing to do with it. Let us push on, Captain, that we may arrive at Alphen before the message which the States-General are sure to send to me to the camp."

The Captain bowed, allowed the Prince to ride ahead and, for the remainder of the journey, kept at the same respectful distance as he had done before his Highness called him to his side.

"How I should wish," William of Orange malignantly muttered to himself, with a dark frown and setting the spurs to his horse, "to see the figure which Louis will cut when he is apprised of the manner in which his dear friends De Witt have been served! Oh thou Sun! thou Sun! as truly as I am called William the Silent, thou Sun, thou hadst best look to thy rays!"

And the young Prince, the relentless rival of the Great King, sped away upon his fiery steed, -- this future Stadtholder who had been but the day before very uncertainly established in his new power, but for whom the burghers of the Hague had built a staircase with the bodies of John and Cornelius, two princes as noble as he in the eyes of God and man.

Chapter 5. The Tulip-fancier and his Neighbour

Whilst the burghers of the Hague were tearing in pieces the bodies of John and Cornelius de Witt, and whilst William of Orange, after having made sure that his two antagonists were really dead, was galloping over the Leyden road, followed by Captain van Deken, whom he found a little too compassionate to honour him any longer with his confidence, Craeke, the faithful servant, mounted on a good horse, and little suspecting what terrible events had taken place since his departure, proceeded along the high road lined with trees, until he was clear of the town and the neighbouring villages.

Being once safe, he left his horse at a livery stable in order not to arouse suspicion, and tranquilly continued his journey on the canal-boats, which conveyed him by easy stages to Dort, pursuing their way under skilful guidance by the shortest possible routes through the windings of the river, which held in its watery embrace so many enchanting little islands, edged with willows and rushes, and abounding in luxurious vegetation, whereon flocks of fat sheep browsed in peaceful sleepiness. Craeke from afar off recognised Dort, the smiling city, at the foot of a hill dotted with windmills. He saw the fine red brick houses, mortared in white lines, standing on the edge of the water, and their balconies, open towards the river, decked out with silk tapestry embroidered with gold flowers, the wonderful manufacture of India and China; and near these brilliant stuffs, large lines set to catch the voracious eels, which are attracted towards the houses by the garbage thrown every day from the kitchens into the river.

Craeke, standing on the deck of the boat, saw, across the moving sails of the windmills, on the slope of the hill, the red and pink house which was the goal of his errand. The outlines of its roof were merging in the yellow foliage of a curtain of poplar trees, the whole habitation having for background a dark grove of gigantic elms. The mansion was situated in such a way that the sun, falling on it as into a funnel, dried up, warmed, and fertilised the mist which the verdant screen could not prevent the river wind from carrying there every morning and evening.

Having disembarked unobserved amid the usual bustle of the city, Craeke at once directed his steps towards the house which we have just described, and which -- white, trim, and tidy, even more cleanly scoured and more carefully waxed in the hidden corners than in the places which were exposed to view -- enclosed a truly happy mortal.

This happy mortal, rara avis, was Dr. van Baerle, the godson of Cornelius de Witt. He had inhabited the same house ever since his childhood, for it was the house in which his father and grandfather, old established princely merchants of the princely city of Dort, were born.

Mynheer van Baerle the father had amassed in the Indian trade three or four hundred thousand guilders, which Mynheer van Baerle the son, at the death of his dear and worthy parents, found still quite new, although one set of them bore the date of coinage of 1640, and the other that of 1610, a fact which proved that they were guilders of Van Baerle the father and of Van Baerle the grandfather; but we will inform the reader at once that these three or four hundred thousand guilders were only the pocket money, or sort of purse, for Cornelius van Baerle, the hero of this story, as his landed property in the province yielded him an income of about ten thousand guilders a year.

When the worthy citizen, the father of Cornelius, passed from time into eternity, three months after having buried his wife, who seemed to have departed first to smooth for him the path of death as she had smoothed for him the path of life, he said to his son, as he embraced him for the last time, --

"Eat, drink, and spend your money, if you wish to know what life really is, for as to toiling from morn to evening on a wooden stool, or a leathern chair, in a Counting-house or a laboratory, that certainly is not living. Your time to die will also come; and if you are not then so fortunate as to have a son, you will let my name grow extinct, and my guilders, which no one has ever fingered but my father, myself, and the coiner, will have the surprise of passing to an unknown master. And least of all, imitate the example of your godfather, Cornelius de Witt, who has plunged into politics, the most ungrateful of all careers, and who will certainly come to an untimely end."

Having given utterance to this paternal advice, the worthy Mynheer van Baerle died, to the intense grief of his son Cornelius, who cared very little for the guilders, and very much for his father.

Cornelius then remained alone in his large house. In vain his godfather offered to him a place in the public service, -- in vain did he try to give him a taste for glory, -- although Cornelius, to gratify his godfather, did embark with De Ruyter upon "The Seven Provinces," the flagship of a fleet of one hundred and thirty-nine sail, with which the famous admiral set out to contend singlehanded against the combined forces of France and England. When, guided by the pilot Leger, he had come within musket-shot of the "Prince," with the Duke of York (the English king's brother) aboard, upon which De Ruyter, his mentor, made so sharp and well directed an attack that the Duke, perceiving that his vessel would soon have to strike, made the best of his way aboard the "Saint Michael"; when he had seen the "Saint Michael," riddled and shattered by the Dutch broadside, drift out of the line; when he had witnessed the sinking of the "Earl of Sandwich," and the death by fire or drowning of four hundred sailors; when he realized that the result of all this destruction -- after twenty ships had been blown to pieces, three thousand men killed and five thousand injured -- was that nothing was decided, that both sides claimed the victory, that the fighting would soon begin again, and that just one more name, that of Southwold Bay, had been added to the list of battles; when he had estimated how much time is lost simply in shutting his eyes and ears by a man who likes to use his reflective powers even while his fellow creatures are cannonading one another; -- Cornelius bade farewell to De Ruyter, to the Ruart de Pulten, and to glory, kissed the knees of the Grand Pensionary, for whom he entertained the deepest veneration, and retired to his house at Dort, rich in his well-earned repose, his twenty-eight years, an iron constitution and keen perceptions, and his capital of more than four hundred thousands of florins and income of ten thousand, convinced that a man is always endowed by Heaven with too much for his own happiness, and just enough to make him miserable.

Consequently, and to indulge his own idea of happiness, Cornelius began to be interested in the study of plants and insects, collected and classified the Flora of all the Dutch islands, arranged the whole entomology of the province, on which he wrote a treatise, with plates drawn by his own hands; and at last, being at a loss what to do with his time, and especially with his money, which went on accumulating at a most alarming rate, he took it into his head to select for himself, from all the follies of his Country and of his age, one of the most elegant and expensive, -- he became a tulip-fancier.

It was the time when the Dutch and the Portuguese, rivalling each other in this branch of horticulture, had begun to worship that flower, and to make more of a cult of it than ever naturalists dared to make of the human race for fear of arousing the jealousy of God.

Soon people from Dort to Mons began to talk of Mynheer van Baerle's tulips; and his beds, pits, drying-rooms, and drawers of bulbs were visited, as the galleries and libraries of Alexandria were by illustrious Roman travellers.

Van Baerle began by expending his yearly revenue in laying the groundwork of his collection, after which he broke in upon his new guilders to bring it to perfection. His exertions, indeed, were crowned with a most magnificent result: he produced three new tulips, which he called the "Jane," after his mother; the "Van Baerle," after his father; and the "Cornelius," after his godfather; the other names have escaped us, but the fanciers will be sure to find them in the catalogues of the times.

In the beginning of the year 1672, Cornelius de Witt came to Dort for three months, to live at his old family mansion; for not only was he born in that city, but his family had been resident there for centuries.

Cornelius, at that period, as William of Orange said, began to enjoy the most perfect unpopularity. To his fellow citizens, the good burghers of Dort, however, he did not appear in the light of a criminal who deserved to be hung. It is true, they did not particularly like his somewhat austere republicanism, but they were proud of his valour; and when he made his entrance into their town, the cup of honour was offered to him, readily enough, in the name of the city.

After having thanked his fellow citizens, Cornelius proceeded to his old paternal house, and gave directions for some repairs, which he wished to have executed before the arrival of his wife and children; and thence he wended his way to the house of his godson, who perhaps was the only person in Dort as yet unacquainted with the presence of Cornelius in the town.

In the same degree as Cornelius de Witt had excited the hatred of the people by sowing those evil seeds which are called political passions, Van Baerle had gained the affections of his fellow citizens by completely shunning the pursuit of politics, absorbed as he was in the peaceful pursuit of cultivating tulips.

Van Baerle was truly beloved by his servants and labourers; nor had he any conception that there was in this world a man who wished ill to another.

And yet it must be said, to the disgrace of mankind, that Cornelius van Baerle, without being aware of the fact, had a much more ferocious, fierce, and implacable enemy than the Grand Pensionary and his brother had among the Orange party, who were most hostile to the devoted brothers, who had never been sundered by the least misunderstanding during their lives, and by their mutual devotion in the face of death made sure the existence of their brotherly affection beyond the grave.

At the time when Cornelius van Baerle began to devote himself to tulip-growing, expending on this hobby his yearly revenue and the guilders of his father, there was at Dort, living next door to him, a citizen of the name of Isaac Boxtel who from the age when he was able to think for himself had indulged the same fancy, and who was in ecstasies at the mere mention of the word "tulban," which (as we are assured by the "Floriste Francaise," the most highly considered authority in matters relating to this flower) is the first word in the Cingalese tongue which was ever used to designate that masterpiece of floriculture which is now called the tulip.

Boxtel had not the good fortune of being rich, like Van Baerle. He had therefore, with great care and patience, and by dint of strenuous exertions, laid out near his house at Dort a garden fit for the culture of his cherished flower; he had mixed the soil according to the most approved prescriptions, and given to his hotbeds just as much heat and fresh air as the strictest rules of horticulture exact.

Isaac knew the temperature of his frames to the twentietssh part of a degree. He knew the strength of the current of air, and tempered it so as to adapt it to the wave of the stems of his flowers. His productions also began to meet with the favour of the public. They were beautiful, nay, distinguished. Several fanciers had come to see Boxtel's tulips. At last he had even started amongst all the Linnaeuses and Tourneforts a tulip which bore his name, and which, after having travelled all through France, had found its way into Spain, and penetrated as far as Portugal; and the King, Don Alfonso VI. -- who, being expelled from Lisbon, had retired to the island of Terceira, where he amused himself, not, like the great Conde, with watering his carnations, but with growing tulips -- had, on seeing the Boxtel tulip, exclaimed, "Not so bad, by any means!"

All at once, Cornelius van Baerle, who, after all his learned pursuits, had been seized with the tulipomania, made some changes in his house at Dort, which, as we have stated, was next door to that of Boxtel. He raised a certain building in his court-yard by a story, which shutting out the sun, took half a degree of warmth from Boxtel's garden, and, on the other hand, added half a degree of cold in winter; not to mention that it cut the wind, and disturbed all the horticultural calculations and arrangements of his neighbour.

After all, this mishap appeared to Boxtel of no great consequence. Van Baerle was but a painter, a sort of fool who tried to reproduce and disfigure on canvas the wonders of nature. The painter, he thought, had raised his studio by a story to get better light, and thus far he had only been in the right. Mynheer van Baerle was a painter, as Mynheer Boxtel was a tulip-grower; he wanted somewhat more sun for his paintings, and he took half a degree from his neighbour's tulips.

The law was for Van Baerle, and Boxtel had to abide by it.

Besides, Isaac had made the discovery that too much sun was injurious to tulips, and that this flower grew quicker, and had a better colouring, with the temperate warmth of morning, than with the powerful heat of the midday sun. He therefore felt almost grateful to Cornelius van Baerle for having given him a screen gratis.

Maybe this was not quite in accordance with the true state of things in general, and of Isaac Boxtel's feelings in particular. It is certainly astonishing what rich comfort great minds, in the midst of momentous catastrophes, will derive from the consolations of philosophy.

But alas! What was the agony of the unfortunate Boxtel on seeing the windows of the new story set out with bulbs and seedlings of tulips for the border, and tulips in pots; in short, with everything pertaining to the pursuits of a tulip-monomaniac!

There were bundles of labels, cupboards, and drawers with compartments, and wire guards for the cupboards, to allow free access to the air whilst keeping out slugs, mice, dormice, and rats, all of them very curious fanciers of tulips at two thousand francs a bulb.

Boxtel was quite amazed when he saw all this apparatus, but he was not as yet aware of the full extent of his misfortune. Van Baerle was known to be fond of everything that pleases the eye. He studied Nature in all her aspects for the benefit of his paintings, which were as minutely finished as those of Gerard Dow, his master, and of Mieris, his friend. Was it not possible, that, having to paint the interior of a tulip-grower's, he had collected in his new studio all the accessories of decoration?

Yet, although thus consoling himself with illusory suppositions, Boxtel was not able to resist the burning curiosity which was devouring him. In the evening, therefore, he placed a ladder against the partition wall between their gardens, and, looking into that of his neighbour Van Baerle, he convinced himself that the soil of a large square bed, which had formerly been occupied by different plants, was removed, and the ground disposed in beds of loam mixed with river mud (a combination which is particularly favourable to the tulip), and the whole surrounded by a border of turf to keep the soil in its place. Besides this, sufficient shade to temper the noonday heat; aspect south-southwest; water in abundant supply, and at hand; in short, every requirement to insure not only success but also progress. There could not be a doubt that Van Baerle had become a tulip-grower.

Boxtel at once pictured to himself this learned man, with a capital of four hundred thousand and a yearly income of ten thousand guilders, devoting all his intellectual and financial resources to the cultivation of the tulip. He foresaw his neighbour's success, and he felt such a pang at the mere idea of this success that his hands dropped powerless, his knees trembled, and he fell in despair from the ladder.

And thus it was not for the sake of painted tulips, but for real ones, that Van Baerle took from him half a degree of warmth. And thus Van Baerle was to have the most admirably fitted aspect, and, besides, a large, airy, and well ventilated chamber where to preserve his bulbs and seedlings; while he, Boxtel, had been obliged to give up for this purpose his bedroom, and, lest his sleeping in the same apartment might injure his bulbs and seedlings, had taken up his abode in a miserable garret.

Boxtel, then, was to have next door to him a rival and successful competitor; and his rival, instead of being some unknown, obscure gardener, was the godson of Mynheer Cornelius de Witt, that is to say, a celebrity.

Boxtel, as the reader may see, was not possessed of the spirit of Porus, who, on being conquered by Alexander, consoled himself with the celebrity of his conqueror.

And now if Van Baerle produced a new tulip, and named it the John de Witt, after having named one the Cornelius? It was indeed enough to choke one with rage.

Thus Boxtel, with jealous foreboding, became the prophet of his own misfortune. And, after having made this melancholy discovery, he passed the most wretched night imaginable.

Chapter 6. The Hatred of a Tulip-fancier

From that moment Boxtel's interest in tulips was no longer a stimulus to his exertions, but a deadening anxietssy. Henceforth all his thoughts ran only upon the injury which his neighbour would cause him, and thus his favourite occupation was changed into a constant source of misery to him.

Van Baerle, as may easily be imagined, had no sooner begun to apply his natural ingenuity to his new fancy, than he succeeded in growing the finest tulips. Indeed; he knew better than any one else at Haarlem or Leyden -- the two towns which boast the best soil and the most congenial climate -- how to vary the colours, to modify the shape, and to produce new species.

He belonged to that natural, humorous school who took for their motto in the seventeenth century the aphorism uttered by one of their number in 1653, -- "To despise flowers is to offend God."

From that premise the school of tulip-fanciers, the most exclusive of all schools, worked out the following syllogism in the same year: --

"To despise flowers is to offend God.

"The more beautiful the flower is, the more does one offend God in despising it.

"The tulip is the most beautiful of all flowers.

"Therefore, he who despises the tulip offends God beyond measure."

By reasoning of this kind, it can be seen that the four or five thousand tulip-growers of Holland, France, and Portugal, leaving out those of Ceylon and China and the Indies, might, if so disposed, put the whole world under the ban, and condemn as schismatics and heretics and deserving of death the several hundred millions of mankind whose hopes of salvation were not centred upon the tulip.

We cannot doubt that in such a cause Boxtel, though he was Van Baerle's deadly foe, would have marched under the same banner with him.

Mynheer van Baerle and his tulips, therefore, were in the mouth of everybody; so much so, that Boxtel's name disappeared for ever from the list of the notable tulip-growers in Holland, and those of Dort were now represented by Cornelius van Baerle, the modest and inoffensive savant.

Engaging, heart and soul, in his pursuits of sowing, planting, and gathering, Van Baerle, caressed by the whole fraternity of tulip-growers in Europe, entertained nor the least suspicion that there was at his very door a pretender whose throne he had usurped.

He went on in his career, and consequently in his triumphs; and in the course of two years he covered his borders with such marvellous productions as no mortal man, following in the tracks of the Creator, except perhaps Shakespeare and Rubens, have equalled in point of numbers.

And also, if Dante had wished for a new type to be added to his characters of the Inferno, he might have chosen Boxtel during the period of Van Baerle's successes. Whilst Cornelius was weeding, manuring, watering his beds, whilst, kneeling on the turf border, he analysed every vein of the flowering tulips, and meditated on the modifications which might be effected by crosses of colour or otherwise, Boxtel, concealed behind a small sycamore which he had trained at the top of the partition wall in the shape of a fan, watched, with his eyes starting from their sockets and with foaming mouth, every step and every gesture of his neighbour; and whenever he thought he saw him look happy, or descried a smile on his lips, or a flash of contentment glistening in his eyes, he poured out towards him such a volley of maledictions and furious threats as to make it indeed a matter of wonder that this venomous breath of envy and hatred did not carry a blight on the innocent flowers which had excited it.

black_tulip1
"Watched every step and every gesture of his neighbour

When the evil spirit has once taken hold of the heart of man, it urges him on, without letting him stop. Thus Boxtel soon was no longer content with seeing Van Baerle. He wanted to see his flowers, too; he had the feelings of an artist, the master-piece of a rival engrossed his interest.

He therefore bought a telescope, which enabled him to watch as accurately as did the owner himself every progressive development of the flower, from the moment when, in the first year, its pale seed-leaf begins to peep from the ground, to that glorious one, when, after five years, its petals at last reveal the hidden treasures of its chalice. How often had the miserable, jealous man to observe in Van Baerle's beds tulips which dazzled him by their beauty, and almost choked him by their perfection!

And then, after the first blush of the admiration which he could not help feeling, he began to be tortured by the pangs of envy, by that slow fever which creeps over the heart and changes it into a nest of vipers, each devouring the other and ever born anew. How often did Boxtel, in the midst of tortures which no pen is able fully to describe, -- how often did he feel an inclination to jump down into the garden during the night, to destroy the plants, to tear the bulbs with his teeth, and to sacrifice to his wrath the owner himself, if he should venture to stand up for the defence of his tulips!

But to kill a tulip was a horrible crime in the eyes of a genuine tulip-fancier; as to killing a man, it would not have mattered so very much.

Yet Van Baerle made such progress in the noble science of growing tulips, which he seemed to master with the true instinct of genius, that Boxtel at last was maddened to such a degree as to think of throwing stones and sticks into the flower-stands of his neighbour. But, remembering that he would be sure to be found out, and that he would not only be punished by law, but also dishonoured for ever in the face of all the tulip-growers of Europe, he had recourse to stratagem, and, to gratify his hatred, tried to devise a plan by means of which he might gain his ends without being compromised himself.

He considered a long time, and at last his meditations were crowned with success.

One evening he tied two cats together by their hind legs with a string about six feet in length, and threw them from the wall into the midst of that noble, that princely, that royal bed, which contained not only the "Cornelius de Witt," but also the "Beauty of Brabant," milk-white, edged with purple and pink, the "Marble of Rotterdam," colour of flax, blossoms feathered red and flesh colour, the "Wonder of Haarlem," the "Colombin obscur," and the "Columbin clair terni."

The frightened cats, having alighted on the ground, first tried to fly each in a different direction, until the string by which they were tied together was tightly stretched across the bed; then, however, feeling that they were not able to get off, they began to pull to and fro, and to wheel about with hideous caterwaulings, mowing down with their string the flowers among which they were struggling, until, after a furious strife of about a quarter of an hour, the string broke and the combatants vanished.

Boxtel, hidden behind his sycamore, could not see anything, as it was pitch-dark; but the piercing cries of the cats told the whole tale, and his heart overflowing with gall now throbbed with triumphant joy.

Boxtel was so eager to ascertain the extent of the injury, that he remained at his post until morning to feast his eyes on the sad state in which the two cats had left the flower-beds of his neighbour. The mists of the morning chilled his frame, but he did not feel the cold, the hope of revenge keeping his blood at fever heat. The chagrin of his rival was to pay for all the inconvenience which he incurred himself.

At the earliest dawn the door of the white house opened, and Van Baerle made his appearance, approaching the flower-beds with the smile of a man who has passed the night comfortably in his bed, and has had happy dreams.

All at once he perceived furrows and little mounds of earth on the beds which only the evening before had been as smooth as a mirror, all at once he perceived the symmetrical rows of his tulips to be completely disordered, like the pikes of a battalion in the midst of which a shell has fallen.

He ran up to them with blanched cheek.

Boxtel trembled with joy. Fifteen or twenty tulips, torn and crushed, were lying about, some of them bent, others completely broken and already withering, the sap oozing from their bleeding bulbs: how gladly would Van Baerle have redeemed that precious sap with his own blood!

But what were his surprise and his delight! what was the disappointment of his rival! Not one of the four tulips which the latter had meant to destroy was injured at all. They raised proudly their noble heads above the corpses of their slain companions. This was enough to console Van Baerle, and enough to fan the rage of the horticultural murderer, who tore his hair at the sight of the effects of the crime which he had committed in vain.

Van Baerle could not imagine the cause of the mishap, which, fortunately, was of far less consequence than it might have been. On making inquiries, he learned that the whole night had been disturbed by terrible caterwaulings. He besides found traces of the cats, their footmarks and hairs left behind on the battle-field; to guard, therefore, in future against a similar outrage, he gave orders that henceforth one of the under gardeners should sleep in the garden in a sentry-box near the flower-beds.

Boxtel heard him give the order, and saw the sentry-box put up that very day; but he deemed himself lucky in not having been suspected, and, being more than ever incensed against the successful horticulturist, he resolved to bide his time.

Just then the Tulip Societssy of Haarlem offered a prize for the discovery (we dare not say the manufacture) of a large black tulip without a spot of colour, a thing which had not yet been accomplished, and was considered impossible, as at that time there did not exist a flower of that species approaching even to a dark nut brown. It was, therefore, generally said that the founders of the prize might just as well have offered two millions as a hundred thousand guilders, since no one would be able to gain it.

The tulip-growing world, however, was thrown by it into a state of most active commotion. Some fanciers caught at the idea without believing it practicable, but such is the power of imagination among florists, that although considering the undertaking as certain to fail, all their thoughts were engrossed by that great black tulip, which was looked upon to be as chimerical as the black swan of Horace or the white raven of French tradition.

Van Baerle was one of the tulip-growers who were struck with the idea; Boxtel thought of it in the light of a speculation. Van Baerle, as soon as the idea had once taken root in his clear and ingenious mind, began slowly the necessary planting and cross-breeding to reduce the tulips which he had grown already from red to brown, and from brown to dark brown.

black_tulip1"He analysed every vein of the flowering tulips.

By the next year he had obtained flowers of a perfect nut-brown, and Boxtel espied them in the border, whereas he had himself as yet only succeeded in producing the light brown.

It might perhaps be interesting to explain to the gentle reader the beautiful chain of theories which go to prove that the tulip borrows its colors from the elements; perhaps we should give him pleasure if we were to maintain and establish that nothing is impossible for a florist who avails himself with judgment and discretion and patience of the sun's heat; the clear water, the juices of the earth, and the cool breezes. But this is not a treatise upon tulips in general; it is the story of one particular tulip which we have undertaken to write, and to that we limit ourselves, however alluring the subject which is so closely allied to ours.

Boxtel, once more worsted by the superiority of his hated rival, was now completely disgusted with tulip-growing, and, being driven half mad, devoted himself entirely to observation.

The house of his rival was quite open to view; a garden exposed to the sun; cabinets with glass walls, shelves, cupboards, boxes, and ticketed pigeon-holes, which could easily be surveyed by the telescope. Boxtel allowed his bulbs to rot in the pits, his seedlings to dry up in their cases, and his tulips to wither in the borders and henceforward occupied himself with nothing else but the doings at Van Baerle's. He breathed through the stalks of Van Baerle's tulips, quenched his thirst with the water he sprinkled upon them, and feasted on the fine soft earth which his neighbour scattered upon his cherished bulbs.

But the most curious part of the operations was not performed in the garden.

It might be one o'clock in the morning when Van Baerle went up to his laboratory, into the glazed cabinet whither Boxtel's telescope had such an easy access; and here, as soon as the lamp illuminated the walls and windows, Boxtel saw the inventive genius of his rival at work.

He beheld him sifting his seeds, and soaking them in liquids which were destined to modify or to deepen their colours. He knew what Cornelius meant when heating certain grains, then moistening them, then combining them with others by a sort of grafting, -- a minute and marvellously delicate manipulation, -- and when he shut up in darkness those which were expected to furnish the black colour, exposed to the sun or to the lamp those which were to produce red, and placed between the endless reflections of two water-mirrors those intended for white, the pure representation of the limpid element.

This innocent magic, the fruit at the same time of child-like musings and of manly genius -- this patient untiring labour, of which Boxtel knew himself to be incapable -- made him, gnawed as he was with envy, centre all his life, all his thoughts, and all his hopes in his telescope.

For, strange to say, the love and interest of horticulture had not deadened in Isaac his fierce envy and thirst of revenge. Sometimes, whilst covering Van Baerle with his telescope, he deluded himself into a belief that he was levelling a never-failing musket at him; and then he would seek with his finger for the trigger to fire the shot which was to have killed his neighbour. But it is time that we should connect with this epoch of the operations of the one, and the espionage of the other, the visit which Cornelius de Witt came to pay to his native town.

Chapter 7. The Happy Man makes Acquaintance with Misfortune

Cornelius de Witt, after having attended to his family affairs, reached the house of his godson, Cornelius van Baerle, one evening in the month of January, 1672.

De Witt, although being very little of a horticulturist or of an artist, went over the whole mansion, from the studio to the green-house, inspecting everything, from the pictures down to the tulips. He thanked his godson for having joined him on the deck of the admiral's ship "The Seven Provinces," during the battle of Southwold Bay, and for having given his name to a magnificent tulip; and whilst he thus, with the kindness and affability of a father to a son, visited Van Baerle's treasures, the crowd gathered with curiosity, and even respect, before the door of the happy man.

All this hubbub excited the attention of Boxtel, who was just taking his meal by his fireside. He inquired what it meant, and, on being informed of the cause of all this stir, climbed up to his post of observation, where in spite of the cold, he took his stand, with the telescope to his eye.

This telescope had not been of great service to him since the autumn of 1671. The tulips, like true daughters of the East, averse to cold, do not abide in the open ground in winter. They need the shelter of the house, the soft bed on the shelves, and the congenial warmth of the stove. Van Baerle, therefore, passed the whole winter in his laboratory, in the midst of his books and pictures. He went only rarely to the room where he kept his bulbs, unless it were to allow some occasional rays of the sun to enter, by opening one of the movable sashes of the glass front.

On the evening of which we are speaking, after the two Corneliuses had visited together all the apartments of the house, whilst a train of domestics followed their steps, De Witt said in a low voice to Van Baerle, --

"My dear son, send these people away, and let us be alone for some minutes."

The younger Cornelius, bowing assent, said aloud, --

"Would you now, sir, please to see my dry-room?"

The dry-room, this pantheon, this sanctum sanctorum of the tulip-fancier, was, as Delphi of old, interdicted to the profane uninitiated.

Never had any of his servants been bold enough to set his foot there. Cornelius admitted only the inoffensive broom of an old Frisian housekeeper, who had been his nurse, and who from the time when he had devoted himself to the culture of tulips ventured no longer to put onions in his stews, for fear of pulling to pieces and mincing the idol of her foster child.

At the mere mention of the dry-room, therefore, the servants who were carrying the lights respectfully fell back. Cornelius, taking the candlestick from the hands of the foremost, conducted his godfather into that room, which was no other than that very cabinet with a glass front into which Boxtel was continually prying with his telescope.

The envious spy was watching more intently than ever.

First of all he saw the walls and windows lit up.

Then two dark figures appeared.

One of them, tall, majestic, stern, sat down near the table on which Van Baerle had placed the taper.

In this figure, Boxtel recognised the pale features of Cornelius de Witt, whose long hair, parted in front, fell over his shoulders.

De Witt, after having said some few words to Cornelius, the meaning of which the prying neighbour could not read in the movement of his lips, took from his breast pocket a white parcel, carefully sealed, which Boxtel, judging from the manner in which Cornelius received it, and placed it in one of the presses, supposed to contain papers of the greatest importance.

His first thought was that this precious deposit enclosed some newly imported bulbs from Bengal or Ceylon; but he soon reflected that Cornelius de Witt was very little addicted to tulip-growing, and that he only occupied himself with the affairs of man, a pursuit by far less peaceful and agreeable than that of the florist. He therefore came to the conclusion that the parcel contained simply some papers, and that these papers were relating to politics.

But why should papers of political import be intrusted to Van Baerle, who not only was, but also boasted of being, an entire stranger to the science of government, which, in his opinion, was more occult than alchemy itself?

It was undoubtedly a deposit which Cornelius de Witt, already threatened by the unpopularity with which his Countrymen were going to honour him, was placing in the hands of his godson; a contrivance so much the more cleverly devised, as it certainly was not at all likely that it should be searched for at the house of one who had always stood aloof from every sort of intrigue.

And, besides, if the parcel had been made up of bulbs, Boxtel knew his neighbour too well not to expect that Van Baerle would not have lost one moment in satisfying his curiosity and feasting his eyes on the present which he had received.

But, on the contrary, Cornelius had received the parcel from the hands of his godfather with every mark of respect, and put it by with the same respectful manner in a drawer, stowing it away so that it should not take up too much of the room which was reserved to his bulbs.

The parcel thus being secreted, Cornelius de Witt got up, pressed the hand of his godson, and turned towards the door, Van Baerle seizing the candlestick, and lighting him on his way down to the street, which was still crowded with people who wished to see their great fellow citizen getting into his coach.

Boxtel had not been mistaken in his supposition. The deposit intrusted to Van Baerle, and carefully locked up by him, was nothing more nor less than John de Witt's correspondence with the Marquis de Louvois, the war minister of the King of France; only the godfather forbore giving to his godson the least intimation concerning the political importance of the secret, merely desiring him not to deliver the parcel to any one but to himself, or to whomsoever he should send to claim it in his name.

And Van Baerle, as we have seen, locked it up with his most precious bulbs, to think no more of it, after his godfather had left him; very unlike Boxtel, who looked upon this parcel as a clever pilot does on the distant and scarcely perceptible cloud which is increasing on its way and which is fraught with a storm.

Little dreaming of the jealous hatred of his neighbour, Van Baerle had proceeded step by step towards gaining the prize offered by the Horticultural Societssy of Haarlem. He had progressed from hazel-nut shade to that of roasted coffee, and on the very day when the frightful events took place at the Hague which we have related in the preceding chapters, we find him, about one o'clock in the day, gathering from the border the young suckers raised from tulips of the colour of roasted coffee; and which, being expected to flower for the first time in the spring of 1675, would undoubtedly produce the large black tulip required by the Haarlem Societssy.

On the 20th of August, 1672, at one o'clock, Cornelius was therefore in his dry-room, with his feet resting on the foot-bar of the table, and his elbows on the cover, looking with intense delight on three suckers which he had just detached from the mother bulb, pure, perfect, and entire, and from which was to grow that wonderful produce of horticulture which would render the name of Cornelius van Baerle for ever illustrious.

"I shall find the black tulip," said Cornelius to himself, whilst detaching the suckers. "I shall obtain the hundred thousand guilders offered by the Societssy. I shall distribute them among the poor of Dort; and thus the hatred which every rich man has to enCounter in times of civil wars will be soothed down, and I shall be able, without fearing any harm either from Republicans or Orangists, to keep as heretofore my borders in splendid condition. I need no more be afraid lest on the day of a riot the shopkeepers of the town and the sailors of the port should come and tear out my bulbs, to boil them as onions for their families, as they have sometimes quietssly threatened when they happened to remember my having paid two or three hundred guilders for one bulb. It is therefore settled I shall give the hundred thousand guilders of the Haarlem prize to-the poor. And yet ---- "

Here Cornelius stopped and heaved a sigh. "And yet," he continued, "it would have been so very delightful to spend the hundred thousand guilders on the enlargement of my tulip-bed or even on a journey to the East, the Country of beautiful flowers. But, alas! these are no thoughts for the present times, when muskets, standards, proclamations, and beating of drums are the order of the day."

Van Baerle raised his eyes to heaven and sighed again. Then turning his glance towards his bulbs, -- objects of much greater importance to him than all those muskets, standards, drums, and proclamations, which he conceived only to be fit to disturb the minds of honest people, -- he said: --

"These are, indeed, beautiful bulbs; how smooth they are, how well formed; there is that air of melancholy about them which promises to produce a flower of the colour of ebony. On their skin you cannot even distinguish the circulating veins with the naked eye. Certainly, certainly, not a light spot will disfigure the tulip which I have called into existence. And by what name shall we call this offspring of my sleepless nights, of my labour and my thought? Tulipa nigra Barlaensis?

"Yes Barlaensis: a fine name. All the tulip-fanciers -- that is to say, all the intelligent people of Europe -- will feel a thrill of excitement when the rumour spreads to the four quarters of the globe: The grand black tulip is found! 'How is it called?' the fanciers will ask. -- 'Tulipa nigra Barlaensis!' -- 'Why Barlaensis?' -- 'After its grower, Van Baerle,' will be the answer. -- 'And who is this Van Baerle?' -- 'It is the same who has already produced five new tulips: the Jane, the John de Witt, the Cornelius de Witt, etc.' Well, that is what I call my ambition. It will cause tears to no one. And people will talk of my Tulipa nigra Barlaensis when perhaps my godfather, this sublime politician, is only known from the tulip to which I have given his name.

"Oh! these darling bulbs!

"When my tulip has flowered," Baerle continued in his soliloquy, "and when tranquillity is restored in Holland, I shall give to the poor only fifty thousand guilders, which, after all, is a goodly sum for a man who is under no obligation whatever. Then, with the remaining fifty thousand guilders, I shall make experiments. With them I shall succeed in imparting scent to the tulip. Ah! if I succeed in giving it the odour of the rose or the carnation, or, what would be still better, a completely new scent; if I restored to this queen of flowers its natural distinctive perfume, which she has lost in passing from her Eastern to her European throne, and which she must have in the Indian peninsula at Goa, Bombay, and Madras, and especially in that island which in olden times, as is asserted, was the terrestrial paradise, and which is called Ceylon, -- oh, what glory! I must say, I would then rather be Cornelius van Baerle than Alexander, Caesar, or Maximilian.

"Oh the admirable bulbs!"

Thus Cornelius indulged in the delights of contemplation, and was carried away by the sweetest dreams.

Suddenly the bell of his cabinet was rung much more violently than usual.

Cornelius, startled, laid his hands on his bulbs, and turned round.

"Who is here?" he asked.

"Sir," answered the servant, "it is a messenger from the Hague."

"A messenger from the Hague! What does he want?"

"Sir, it is Craeke."

"Craeke! the confidential servant of Mynheer John de Witt? Good, let him wait."

"I cannot wait," said a voice in the lobby.

And at the same time forcing his way in, Craeke rushed into the dry-room.

This abrupt entrance was such an infringement on the established rules of the household of Cornelius van Baerle, that the latter, at the sight of Craeke, almost convulsively moved his hand which covered the bulbs, so that two of them fell on the floor, one of them rolling under a small table, and the other into the fireplace.

"Zounds!" said Cornelius, eagerly picking up his precious bulbs, "what's the matter?"

"The matter, sir!" said Craeke, laying a paper on the large table, on which the third bulb was lying, -- "the matter is, that you are requested to read this paper without losing one moment."

And Craeke, who thought he had remarked in the streets of Dort symptoms of a tumult similar to that which he had witnessed before his departure from the Hague, ran off without even looking behind him.

"All right! all right! my dear Craeke," said Cornelius, stretching his arm under the table for the bulb; "your paper shall be read, indeed it shall."

Then, examining the bulb which he held in the hollow of his hand, he said: "Well, here is one of them uninjured. That confounded Craeke! thus to rush into my dry-room; let us now look after the other."

And without laying down the bulb which he already held, Baerle went to the fireplace, knelt down and stirred with the tip of his finger the ashes, which fortunately were quite cold.

He at once felt the other bulb.

"Well, here it is," he said; and, looking at it with almost fatherly affection, he exclaimed, "Uninjured as the first!"

At this very instant, and whilst Cornelius, still on his knees, was examining his pets, the door of the dry-room was so violently shaken, and opened in such a brusque manner, that Cornelius felt rising in his cheeks and his ears the glow of that evil counsellor which is called wrath.

"Now, what is it again," he demanded; "are people going mad here?"

"Oh, sir! sir!" cried the servant, rushing into the dry-room with a much paler face and with a much more frightened mien than Craeke had shown.

"Well!" asked Cornelius, foreboding some mischief from the double breach of the strict rule of his house.

"Oh, sir, fly! fly quick!" cried the servant.

"Fly! and what for?"

"Sir, the house is full of the guards of the States."

"What do they want?"

"They want you."

"What for?"

"To arrest you."

"Arrest me? arrest me, do you say?"

"Yes, sir, and they are headed by a magistrate."

"What's the meaning of all this?" said Van Baerle, grasping in his hands the two bulbs, and directing his terrified glance towards the staircase.

"They are coming up! they are coming up!" cried the servant.

"Oh, my dear child, my worthy master!" cried the old housekeeper, who now likewise made her appearance in the dry-room, "take your gold, your jewelry, and fly, fly!"

"But how shall I make my escape, nurse?" said Van Baerle.

"Jump out of the window."

"Twenty-five feet from the ground!"

"But you will fall on six feet of soft soil!"

"Yes, but I should fall on my tulips."

"Never mind, jump out."

Cornelius took the third bulb, approached the window and opened it, but seeing what havoc he would necessarily cause in his borders, and, more than this, what a height he would have to jump, he called out, "Never!" and fell back a step.

At this moment they saw across the banister of the staircase the points of the halberds of the soldiers rising.

The housekeeper raised her hands to heaven.

As to Cornelius van Baerle, it must be stated to his honour, not as a man, but as a tulip-fancier, his only thought was for his inestimable bulbs.

Looking about for a paper in which to wrap them up, he noticed the fly-leaf from the Bible, which Craeke had laid upon the table, took it without in his confusion remembering whence it came, folded in it the three bulbs, secreted them in his bosom, and waited.

At this very moment the soldiers, preceded by a magistrate, entered the room.

"Are you Dr. Cornelius van Baerle?" demanded the magistrate (who, although knowing the young man very well, put his question according to the forms of justice, which gave his proceedings a much more dignified air).

"I am that person, Master van Spennen," answered Cornelius, politely, to his judge, "and you know it very well."

"Then give up to us the seditious papers which you secrete in your house."

"The seditious papers!" repeated Cornelius, quite dumfounded at the imputation.

"Now don't look astonished, if you please."

"I vow to you, Master van Spennen, "Cornelius replied, "that I am completely at a loss to understand what you want."

"Then I shall put you in the way, Doctor," said the judge; "give up to us the papers which the traitor Cornelius de Witt deposited with you in the month of January last."

A sudden light came into the mind of Cornelius.

"Halloa!" said Van Spennen, "you begin now to remember, don't you?"

"Indeed I do, but you spoke of seditious papers, and I have none of that sort."

"You deny it then?"

"Certainly I do."

The magistrate turned round and took a rapid survey of the whole cabinet.

"Where is the apartment you call your dry-room?" he asked.

"The very same where you now are, Master van Spennen."

The magistrate cast a glance at a small note at the top of his papers.

"All right," he said, like a man who is sure of his ground.

Then, turning round towards Cornelius, he continued, "Will you give up those papers to me?"

"But I cannot, Master van Spennen; those papers do not belong to me; they have been deposited with me as a trust, and a trust is sacred."

"Dr. Cornelius," said the judge, "in the name of the States, I order you to open this drawer, and to give up to me the papers which it contains."

Saying this, the judge pointed with his finger to the third drawer of the press, near the fireplace.

In this very drawer, indeed the papers deposited by the Warden of the Dikes with his godson were lying; a proof that the police had received very exact information.

"Ah! you will not," said Van Spennen, when he saw Cornelius standing immovable and bewildered, "then I shall open the drawer myself."

And, pulling out the drawer to its full length, the magistrate at first alighted on about twenty bulbs, carefully arranged and ticketed, and then on the paper parcel, which had remained in exactly the same state as it was when delivered by the unfortunate Cornelius de Witt to his godson.

The magistrate broke the seals, tore off the envelope, cast an eager glance on the first leaves which met his eye and then exclaimed, in a terrible voice, --

"Well, justice has been rightly informed after all!"

"How," said Cornelius, "how is this?"

"Don't pretend to be ignorant, Mynheer van Baerle," answered the magistrate. "Follow me."

"How's that! follow you?" cried the Doctor.

"Yes, sir, for in the name of the States I arrest you."

Arrests were not as yet made in the name of William of Orange; he had not been Stadtholder long enough for that.

"Arrest me!" cried Cornelius; "but what have I done?"

"That's no affair of mine, Doctor; you will explain all that before your judges."

"Where?"

"At the Hague."

Cornelius, in mute stupefaction, embraced his old nurse, who was in a swoon; shook hands with his servants, who were bathed in tears, and followed the magistrate, who put him in a coach as a prisoner of state and had him driven at full gallop to the Hague.

Chapter 8. An Invasion

The incident just related was, as the reader has guessed before this, the diabolical work of Mynheer Isaac Boxtel.

It will be remembered that, with the help of his telescope, not even the least detail of the private meeting between Cornelius de Witt and Van Baerle had escaped him. He had, indeed, heard nothing, but he had seen everything, and had rightly concluded that the papers intrusted by the Warden to the Doctor must have been of great importance, as he saw Van Baerle so carefully secreting the parcel in the drawer where he used to keep his most precious bulbs.

The upshot of all this was that when Boxtel, who watched the course of political events much more attentively than his neighbour Cornelius was used to do, heard the news of the brothers De Witt being arrested on a charge of high treason against the States, he thought within his heart that very likely he needed only to say one word, and the godson would be arrested as well as the godfather.

Yet, full of happiness as was Boxtel's heart at the chance, he at first shrank with horror from the idea of informing against a man whom this information might lead to the scaffold.

But there is this terrible thing in evil thoughts, that evil minds soon grow familiar with them.

Besides this, Mynheer Isaac Boxtel encouraged himself with the following sophism: --

"Cornelius de Witt is a bad citizen, as he is charged with high treason, and arrested.

"I, on the contrary, am a good citizen, as I am not charged with anything in the world, as I am as free as the air of heaven."

"If, therefore, Cornelius de Witt is a bad citizen, -- of which there can be no doubt, as he is charged with high treason, and arrested, -- his accomplice, Cornelius van Baerle, is no less a bad citizen than himself.

"And, as I am a good citizen, and as it is the duty of every good citizen to inform against the bad ones, it is my duty to inform against Cornelius van Baerle."

Specious as this mode of reasoning might sound, it would not perhaps have taken so complete a hold of Boxtel, nor would he perhaps have yielded to the mere desire of vengeance which was gnawing at his heart, had not the demon of envy been joined with that of cupidity.

Boxtel was quite aware of the progress which Van Baerle had made towards producing the grand black tulip.

Dr. Cornelius, notwithstanding all his modesty, had not been able to hide from his most intimate friends that he was all but certain to win, in the year of grace 1673, the prize of a hundred thousand guilders offered by the Horticultural Societssy of Haarlem.

It was just this certainty of Cornelius van Baerle that caused the fever which raged in the heart of Isaac Boxtel.

If Cornelius should be arrested there would necessarily be a great upset in his house, and during the night after his arrest no one would think of keeping watch over the tulips in his garden.

Now in that night Boxtel would climb over the wall and, as he knew the position of the bulb which was to produce the grand black tulip, he would filch it; and instead of flowering for Cornelius, it would flower for him, Isaac; he also, instead of Van Baerle, would have the prize of a hundred thousand guilders, not to speak of the sublime honour of calling the new flower Tulipa nigra Boxtellensis, -- a result which would satisfy not only his vengeance, but also his cupidity and his ambition.

Awake, he thought of nothing but the grand black tulip; asleep, he dreamed of it.

At last, on the 19th of August, about two o'clock in the afternoon, the temptation grew so strong, that Mynheer Isaac was no longer able to resist it.

Accordingly, he wrote an anonymous information, the minute exactness of which made up for its want of authenticity, and posted his letter.

Never did a venomous paper, slipped into the jaws of the bronze lions at Venice, produce a more prompt and terrible effect.

On the same evening the letter reached the principal magistrate, who without a moment's delay convoked his colleagues early for the next morning. On the following morning, therefore, they assembled, and decided on Van Baerle's arrest, placing the order for its execution in the hands of Master van Spennen, who, as we have seen, performed his duty like a true Hollander, and who arrested the Doctor at the very hour when the Orange party at the Hague were roasting the bleeding shreds of flesh torn from the corpses of Cornelius and John de Witt.

But, whether from a feeling of shame or from craven weakness, Isaac Boxtel did not venture that day to point his telescope either at the garden, or at the laboratory, or at the dry-room.

He knew too well what was about to happen in the house of the poor doctor to feel any desire to look into it. He did not even get up when his only servant -- who envied the lot of the servants of Cornelius just as bitterly as Boxtel did that of their master -- entered his bedroom. He said to the man, --

"I shall not get up to-day, I am ill."

About nine o'clock he heard a great noise in the street which made him tremble, at this moment he was paler than a real invalid, and shook more violently than a man in the height of fever.

His servant entered the room; Boxtel hid himself under the Counterpane.

"Oh, sir!" cried the servant, not without some inkling that, whilst deploring the mishap which had befallen Van Baerle, he was announcing agreeable news to his master, -- "oh, sir! you do not know, then, what is happening at this moment?"

"How can I know it?" answered Boxtel, with an almost unintelligible voice.

"Well, Mynheer Boxtel, at this moment your neighbour Cornelius van Baerle is arrested for high treason."

"Nonsense!" Boxtel muttered, with a faltering voice; "the thing is impossible."

"Faith, sir, at any rate that's what people say; and, besides, I have seen Judge van Spennen with the archers entering the house."

"Well, if you have seen it with your own eyes, that's a different case altogether."

"At all events," said the servant, "I shall go and inquire once more. Be you quietss, sir, I shall let you know all about it."

Boxtel contented himself with signifying his approval of the zeal of his servant by dumb show.

The man went out, and returned in half an hour.

"Oh, sir, all that I told you is indeed quite true."

"How so?"

"Mynheer van Baerle is arrested, and has been put into a carriage, and they are driving him to the Hague."

"To the Hague!"

"Yes, to the Hague, and if what people say is true, it won't do him much good."

"And what do they say?" Boxtel asked.

"Faith, sir, they say -- but it is not quite sure -- that by this hour the burghers must be murdering Mynheer Cornelius and Mynheer John de Witt."

"Oh," muttered, or rather growled Boxtel, closing his eyes from the dreadful picture which presented itself to his imagination.

"Why, to be sure," said the servant to himself, whilst leaving the room, "Mynheer Isaac Boxtel must be very sick not to have jumped from his bed on hearing such good news."

And, in reality, Isaac Boxtel was very sick, like a man who has murdered another.

But he had murdered his man with a double object; the first was attained, the second was still to be attained.

Night closed in. It was the night which Boxtel had looked forward to.

As soon as it was dark he got up.

He then climbed into his sycamore.

He had calculated correctly; no one thought of keeping watch over the garden; the house and the servants were all in the utmost confusion.

He heard the clock strike -- ten, eleven, twelve.

At midnight, with a beating heart, trembling hands, and a livid Countenance, he descended from the tree, took a ladder, leaned it against the wall, mounted it to the last step but one, and listened.

All was perfectly quietss, not a sound broke the silence of the night; one solitary light, that of the housekeeper, was burning in the house.

This silence and this darkness emboldened Boxtel; he got astride the wall, stopped for an instant, and, after having ascertained that there was nothing to fear, he put his ladder from his own garden into that of Cornelius, and descended.

Then, knowing to an inch where the bulbs which were to produce the black tulip were planted, he ran towards the spot, following, however, the gravelled walks in order not to be betrayed by his footprints, and, on arriving at the precise spot, he proceeded, with the eagerness of a tiger, to plunge his hand into the soft ground.

He found nothing, and thought he was mistaken.

In the meanwhile, the cold sweat stood on his brow.

He felt about close by it, -- nothing.

He felt about on the right, and on the left, -- nothing.

He felt about in front and at the back, -- nothing.

He was nearly mad, when at last he satisfied himself that on that very morning the earth had been disturbed.

In fact, whilst Boxtel was lying in bed, Cornelius had gone down to his garden, had taken up the mother bulb, and, as we have seen, divided it into three.

Boxtel could not bring himself to leave the place. He dug up with his hands more than ten square feet of ground.

At last no doubt remained of his misfortune. Mad with rage, he returned to his ladder, mounted the wall, drew up the ladder, flung it into his own garden, and jumped after it.

All at once, a last ray of hope presented itself to his mind: the seedling bulbs might be in the dry-room; it was therefore only requisite to make his entry there as he had done into the garden.

There he would find them, and, moreover, it was not at all difficult, as the sashes of the dry-room might be raised like those of a greenhouse. Cornelius had opened them on that morning, and no one had thought of closing them again.

Everything, therefore, depended upon whether he could procure a ladder of sufficient length, -- one of twenty-five feet instead of ten.

Boxtel had noticed in the street where he lived a house which was being repaired, and against which a very tall ladder was placed.

This ladder would do admirably, unless the workmen had taken it away.

He ran to the house: the ladder was there. Boxtel took it, carried it with great exertion to his garden, and with even greater difficulty raised it against the wall of Van Baerle's house, where it just reached to the window.

Boxtel put a lighted dark lantern into his pocket, mounted the ladder, and slipped into the dry-room.

On reaching this sanctuary of the florist he stopped, supporting himself against the table; his legs failed him, his heart beat as if it would choke him. Here it was even worse than in the garden; there Boxtel was only a trespasser, here he was a thief.

However, he took courage again: he had not gone so far to turn back with empty hands.

But in vain did he search the whole room, open and shut all the drawers, even that privileged one where the parcel which had been so fatal to Cornelius had been deposited; he found ticketed, as in a botanical garden, the "Jane," the "John de Witt," the hazel-nut, and the roasted-coffee coloured tulip; but of the black tulip, or rather the seedling bulbs within which it was still sleeping, not a trace was found.

And yet, on looking over the register of seeds and bulbs, which Van Baerle kept in duplicate, if possible even with greater exactitude and care than the first commercial houses of Amsterdam their ledgers, Boxtel read these lines: --

"To-day, 20th of August, 1672, I have taken up the mother bulb of the grand black tulip, which I have divided into three perfect suckers."

"Oh these bulbs, these bulbs!" howled Boxtel, turning over everything in the dry-room, "where could he have concealed them?"

Then, suddenly striking his forehead in his frenzy, he called out, "Oh wretch that I am! Oh thrice fool Boxtel! Would any one be separated from his bulbs? Would any one leave them at Dort, when one goes to the Hague? Could one live far from one's bulbs, when they enclose the grand black tulip? He had time to get hold of them, the scoundrel, he has them about him, he has taken them to the Hague!"

It was like a flash of lightning which showed to Boxtel the abyss of a uselessly committed crime.

Boxtel sank quite paralyzed on that very table, and on that very spot where, some hours before, the unfortunate Van Baerle had so leisurely, and with such intense delight, contemplated his darling bulbs.

"Well, then, after all," said the envious Boxtel, -- raising his livid face from his hands in which it had been buried -- "if he has them, he can keep them only as long as he lives, and ---- "

The rest of this detestable thought was expressed by a hideous smile.

"The bulbs are at the Hague," he said, "therefore, I can no longer live at Dort: away, then, for them, to the Hague! to the Hague!"

And Boxtel, without taking any notice of the treasures about him, so entirely were his thoughts absorbed by another inestimable treasure, let himself out by the window, glided down the ladder, carried it back to the place whence he had taken it, and, like a beast of prey, returned growling to his house.

Chapter 9. The Family Cell

It was about midnight when poor Van Baerle was locked up in the prison of the Buytenhof.

What Rosa foresaw had come to pass. On finding the cell of Cornelius de Witt empty, the wrath of the people ran very high, and had Gryphus fallen into the hands of those madmen he would certainly have had to pay with his life for the prisoner.

But this fury had vented itself most fully on the two brothers when they were overtaken by the murderers, thanks to the precaution which William -- the man of precautions -- had taken in having the gates of the city closed.

A momentary lull had therefore set in whilst the prison was empty, and Rosa availed herself of this favourable moment to come forth from her hiding place, which she also induced her father to leave.

The prison was therefore completely deserted. Why should people remain in the jail whilst murder was going on at the Tol-Hek?

Gryphus came forth trembling behind the courageous Rosa. They went to close the great gate, at least as well as it would close, considering that it was half demolished. It was easy to see that a hurricane of mighty fury had vented itself upon it.

About four o'clock a return of the noise was heard, but of no threatening character to Gryphus and his daughter. The people were only dragging in the two corpses, which they came back to gibbet at the usual place of execution.

Rosa hid herself this time also, but only that she might not see the ghastly spectacle.

At midnight, people again knocked at the gate of the jail, or rather at the barricade which served in its stead: it was Cornelius van Baerle whom they were bringing.

When the jailer received this new inmate, and saw from the warrant the name and station of his prisoner, he muttered with his turnkey smile, --

"Godson of Cornelius de Witt! Well, young man, we have the family cell here, and we will give it to you."

And quite enchanted with his joke, the ferocious Orangeman took his cresset and his keys to conduct Cornelius to the cell, which on that very morning Cornelius de Witt had left to go into exile, or what in revolutionary times is meant instead by those sublime philosophers who lay it down as an axiom of high policy, "It is the dead only who do not return."

On the way which the despairing florist had to traverse to reach that cell he heard nothing but the barking of a dog, and saw nothing but the face of a young girl.

The dog rushed forth from a niche in the wall, shaking his heavy chain, and sniffing all round Cornelius in order so much the better to recognise him in case he should be ordered to pounce upon him.

The young girl, whilst the prisoner was mounting the staircase, appeared at the narrow door of her chamber, which opened on that very flight of steps; and, holding the lamp in her right hand, she at the same time lit up her pretty blooming face, surrounded by a profusion of rich wavy golden locks, whilst with her left she held her white night-dress closely over her breast, having been roused from her first slumber by the unexpected arrival of Van Baerle.

It would have made a fine picture, worthy of Rembrandt, the gloomy winding stairs illuminated by the reddish glare of the cresset of Gryphus, with his scowling jailer's Countenance at the top, the melancholy figure of Cornelius bending over the banister to look down upon the sweet face of Rosa, standing, as it were, in the bright frame of the door of her chamber, with embarrassed mien at being thus seen by a stranger.

And at the bottom, quite in the shade, where the details are absorbed in the obscurity, the mastiff, with his eyes glistening like carbuncles, and shaking his chain, on which the double light from the lamp of Rosa and the lantern of Gryphus threw a brilliant glitter.

The sublime master would, however, have been altogether unable to render the sorrow expressed in the face of Rosa, when she saw this pale, handsome young man slowly climbing the stairs, and thought of the full import of the words, which her father had just spoken, "You will have the family cell."

This vision lasted but a moment, -- much less time than we have taken to describe it. Gryphus then proceeded on his way, Cornelius was forced to follow him, and five minutes afterwards he entered his prison, of which it is unnecessary to say more, as the reader is already acquainted with it.

Gryphus pointed with his finger to the bed on which the martyr had suffered so much, who on that day had rendered his soul to God. Then, taking up his cresset, he quitted the cell.

Thus left alone, Cornelius threw himself on his bed, but he slept not, he kept his eye fixed on the narrow window, barred with iron, which looked on the Buytenhof; and in this way saw from behind the trees that first pale beam of light which morning sheds on the earth as a white mantle.

Now and then during the night horses had galloped at a smart pace over the Buytenhof, the heavy tramp of the patrols had resounded from the pavement, and the slow matches of the arquebuses, flaring in the east wind, had thrown up at intervals a sudden glare as far as to the panes of his window.

But when the rising sun began to gild the coping stones at the gable ends of the houses, Cornelius, eager to know whether there was any living creature about him, approached the window, and cast a sad look round the circular yard before him

At the end of the yard a dark mass, tinted with a dingy blue by the morning dawn, rose before him, its dark outlines standing out in contrast to the houses already illuminated by the pale light of early morning.

Cornelius recognised the gibbet.

On it were suspended two shapeless trunks, which indeed were no more than bleeding skeletons.

The good people of the Hague had chopped off the flesh of its victims, but faithfully carried the remainder to the gibbet, to have a pretext for a double inscription written on a huge placard, on which Cornelius; with the keen sight of a young man of twenty-eight, was able to read the following lines, daubed by the coarse brush of a sign-painter: --

"Here are hanging the great rogue of the name of John de Witt, and the little rogue Cornelius de Witt, his brother, two enemies of the people, but great friends of the king of France."

Cornelius uttered a cry of horror, and in the agony of his frantic terror knocked with his hands and feet at the door so violently and continuously, that Gryphus, with his huge bunch of keys in his hand, ran furiously up.

The jailer opened the door, with terrible imprecations against the prisoner who disturbed him at an hour which Master Gryphus was not accustomed to be aroused.

"Well, now, by my soul, he is mad, this new De Witt," he cried, "but all those De Witts have the devil in them."

"Master, master," cried Cornelius, seizing the jailer by the arm and dragging him towards the window, -- "master, what have I read down there?"

"Where down there?"

"On that placard."

And, trembling, pale, and gasping for breath, he pointed to the gibbet at the other side of the yard, with the cynical inscription surmounting it.

Gryphus broke out into a laugh.

"Eh! eh!" he answered, "so, you have read it. Well, my good sir, that's what people will get for corresponding with the enemies of his Highness the Prince of Orange."

"The brothers De Witt are murdered!" Cornelius muttered, with the cold sweat on his brow, and sank on his bed, his arms hanging by his side, and his eyes closed.

"The brothers De Witt have been judged by the people," said Gryphus; "you call that murdered, do you? well, I call it executed."

And seeing that the prisoner was not only quietss, but entirely prostrate and senseless, he rushed from the cell, violently slamming the door, and noisily drawing the bolts.

Recovering his consciousness, Cornelius found himself alone, and recognised the room where he was, -- "the family cell," as Gryphus had called it, -- as the fatal passage leading to ignominious death.

And as he was a philosopher, and, more than that, as he was a Christian, he began to pray for the soul of his godfather, then for that of the Grand Pensionary, and at last submitted with resignation to all the sufferings which God might ordain for him.

Then turning again to the concerns of earth, and having satisfied himself that he was alone in his dungeon, he drew from his breast the three bulbs of the black tulip, and concealed them behind a block of stone, on which the traditional water-jug of the prison was standing, in the darkest corner of his cell.

Useless labour of so many years! such sweet hopes crushed; his discovery was, after all, to lead to naught, just as his own career was to be cut short. Here, in his prison, there was not a trace of vegetation, not an atom of soil, not a ray of sunshine.

At this thought Cornelius fell into a gloomy despair, from which he was only aroused by an extraordinary circumstance.

What was this circumstance?

We shall inform the reader in our next chapter.

Chapter 10. The Jailer's Daughter

On the same evening Gryphus, as he brought the prisoner his mess, slipped on the damp flags whilst opening the door of the cell, and fell, in the attempt to steady himself, on his hand; but as it was turned the wrong way, he broke his arm just above the wrist.

Cornelius rushed forward towards the jailer, but Gryphus, who was not yet aware of the serious nature of his injury, called out to him, --

"It is nothing: don't you stir."

He then tried to support himself on his arm, but the bone gave way; then only he felt the pain, and uttered a cry.

When he became aware that his arm was broken, this man, so harsh to others, fell swooning on the threshold, where he remained motionless and cold, as if dead.

During all this time the door of the cell stood open and Cornelius found himself almost free. But the thought never entered his mind of profiting by this accident; he had seen from the manner in which the arm was bent, and from the noise it made in bending, that the bone was fractured, and that the patient must be in great pain; and now he thought of nothing else but of administering relief to the sufferer, however little benevolent the man had shown himself during their short interview.

At the noise of Gryphus's fall, and at the cry which escaped him, a hasty step was heard on the staircase, and immediately after a lovely apparition presented itself to the eyes of Cornelius.

It was the beautiful young Frisian, who, seeing her father stretched on the ground, and the prisoner bending over him, uttered a faint cry, as in the first fright she thought Gryphus, whose brutality she well knew, had fallen in consequence of a struggle between him and the prisoner.

Cornelius understood what was passing in the mind of the girl, at the very moment when the suspicion arose in her heart.

But one moment told her the true state of the case and, ashamed of her first thoughts, she cast her beautiful eyes, wet with tears, on the young man, and said to him, --

"I beg your pardon, and thank you, sir; the first for what I have thought, and the second for what you are doing."

Cornelius blushed, and said, "I am but doing my duty as a Christian in helping my neighbour."

"Yes, and affording him your help this evening, you have forgotten the abuse which he heaped on you this morning. Oh, sir! this is more than humanity, -- this is indeed Christian charity."

Cornelius cast his eyes on the beautiful girl, quite astonished to hear from the mouth of one so humble such a noble and feeling speech.

But he had no time to express his surprise. Gryphus recovered from his swoon, opened his eyes, and as his brutality was returning with his senses, he growled "That's it, a fellow is in a hurry to bring to a prisoner his supper, and falls and breaks his arm, and is left lying on the ground."

"Hush, my father," said Rosa, "you are unjust to this gentleman, whom I found endeavouring to give you his aid."

"His aid?" Gryphus replied, with a doubtful air.

"It is quite true, master! I am quite ready to help you still more."

"You!" said Gryphus, "are you a medical man?"

"It was formerly my profession."

"And so you would be able to set my arm?"

"Perfectly."

"And what would you need to do it? let us hear."

"Two splinters of wood, and some linen for a bandage."

"Do you hear, Rosa?" said Gryphus, "the prisoner is going to set my arm, that's a saving; come, assist me to get up, I feel as heavy as lead."

Rosa lent the sufferer her shoulder; he put his unhurt arm around her neck, and making an effort, got on his legs, whilst Cornelius, to save him a walk, pushed a chair towards him.

Gryphus sat down; then, turning towards his daughter, he said, --

"Well, didn't you hear? go and fetch what is wanted."

Rosa went down, and immediately after returned with two staves of a small barrel and a large roll of linen bandage.

Cornelius had made use of the intervening moments to take off the man's coat, and to tuck up his shirt sleeve.

"Is this what you require, sir?" asked Rosa.

"Yes, mademoiselle," answered Cornelius, looking at the things she had brought, -- "yes, that's right. Now push this table, whilst I support the arm of your father."

Rosa pushed the table, Cornelius placed the broken arm on it so as to make it flat, and with perfect skill set the bone, adjusted the splinters, and fastened the bandages.

At the last touch, the jailer fainted a second time.

"Go and fetch vinegar, mademoiselle," said Cornelius; "we will bathe his temples, and he will recover."

But, instead of acting up to the doctor's prescription, Rosa, after having satisfied herself that her father was still unconscious, approached Cornelius and said, --

"Service for service, sir."

"What do you mean, my pretty child?" said Cornelius.

"I mean to say, sir, that the judge who is to examine you to-morrow has inquired to-day for the room in which you are confined, and, on being told that you are occupying the cell of Mynheer Cornelius de Witt, laughed in a very strange and very disagreeable manner, which makes me fear that no good awaits you."

"But," asked Cornelius, "what harm can they do to me?"

"Look at that gibbet."

"But I am not guilty," said Cornelius.

"Were they guilty whom you see down there gibbeted, mangled, and torn to pieces?"

"That's true," said Cornelius, gravely.

"And besides," continued Rosa, "the people want to find you guilty. But whether innocent or guilty, your trial begins to-morrow, and the day after you will be condemned. Matters are settled very quickly in these times."

"Well, and what do you conclude from all this?"

"I conclude that I am alone, that I am weak, that my father is lying in a swoon, that the dog is muzzled, and that consequently there is nothing to prevent your making your escape.

black_tulip1
Fly, then; that's what I mean."

"What do you say?"

"I say that I was not able to save Mynheer Cornelius or Mynheer John de Witt, and that I should like to save you. Only be quick; there, my father is regaining his breath, one minute more, and he will open his eyes, and it will be too late. Do you hesitate?"

In fact, Cornelius stood immovable, looking at Rosa, yet looking at her as if he did not hear her.

"Don't you understand me?" said the young girl, with some impatience.

"Yes, I do," said Cornelius, "but ---- "

"But?"

"I will not, they would accuse you."

"Never mind," said Rosa, blushing, "never mind that."

"You are very good, my dear child," replied Cornelius, "but I stay."

"You stay, oh, sir! oh, sir! don't you understand that you will be condemned to death, executed on the scaffold, perhaps assassinated and torn to pieces, just like Mynheer John and Mynheer Cornelius. For heaven's sake, don't think of me, but fly from this place, Take care, it bears ill luck to the De Witts!"

"Halloa!" cried the jailer, recovering his senses, "who is talking of those rogues, those wretches, those villains, the De Witts?"

"Don't be angry, my good man," said Cornelius, with his good-tempered smile, "the worst thing for a fracture is excitement, by which the blood is heated."

Thereupon, he said in an undertone to Rosa --

"My child, I am innocent, and I shall await my trial with tranquillity and an easy mind."

"Hush," said Rosa.

"Why hush?"

"My father must not suppose that we have been talking to each other."

"What harm would that do?"

"What harm? He would never allow me to come here any more," said Rosa.

Cornelius received this innocent confidence with a smile; he felt as if a ray of good fortune were shining on his path.

"Now, then, what are you chattering there together about?" said Gryphus, rising and supporting his right arm with his left.

"Nothing," said Rosa; "the doctor is explaining to me what dietss you are to keep."

"Dietss, dietss for me? Well, my fine girl, I shall put you on dietss too."

"On what dietss, my father?"

"Never to go to the cells of the prisoners, and, if ever you should happen to go, to leave them as soon as possible. Come, off with me, lead the way, and be quick."

Rosa and Cornelius exchanged glances.

That of Rosa tried to express, --

"There, you see?"

That of Cornelius said, --

"Let it be as the Lord wills."

Chapter 11. Cornelius van Baerle's Will

Rosa had not been mistaken; the judges came on the following day to the Buytenhof, and proceeded with the trial of Cornelius van Baerle. The examination, however, did not last long, it having appeared on evidence that Cornelius had kept at his house that fatal correspondence of the brothers De Witt with France.

He did not deny it.

The only point about which there seemed any difficulty was whether this correspondence had been in trusted to him by his godfather, Cornelius de Witt.

But as, since the death of those two martyrs, Van Baerle had no longer any reason for withholding the truth, he not only did not deny that the parcel had been delivered to him by Cornelius de Witt himself, but he also stated all the circumstances under which it was done.

This confession involved the godson in the crime of the godfather; manifest complicity being considered to exist between Cornelius de Witt and Cornelius van Baerle.

The honest doctor did not confine himself to this avowal, but told the whole truth with regard to his own tastes, habits, and daily life. He described his indifference to politics, his love of study, of the fine arts, of science, and of flowers. He explained that, since the day when Cornelius de Witt handed to him the parcel at Dort, he himself had never touched, nor even noticed it.

To this it was objected, that in this respect he could not possibly be speaking the truth, since the papers had been deposited in a press in which both his hands and his eyes must have been engaged every day.

Cornelius answered that it was indeed so; that, however, he never put his hand into the press but to ascertain whether his bulbs were dry, and that he never looked into it but to see if they were beginning to sprout.

To this again it was objected, that his pretended indifference respecting this deposit was not to be reasonably entertained, as he could not have received such papers from the hand of his godfather without being made acquainted with their important character.

He replied that his godfather Cornelius loved him too well, and, above all, that he was too considerate a man to have communicated to him anything of the contents of the parcel, well knowing that such a confidence would only have caused anxietssy to him who received it.

To this it was objected that, if De Witt had wished to act in such a way, he would have added to the parcel, in case of accidents, a certificate setting forth that his godson was an entire stranger to the nature of this correspondence, or at least he would during his trial have written a letter to him, which might be produced as his justification.

Cornelius replied that undoubtedly his godfather could not have thought that there was any risk for the safety of his deposit, hidden as it was in a press which was looked upon as sacred as the tabernacle by the whole household of Van Baerle; and that consequently he had considered the certificate as useless. As to a letter, he certainly had some remembrance that some moments previous to his arrest, whilst he was absorbed in the contemplation of one of the rarest of his bulbs, John de Witt's servant entered his dry-room, and handed to him a paper, but the whole was to him only like a vague dream; the servant had disappeared, and as to the paper, perhaps it might be found if a proper search were made.

As far as Craeke was concerned, it was impossible to find him, as he had left Holland.

The paper also was not very likely to be found, and no one gave himself the trouble to look for it.

Cornelius himself did not much press this point, since, even supposing that the paper should turn up, it could not have any direct connection with the correspondence which constituted the crime.

The judges wished to make it appear as though they wanted to urge Cornelius to make a better defence; they displayed that benevolent patience which is generally a sign of the magistrate's being interested for the prisoner, or of a man's having so completely got the better of his adversary that he needs no longer any oppressive means to ruin him.

Cornelius did not accept of this hypocritical protection, and in a last answer, which he set forth with the noble bearing of a martyr and the calm serenity of a righteous man, he said, --

"You ask me things, gentlemen, to which I can answer only the exact truth. Hear it. The parcel was put into my hands in the way I have described; I vow before God that I was, and am still, ignorant of its contents, and that it was not until my arrest that I learned that this deposit was the correspondence of the Grand Pensionary with the Marquis de Louvois. And lastly, I vow and protest that I do not understand how any one should have known that this parcel was in my house; and, above all, how I can be deemed criminal for having received what my illustrious and unfortunate godfather brought to my house."

This was Van Baerle's whole defence; after which the judges began to deliberate on the verdict.

They considered that every offshoot of civil discord is mischievous, because it revives the contest which it is the interest of all to put down.

One of them, who bore the character of a profound observer, laid down as his opinion that this young man, so phlegmatic in appearance, must in reality be very dangerous, as under this icy exterior he was sure to conceal an ardent desire to avenge his friends, the De Witts.

Another observed that the love of tulips agreed perfectly well with that of politics, and that it was proved in history that many very dangerous men were engaged in gardening, just as if it had been their profession, whilst really they occupied themselves with perfectly different concerns; witness Tarquin the Elder, who grew poppies at Gabii, and the Great Conde, who watered his carnations at the dungeon of Vincennes at the very moment when the former meditated his return to Rome, and the latter his escape from prison.

The judge summed up with the following dilemma: --

"Either Cornelius van Baerle is a great lover of tulips, or a great lover of politics; in either case, he has told us a falsehood; first, because his having occupied himself with politics is proved by the letters which were found at his house; and secondly, because his having occupied himself with tulips is proved by the bulbs which leave no doubt of the fact. And herein lies the enormity of the case. As Cornelius van Baerle was concerned in the growing of tulips and in the pursuit of politics at one and the same time, the prisoner is of hybrid character, of an amphibious organisation, working with equal ardour at politics and at tulips, which proves him to belong to the class of men most dangerous to public tranquillity, and shows a certain, or rather a complete, analogy between his character and that of those master minds of which Tarquin the Elder and the Great Conde have been felicitously quoted as examples."

The upshot of all these reasonings was, that his Highness the Prince Stadtholder of Holland would feel infinitely obliged to the magistracy of the Hague if they simplified for him the government of the Seven Provinces by destroying even the least germ of conspiracy against his authority.

This argument capped all the others, and, in order so much the more effectually to destroy the germ of conspiracy, sentence of death was unanimously pronounced against Cornelius van Baerle, as being arraigned, and convicted, for having, under the innocent appearance of a tulip-fancier, participated in the detestable intrigues and abominable plots of the brothers De Witt against Dutch nationality and in their secret relations with their French enemy.

A supplementary clause was tacked to the sentence, to the effect that "the aforesaid Cornelius van Baerle should be led from the prison of the Buytenhof to the scaffold in the yard of the same name, where the public executioner would cut off his head."

As this deliberation was a most serious affair, it lasted a full half-hour, during which the prisoner was remanded to his cell.

There the Recorder of the States came to read the sentence to him.

Master Gryphus was detained in bed by the fever caused by the fracture of his arm. His keys passed into the hands of one of his assistants. Behind this turnkey, who introduced the Recorder, Rosa, the fair Frisian maid, had slipped into the recess of the door, with a handkerchief to her mouth to stifle her sobs.

Cornelius listened to the sentence with an expression rather of surprise than sadness.

After the sentence was read, the Recorder asked him whether he had anything to answer.

"Indeed, I have not," he replied. "Only I confess that, among all the causes of death against which a cautious man may guard, I should never have supposed this to be comprised."

On this answer, the Recorder saluted Van Baerle with all that consideration which such functionaries generally bestow upon great criminalsof every sort.

But whilst he was about to withdraw, Cornelius asked, "By the bye, Mr. Recorder, what day is the thing -- you know what I mean -- to take place?"

"Why, to-day," answered the Recorder, a little surprised by the self-possession of the condemned man.

A sob was heard behind the door, and Cornelius turned round to look from whom it came; but Rosa, who had foreseen this movement, had fallen back.

"And," continued Cornelius, "what hour is appointed?"

"Twelve o'clock, sir."

"Indeed," said Cornelius, "I think I heard the clock strike ten about twenty minutes ago; I have not much time to spare."

"Indeed you have not, if you wish to make your peace with God," said the Recorder, bowing to the ground. "You may ask for any clergyman you please."

Saying these words he went out backwards, and the assistant turnkey was going to follow him, and to lock the door of Cornelius's cell, when a white and trembling arm interposed between him and the heavy door.

Cornelius saw nothing but the golden brocade cap, tipped with lace, such as the Frisian girls wore; he heard nothing but some one whispering into the ear of the turnkey. But the latter put his heavy keys into the white hand which was stretched out to receive them, and, descending some steps, sat down on the staircase which was thus guarded above by himself, and below by the dog. The head-dress turned round, and Cornelius beheld the face of Rosa, blanched with grief, and her beautiful eyes streaming with tears.

She went up to Cornelius, crossing her arms on her heaving breast.

"Oh, sir, sir!" she said, but sobs choked her utterance.

"My good girl," Cornelius replied with emotion, "what do you wish? I may tell you that my time on earth is short."

"I come to ask a favour of you," said Rosa, extending her arms partly towards him and partly towards heaven.

"Don't weep so, Rosa," said the prisoner, "for your tears go much more to my heart than my approaching fate, and you know, the less guilty a prisoner is, the more it is his duty to die calmly, and even joyfully, as he dies a martyr. Come, there's a dear, don't cry any more, and tell me what you want, my pretty Rosa."

She fell on her knees. "Forgive my father," she said.

"Your father, your father!" said Cornelius, astonished.

"Yes, he has been so harsh to you; but it is his nature, he is so to every one, and you are not the only one whom he has bullied."

"He is punished, my dear Rosa, more than punished, by the accident that has befallen him, and I forgive him."

"I thank you, sir," said Rosa. "And now tell me -- oh, tell me -- can I do anything for you?"

"You can dry your beautiful eyes, my dear child," answered Cornelius, with a good-tempered smile.

"But what can I do for you, -- for you I mean?"

"A man who has only one hour longer to live must be a great Sybarite still to want anything, my dear Rosa."

"The clergyman whom they have proposed to you?"

"I have worshipped God all my life, I have worshipped Him in His works, and praised Him in His decrees. I am at peace with Him and do not wish for a clergyman. The last thought which occupies my mind, however has reference to the glory of the Almighty, and, indeed, my dear, I should ask you to help me in carrying out this last thought."

"Oh, Mynheer Cornelius, speak, speak!" exclaimed Rosa, still bathed in tears.

"Give me your hand, and promise me not to laugh, my dear child."

"Laugh," exclaimed Rosa, frantic with grief, "laugh at this moment! do you not see my tears?"

"Rosa, you are no stranger to me. I have not seen much of you, but that little is enough to make me appreciate your character. I have never seen a woman more fair or more pure than you are, and if from this moment I take no more notice of you, forgive me; it is only because, on leaving this world, I do not wish to have any further regret."

Rosa felt a shudder creeping over her frame, for, whilst the prisoner pronounced these words, the belfry clock of the Buytenhof struck eleven.

Cornelius understood her. "Yes, yes, let us make haste," he said, "you are right, Rosa."

Then, taking the paper with the three suckers from his breast, where he had again put it, since he had no longer any fear of being searched, he said: "My dear girl, I have been very fond of flowers. That was at a time when I did not know that there was anything else to be loved. Don't blush, Rosa, nor turn away; and even if I were making you a declaration of love, alas! poor dear, it would be of no more consequence. Down there in the yard, there is an instrument of steel, which in sixty minutes will put an end to my boldness. Well, Rosa, I loved flowers dearly, and I have found, or at least I believe so, the secret of the great black tulip, which it has been considered impossible to grow, and for which, as you know, or may not know, a prize of a hundred thousand guilders has been offered by the Horticultural Societssy of Haarlem. These hundred thousand guilders -- and Heaven knows I do not regret them -- these hundred thousand guilders I have here in this paper, for they are won by the three bulbs wrapped up in it, which you may take, Rosa, as I make you a present of them."

"Mynheer Cornelius!"

"Yes, yes, Rosa, you may take them; you are not wronging any one, my child. I am alone in this world; my parents are dead; I never had a sister or a brother. I have never had a thought of loving any one with what is called love, and if any one has loved me, I have not known it. However, you see well, Rosa, that I am abandoned by everybody, as in this sad hour you alone are with me in my prison, consoling and assisting me."

"But, sir, a hundred thousand guilders!"

"Well, let us talk seriously, my dear child: those hundred thousand guilders will be a nice marriage portion, with your pretty face; you shall have them, Rosa, dear Rosa, and I ask nothing in return but your promise that you will marry a fine young man, whom you love, and who will love you, as dearly as I loved my flowers. Don't interrupt me, Rosa dear, I have only a few minutes more."

The poor girl was nearly choking with her sobs.

Cornelius took her by the hand.

"Listen to me," he continued: "I'll tell you how to manage it. Go to Dort and ask Butruysheim, my gardener, for soil from my border number six, fill a deep box with it, and plant in it these three bulbs. They will flower next May, that is to say, in seven months; and, when you see the flower forming on the stem, be careful at night to protect them from the wind, and by day to screen them from the sun. They will flower black, I am quite sure of it. You are then to apprise the President of the Haarlem Societssy. He will cause the color of the flower to be proved before a committee and these hundred thousand guilders will be paid to you."

Rosa heaved a deep sigh.

"And now," continued Cornelius, -- wiping away a tear which was glistening in his eye, and which was shed much more for that marvellous black tulip which he was not to see than for the life which he was about to lose, -- "I have no wish left, except that the tulip should be called Rosa Barlaensis, that is to say, that its name should combine yours and mine; and as, of course, you do not understand Latin, and might therefore forget this name, try to get for me pencil and paper, that I may write it down for you."

Rosa sobbed afresh, and handed to him a book, bound in shagreen, which bore the initials C. W.

"What is this?" asked the prisoner.

"Alas!" replied Rosa, "it is the Bible of your poor godfather, Cornelius de Witt. From it he derived strength to endure the torture, and to bear his sentence without flinching. I found it in this cell, after the death of the martyr, and have preserved it as a relic. To-day I brought it to you, for it seemed to me that this book must possess in itself a divine power. Write in it what you have to write, Mynheer Cornelius; and though, unfortunately, I am not able to read, I will take care that what you write shall be accomplished."

Cornelius took the Bible, and kissed it reverently.

"With what shall I write?" asked Cornelius.

"There is a pencil in the Bible," said Rosa.

This was the pencil which John de Witt had lent to his brother, and which he had forgotten to take away with him.

Cornelius took it, and on the second fly leaf (for it will be remembered that the first was torn out), drawing near his end like his godfather, he wrote with a no less firm hand: --

"On this day, the 23d of August, 1672, being on the point of rendering, although innocent, my soul to God on the scaffold, I bequeath to Rosa Gryphus the only worldly goods which remain to me of all that I have possessed in this world, the rest having been confiscated; I bequeath, I say, to Rosa Gryphus three bulbs, which I am convinced must produce, in the next May, the Grand Black Tulip for which a prize of a hundred thousand guilders has been offered by the Haarlem Societssy, requesting that she may be paid the same sum in my stead, as my sole heiress, under the only condition of her marrying a respectable young man of about my age, who loves her, and whom she loves, and of her giving the black tulip, which will constitute a new species, the name of Rosa Barlaensis, that is to say, hers and mine combined.

"So may God grant me mercy, and to her health and long life!

"Cornelius van Baerle."

The prisoner then, giving the Bible to Rosa, said, --

"Read."

"Alas!" she answered, "I have already told you I cannot read."

Cornelius then read to Rosa the testament that he had just made.

The agony of the poor girl almost overpowered her.

"Do you accept my conditions?" asked the prisoner, with a melancholy smile, kissing the trembling hands of the afflicted girl.

"Oh, I don't know, sir," she stammered.

"You don't know, child, and why not?"

"Because there is one condition which I am afraid I cannot keep."

"Which? I should have thought that all was settled between us."

"You give me the hundred thousand guilders as a marriage portion, don't you?

"And under the condition of my marrying a man whom I love?"

"Certainly."

"Well, then, sir, this money cannot belong to me. I shall never love any one; neither shall I marry."

And, after having with difficulty uttered these words, Rosa almost swooned away in the violence of her grief.

Cornelius, frightened at seeing her so pale and sinking, was going to take her in his arms, when a heavy step, followed by other dismal sounds, was heard on the staircase, amidst the continued barking of the dog.

"They are coming to fetch you. Oh God! Oh God!" cried Rosa, wringing her hands. "And have you nothing more to tell me?"

She fell on her knees with her face buried in her hands and became almost senseless.

"I have only to say, that I wish you to preserve these bulbs as a most precious treasure, and carefully to treat them according to the directions I have given you. Do it for my sake, and now farewell, Rosa."

"Yes, yes," she said, without raising her head, "I will do anything you bid me, except marrying," she added, in a low voice, "for that, oh! that is impossible for me."

She then put the cherished treasure next her beating heart.

The noise on the staircase which Cornelius and Rosa had heard was caused by the Recorder, who was coming for the prisoner. He was followed by the executioner, by the soldiers who were to form the guard round the scaffold, and by some curious hangers-on of the prison.

Cornelius, without showing any weakness, but likewise without any bravado, received them rather as friends than as persecutors, and quietssly submitted to all those preparations which these men were obliged to make in performance of their duty.

Then, casting a glance into the yard through the narrow iron-barred window of his cell, he perceived the scaffold, and, at twenty paces distant from it, the gibbet, from which, by order of the Stadtholder , the outraged remains of the two brothers De Witt had been taken down.

When the moment came to descend in order to follow the guards, Cornelius sought with his eyes the angelic look of Rosa, but he saw, behind the swords and halberds, only a form lying outstretched near a wooden bench, and a deathlike face half covered with long golden locks.

But Rosa, whilst falling down senseless, still obeying her friend, had pressed her hand on her velvet bodice and, forgetting everything in the world besides, instinctively grasped the precious deposit which Cornelius had intrusted to her care.

Leaving the cell, the young man could still see in the convulsively clinched fingers of Rosa the yellowish leaf from that Bible on which Cornelius de Witt had with such difficulty and pain written these few lines, which, if Van Baerle had read them, would undoubtedly have been the saving of a man and a tulip.


 

The Black Tulip part 2


The Black Tulip

Part 2

by Alexandre Dumas 
 
A deceptively simple story and the shortest of Dumas's most famous novels, The Black Tulip (1850) weaves historical events surrounding a brutal murder into a tale of romantic love. Set in Holland in 1672, this timeless political allegory draws on the violence and crimes of history, making a case against tyranny and creating a symbol of justice and tolerance: the fateful tulipa negra.

black_tulip2
Illustrated by Arthur A Dixon and others

Contents


 

CHAPTER

12. The execution
13. What was going on all this time in the mind of one of the spectators
14. The pigeons of Dort
15. The little grated window
16. Master and Pupil
17. The first sucker
18. Rosa's lover
19. The maid and the flower
20. The events which took place during those eight days
21. The second sucker
22. Joy

 

 Chapter 12. The Execution

Cornelius had not three hundred paces to walk outside the prison to reach the foot of the scaffold. At the bottom of the staircase, the dog quietssly looked at him whilst he was passing; Cornelius even fancied he saw in the eyes of the monster a certain expression as it were of compassion.

The dog perhaps knew the condemned prisoners, and only bit those who left as free men.

The shorter the way from the door of the prison to the foot of the scaffold, the more fully, of course, it was crowded with curious people.

These were the same who, not satisfied with the blood which they had shed three days before, were now craving for a new victim.

And scarcely had Cornelius made his appearance than a fierce groan ran through the whole street, spreading all over the yard, and re-echoing from the streets which led to the scaffold, and which were likewise crowded with spectators.

The scaffold indeed looked like an islet at the confluence of several rivers.

In the midst of these threats, groans, and yells, Cornelius, very likely in order not to hear them, had buried himself in his own thoughts.

And what did he think of in his last melancholy journey?

Neither of his enemies, nor of his judges, nor of his executioners.

He thought of the beautiful tulips which he would see from heaven above, at Ceylon, or Bengal, or elsewhere, when he would be able to look with pity on this earth, where John and Cornelius de Witt had been murdered for having thought too much of politics, and where Cornelius van Baerle was about to be murdered for having thought too much of tulips.

"It is only one stroke of the axe," said the philosopher to himself, "and my beautiful dream will begin to be realised."

Only there was still a chance, just as it had happened before to M. de Chalais, to M. de Thou, and other slovenly executed people, that the headsman might inflict more than one stroke, that is to say, more than one martyrdom, on the poor tulip-fancier.

Yet, notwithstanding all this, Van Baerle mounted the scaffold not the less resolutely, proud of having been the friend of that illustrious John, and godson of that noble Cornelius de Witt, whom the ruffians, who were now crowding to witness his own doom, had torn to pieces and burnt three days before.

He knelt down, said his prayers, and observed, not without a feeling of sincere joy, that, laying his head on the block, and keeping his eyes open, he would be able to his last moment to see the grated window of the Buytenhof.

At length the fatal moment arrived, and Cornelius placed his chin on the cold damp block. But at this moment his eyes closed involuntarily, to receive more resolutely the terrible avalanche which was about to fall on his head, and to engulf his life.

A gleam like that of lightning passed across the scaffold: it was the executioner raising his sword.

Van Baerle bade farewell to the great black tulip, certain of awaking in another world full of light and glorious tints.

Three times he felt, with a shudder, the cold current of air from the knife near his neck, but what a surprise! he felt neither pain nor shock.

He saw no change in the colour of the sky, or of the world around him.

Then suddenly Van Baerle felt gentle hands raising him, and soon stood on his feet again, although trembling a little.

He looked around him. There was some one by his side, reading a large parchment, sealed with a huge seal of red wax.

And the same sun, yellow and pale, as it behooves a Dutch sun to be, was shining in the skies; and the same grated window looked down upon him from the Buytenhof; and the same rabble, no longer yelling, but completely thunderstruck, were staring at him from the streets below.

Van Baerle began to be sensible to what was going on around him.

His Highness, William, Prince of Orange, very likely afraid that Van Baerle's blood would turn the scale of judgment against him, had compassionately taken into consideration his good character, and the apparent proofs of his innocence.

His Highness, accordingly, had granted him his life.

Cornelius at first hoped that the pardon would be complete, and that he would be restored to his full liberty and to his flower borders at Dort.

But Cornelius was mistaken. To use an expression of Madame de Sevigne, who wrote about the same time, "there was a postscript to the letter;" and the most important part of the letter was contained in the postscript.

In this postscript, William of Orange, Stadtholder of Holland, condemned Cornelius van Baerle to imprisonment for life. He was not sufficiently guilty to suffer death, but he was too much so to be set at liberty.

Cornelius heard this clause, but, the first feeling of vexation and disappointment over, he said to himself, --

"Never mind, all this is not lost yet; there is some good in this perpetual imprisonment; Rosa will be there, and also my three bulbs of the black tulip are there."

But Cornelius forgot that the Seven Provinces had seven prisons, one for each, and that the board of the prisoner is anywhere else less expensive than at the Hague, which is a capital.

His Highness, who, as it seems, did not possess the means to feed Van Baerle at the Hague, sent him to undergo his perpetual imprisonment at the fortress of Loewestein, very near Dort, but, alas! also very far from it; for Loewestein, as the geographers tell us, is situated at the point of the islet which is formed by the confluence of the Waal and the Meuse, opposite Gorcum.

Van Baerle was sufficiently versed in the history of his Country to know that the celebrated Grotius was confined in that castle after the death of Barneveldt; and that the States, in their generosity to the illustrious publicist, jurist, historian, poet, and divine, had granted to him for his daily maintenance the sum of twenty-four stivers.

"I," said Van Baerle to himself, "I am worth much less than Grotius. They will hardly give me twelve stivers, and I shall live miserably; but never mind, at all events I shall live."

Then suddenly a terrible thought struck him.

"Ah!" he exclaimed, "how damp and misty that part of the Country is, and the soil so bad for the tulips! And then Rosa will not be at Loewestein!"

Chapter 13. What was going on all this Time in the Mind of one of the Spectators

Whilst Cornelius was engaged with his own thoughts, a coach had driven up to the scaffold. This vehicle was for the prisoner. He was invited to enter it, and he obeyed.

His last look was towards the Buytenhof. He hoped to see at the window the face of Rosa, brightening up again.

But the coach was drawn by good horses, who soon carried Van Baerle away from among the shouts which the rabble roared in honour of the most magnanimous Stadtholder , mixing with it a spice of abuse against the brothers De Witt and the godson of Cornelius, who had just now been saved from death.

This reprieve suggested to the worthy spectators remarks such as the following: --

"It's very fortunate that we used such speed in having justice done to that great villain John, and to that little rogue Cornelius, otherwise his Highness might have snatched them from us, just as he has done this fellow."

Among all the spectators whom Van Baerle's execution had attracted to the Buytenhof, and whom the sudden turn of affairs had disagreeably surprised, undoubtedly the one most disappointed was a certain respectably dressed burgher, who from early morning had made such a good use of his feet and elbows that he at last was separated from the scaffold only by the file of soldiers which surrounded it.

Many had shown themselves eager to see the perfidious blood of the guilty Cornelius flow, but not one had shown such a keen anxietssy as the individual just alluded to.

The most furious had come to the Buytenhof at daybreak, to secure a better place; but he, outdoing even them, had passed the night at the threshold of the prison, from whence, as we have already said, he had advanced to the very foremost rank, unguibus et rostro, -- that is to say, coaxing some, and kicking the others.

And when the executioner had conducted the prisoner to the scaffold, the burgher, who had mounted on the stone of the pump the better to see and be seen, made to the executioner a sign which meant, --

"It's a bargain, isn't it?"

The executioner answered by another sign, which was meant to say, --

"Be quietss, it's all right."

This burgher was no other than Mynheer Isaac Boxtel, who since the arrest of Cornelius had come to the Hague to try if he could not get hold of the three bulbs of the black tulip.

Boxtel had at first tried to gain over Gryphus to his interest, but the jailer had not only the snarling fierceness, but likewise the fidelity, of a dog. He had therefore bristled up at Boxtel's hatred, whom he had suspected to be a warm friend of the prisoner, making trifling inquiries to contrive with the more certainty some means of escape for him.

Thus to the very first proposals which Boxtel made to Gryphus to filch the bulbs which Cornelius van Baerle must be supposed to conceal, if not in his breast, at least in some corner of his cell, the surly jailer had only answered by kicking Mynheer Isaac out, and setting the dog at him.

The piece which the mastiff had torn from his hose did not discourage Boxtel. He came back to the charge, but this time Gryphus was in bed, feverish, and with a broken arm. He therefore was not able to admit the petitioner, who then addressed himself to Rosa, offering to buy her a head-dress of pure gold if she would get the bulbs for him. On this, the generous girl, although not yet knowing the value of the object of the robbery, which was to be so well remunerated, had directed the tempter to the executioner, as the heir of the prisoner.

In the meanwhile the sentence had been pronounced. Thus Isaac had no more time to bribe any one. He therefore clung to the idea which Rosa had suggested: he went to the executioner.

Isaac had not the least doubt that Cornelius would die with the bulbs on his heart.

But there were two things which Boxtel did not calculate upon: --

Rosa, that is to say, love;

William of Orange, that is to say, clemency.

But for Rosa and William, the calculations of the envious neighbour would have been correct.

But for William, Cornelius would have died.

But for Rosa, Cornelius would have died with his bulbs on his heart.

Mynheer Boxtel went to the headsman, to whom he gave himself out as a great friend of the condemned man; and from whom he bought all the clothes of the dead man that was to be, for one hundred guilders; rather an exorbitant sum, as he engaged to leave all the trinkets of gold and silver to the executioner.

But what was the sum of a hundred guilders to a man who was all but sure to buy with it the prize of the Haarlem Societssy?

It was money lent at a thousand per cent., which, as nobody will deny, was a very handsome investment.

The headsman, on the other hand, had scarcely anything to do to earn his hundred guilders. He needed only, as soon as the execution was over, to allow Mynheer Boxtel to ascend the scaffold with his servants, to remove the inanimate remains of his friend.

The thing was, moreover, quite customary among the "faithful brethren," when one of their masters died a public death in the yard of the Buytenhof.

A fanatic like Cornelius might very easily have found another fanatic who would give a hundred guilders for his remains.

The executioner also readily acquiesced in the proposal, making only one condition, -- that of being paid in advance.

Boxtel, like the people who enter a show at a fair, might be disappointed, and refuse to pay on going out.

Boxtel paid in advance, and waited.

After this, the reader may imagine how excited Boxtel was; with what anxietssy he watched the guards, the Recorder, and the executioner; and with what intense interest he surveyed the movements of Van Baerle. How would he place himself on the block? how would he fall? and would he not, in falling, crush those inestimable bulbs? had not he at least taken care to enclose them in a golden box, -- as gold is the hardest of all metals?

Every trifling delay irritated him. Why did that stupid executioner thus lose time in brandishing his sword over the head of Cornelius, instead of cutting that head off?

But when he saw the Recorder take the hand of the condemned, and raise him, whilst drawing forth the parchment from his pocket, -- when he heard the pardon of the Stadtholder publicly read out, -- then Boxtel was no more like a human being; the rage and malice of the tiger, of the hyena, and of the serpent glistened in his eyes, and vented itself in his yell and his movements. Had he been able to get at Van Baerle, he would have pounced upon him and strangled him.

And so, then, Cornelius was to live, and was to go with him to Loewestein, and thither to his prison he would take with him his bulbs; and perhaps he would even find a garden where the black tulip would flower for him.

Boxtel, quite overcome by his frenzy, fell from the stone upon some Orangemen, who, like him, were sorely vexed at the turn which affairs had taken. They, mistaking the frantic cries of Mynheer Isaac for demonstrations of joy, began to belabour him with kicks and cuffs, such as could not have been administered in better style by any prize-fighter on the other side of the Channel.

Blows were, however, nothing to him. He wanted to run after the coach which was carrying away Cornelius with his bulbs. But in his hurry he overlooked a paving-stone in his way, stumbled, lost his centre of gravity, rolled over to a distance of some yards, and only rose again, bruised and begrimed, after the whole rabble of the Hague, with their muddy feet, had passed over him.

One would think that this was enough for one day, but Mynheer Boxtel did not seem to think so, as, in addition to having his clothes torn, his back bruised, and his hands scratched, he inflicted upon himself the further punishment of tearing out his hair by handfuls, as an offering to that goddess of envy who, as mythology teaches us, wears a head-dress of serpents.

Chapter 14. The Pigeons of Dort

It was indeed in itself a great honour for Cornelius van Baerle to be confined in the same prison which had once received the learned master Grotius.

But on arriving at the prison he met with an honour even greater. As chance would have it, the cell formerly inhabited by the illustrious Barneveldt happened to be vacant, when the clemency of the Prince of Orange sent the tulip-fancier Van Baerle there.

The cell had a very bad character at the castle since the time when Grotius, by means of the device of his wife, made escape from it in that famous book-chest which the jailers forgot to examine.

On the other hand, it seemed to Van Baerle an auspicious omen that this very cell was assigned to him, for according to his ideas, a jailer ought never to have given to a second pigeon the cage from which the first had so easily flown.

The cell had an historical character. We will only state here that, with the exception of an alcove which was contrived there for the use of Madame Grotius, it differed in no respect from the other cells of the prison; only, perhaps, it was a little higher, and had a splendid view from the grated window.

Cornelius felt himself perfectly indifferent as to the place where he had to lead an existence which was little more than vegetation. There were only two things now for which he cared, and the possession of which was a happiness enjoyed only in imagination.

A flower, and a woman; both of them, as he conceived, lost to him for ever.

Fortunately the good doctor was mistaken. In his prison cell the most adventurous life which ever fell to the lot of any tulip-fancier was reserved for him.

One morning, whilst at his window inhaling the fresh air which came from the river, and casting a longing look to the windmills of his dear old city Dort, which were looming in the distance behind a forest of chimneys, he saw flocks of pigeons coming from that quarter to perch fluttering on the pointed gables of Loewestein.

These pigeons, Van Baerle said to himself, are coming from Dort, and consequently may return there. By fastening a little note to the wing of one of these pigeons, one might have a chance to send a message there. Then, after a few moments' consideration, he exclaimed, --

"I will do it."

A man grows very patient who is twenty-eight years of age, and condemned to a prison for life, -- that is to say, to something like twenty-two or twenty-three thousand days of captivity.

Van Baerle, from whose thoughts the three bulbs were never absent, made a snare for catching the pigeons, baiting the birds with all the resources of his kitchen, such as it was for eight slivers (sixpence English) a day; and, after a month of unsuccessful attempts, he at last caught a female bird.

It cost him two more months to catch a male bird; he then shut them up together, and having about the beginning of the year 1673 obtained some eggs from them, he released the female, which, leaving the male behind to hatch the eggs in her stead, flew joyously to Dort, with the note under her wing.

She returned in the evening. She had preserved the note.

Thus it went on for fifteen days, at first to the disappointment, and then to the great grief, of Van Baerle.

On the sixteenth day, at last, she came back without it.

Van Baerle had addressed it to his nurse, the old Frisian woman; and implored any charitable soul who might find it to convey it to her as safely and as speedily as possible.

In this letter there was a little note enclosed for Rosa.

Van Baerle's nurse had received the letter in the following way.

Leaving Dort, Mynheer Isaac Boxtel had abandoned, not only his house, his servants, his observatory, and his telescope, but also his pigeons.

The servant, having been left without wages, first lived on his little savings, and then on his master's pigeons.

Seeing this, the pigeons emigrated from the roof of Isaac Boxtel to that of Cornelius van Baerle.

The nurse was a kind-hearted woman, who could not live without something to love. She conceived an affection for the pigeons which had thrown themselves on her hospitality; and when Boxtel's servant reclaimed them with culinary intentions, having eaten the first fifteen already, and now wishing to eat the other fifteen, she offered to buy them from him for a consideration of six stivers per head.

This being just double their value, the man was very glad to close the bargain, and the nurse found herself in undisputed possession of the pigeons of her master's envious neighbour.

In the course of their wanderings, these pigeons with others visited the Hague, Loewestein, and Rotterdam, seeking varietssy, doubtless, in the flavour of their wheat or hempseed.

Chance, or rather God, for we can see the hand of God in everything, had willed that Cornelius van Baerle should happen to hit upon one of these very pigeons.

Therefore, if the envious wretch had not left Dort to follow his rival to the Hague in the first place, and then to Gorcum or to Loewestein, -- for the two places are separated only by the confluence of the Waal and the Meuse, -- Van Baerle's letter would have fallen into his hands and not the nurse's: in which event the poor prisoner, like the raven of the Roman cobbler, would have thrown away his time, his trouble, and, instead of having to relate the series of exciting events which are about to flow from beneath our pen like the varied hues of a many coloured tapestry, we should have naught to describe but a weary waste of days, dull and melancholy and gloomy as night's dark mantle.

The note, as we have said, had reached Van Baerle's nurse.

And also it came to pass, that one evening in the beginning of February, just when the stars were beginning to twinkle, Cornelius heard on the staircase of the little turret a voice which thrilled through him.

He put his hand on his heart, and listened.

It was the sweet harmonious voice of Rosa.

Let us confess it, Cornelius was not so stupefied with surprise, or so beyond himself with joy, as he would have been but for the pigeon, which, in answer to his letter, had brought back hope to him under her empty wing; and, knowing Rosa, he expected, if the note had ever reached her, to hear of her whom he loved, and also of his three darling bulbs.

He rose, listened once more, and bent forward towards the door.

Yes, they were indeed the accents which had fallen so sweetly on his heart at the Hague.

The question now was, whether Rosa, who had made the journey from the Hague to Loewestein, and who -- Cornelius did not understand how -- had succeeded even in penetrating into the prison, would also be fortunate enough in penetrating to the prisoner himself.

Whilst Cornelius, debating this point within himself, was building all sorts of castles in the air, and was struggling between hope and fear, the shutter of the grating in the door opened, and Rosa, beaming with joy, and beautiful in her pretty national costume -- but still more beautiful from the grief which for the last five months had blanched her cheeks -- pressed her little face against the wire grating of the window, saying to him, --

"Oh, sir, sir! here I am!"

Cornelius stretched out his arms, and, looking to heaven, uttered a cry of joy, --

"Oh, Rosa, Rosa!"

"Hush! let us speak low: my father follows on my heels," said the girl.

"Your father?"

"Yes, he is in the courtyard at the bottom of the staircase, receiving the instructions of the Governor; he will presently come up."

"The instructions of the Governor?"

"Listen to me, I'll try to tell you all in a few words. The Stadtholder has a Country-house, one league distant from Leyden, properly speaking a kind of large dairy, and my aunt, who was his nurse, has the management of it. As soon as I received your letter, which, alas! I could not read myself, but which your housekeeper read to me, I hastened to my aunt; there I remained until the Prince should come to the dairy; and when he came, I asked him as a favour to allow my father to exchange his post at the prison of the Hague with the jailer of the fortress of Loewestein. The Prince could not have suspected my object; had he known it, he would have refused my request, but as it is he granted it."

"And so you are here?"

"As you see."

"And thus I shall see you every day?"

"As often as I can manage it."

"Oh, Rosa, my beautiful Rosa, do you love me a little?"

"A little?" she said, "you make no great pretensions, Mynheer Cornelius."

Cornelius tenderly stretched out his hands towards her, but they were only able to touch each other with the tips of their fingers through the wire grating.

"Here is my father," said she.

Rosa then abruptly drew back from the door, and ran to meet old Gryphus, who made his appearance at the top of the staircase.

Chapter 15. The Little Grated Window

Gryphus was followed by the mastiff.

The turnkey took the animal round the jail, so that, if needs be, he might recognize the prisoners.

"Father," said Rosa, "here is the famous prison from which Mynheer Grotius escaped. You know Mynheer Grotius?"

"Oh, yes, that rogue Grotius, a friend of that villain Barneveldt, whom I saw executed when I was a child. Ah! so Grotius; and that's the chamber from which he escaped. Well, I'll answer for it that no one shall escape after him in my time."

And thus opening the door, he began in the dark to talk to the prisoner.

The dog, on his part, went up to the prisoner, and, growling, smelled about his legs just as though to ask him what right he had still to be alive, after having left the prison in the company of the Recorder and the executioner.

But the fair Rosa called him to her side.

"Well, my master," said Gryphus, holding up his lantern to throw a little light around, "you see in me your new jailer. I am head turnkey, and have all the cells under my care. I am not vicious, but I'm not to be trifled with, as far as discipline goes."

"My good Master Gryphus, I know you perfectly well," said the prisoner, approaching within the circle of light cast around by the lantern.

"Halloa! that's you, Mynheer van Baerle," said Gryphus. "That's you; well, I declare, it's astonishing how people do meet."

"Oh, yes; and it's really a great pleasure to me, good Master Gryphus, to see that your arm is doing well, as you are able to hold your lantern with it."

Gryphus knitted his brow. "Now, that's just it," he said, "people always make blunders in politics. His Highness has granted you your life; I'm sure I should never have done so."

"Don't say so," replied Cornelius; "why not?"

"Because you are the very man to conspire again. You learned people have dealings with the devil."

"Nonsense, Master Gryphus. Are you dissatisfied with the manner in which I have set your arm, or with the price that I asked you?" said Cornelius, laughing.

"On the contrary," growled the jailer, "you have set it only too well. There is some witchcraft in this. After six weeks, I was able to use it as if nothing had happened, so much so, that the doctor of the Buytenhof, who knows his trade well, wanted to break it again, to set it in the regular way, and promised me that I should have my blessed three months for my money before I should be able to move it."

"And you did not want that?"

"I said, 'Nay, as long as I can make the sign of the cross with that arm' (Gryphus was a Roman Catholic), 'I laugh at the devil.'"

"But if you laugh at the devil, Master Gryphus, you ought with so much more reason to laugh at learned people."

"Ah, learned people, learned people! Why, I would rather have to guard ten soldiers than one scholar. The soldiers smoke, guzzle, and get drunk; they are gentle as lambs if you only give them brandy or Moselle, but scholars, and drink, smoke, and fuddle -- ah, yes, that's altogether different. They keep sober, spend nothing, and have their heads always clear to make conspiracies. But I tell you, at the very outset, it won't be such an easy matter for you to conspire. First of all, you will have no books, no paper, and no conjuring book. It's books that helped Mynheer Grotius to get off."

"I assure you, Master Gryphus," replied Van Baerle, "that if I have entertained the idea of escaping, I most decidedly have it no longer."

"Well, well," said Gryphus, "just look sharp: that's what I shall do also. But, for all that, I say his Highness has made a great mistake."

"Not to have cut off my head? thank you, Master Gryphus."

"Just so, look whether the Mynheer de Witt don't keep very quietss now."

"That's very shocking what you say now, Master Gryphus," cried Van Baerle, turning away his head to conceal his disgust. "You forget that one of those unfortunate gentlemen was my friend, and the other my second father."

"Yes, but I also remember that the one, as well as the other, was a conspirator. And, moreover, I am speaking from Christian charity."

"Oh, indeed! explain that a little to me, my good Master Gryphus. I do not quite understand it."

"Well, then, if you had remained on the block of Master Harbruck ---- "

"What?"

"You would not suffer any longer; whereas, I will not disguise it from you, I shall lead you a sad life of it."

"Thank you for the promise, Master Gryphus."

And whilst the prisoner smiled ironically at the old jailer, Rosa, from the outside, answered by a bright smile, which carried sweet consolation to the heart of Van Baerle.

Gryphus stepped towards the window.

It was still light enough to see, although indistinctly, through the gray haze of the evening, the vast expanse of the horizon.

"What view has one from here?" asked Gryphus.

"Why, a very fine and pleasant one," said Cornelius, looking at Rosa.

"Yes, yes, too much of a view, too much."

And at this moment the two pigeons, scared by the sight and especially by the voice of the stranger, left their nest, and disappeared, quite frightened in the evening mist.

"Halloa! what's this?" cried Gryphus.

"My pigeons," answered Cornelius.

"Your pigeons," cried the jailer, "your pigeons! has a prisoner anything of his own?"

"Why, then," said Cornelius, "the pigeons which a merciful Father in Heaven has lent to me."

"So, here we have a breach of the rules already," replied Gryphus. "Pigeons! ah, young man, young man! I'll tell you one thing, that before to-morrow is over, your pigeons will boil in my pot."

"First of all you should catch them, Master Gryphus. You won't allow these pigeons to be mine! Well, I vow they are even less yours than mine."

"Omittance is no acquittance," growled the jailer, "and I shall certainly wring their necks before twenty-four hours are over: you may be sure of that."

Whilst giving utterance to this ill-natured promise, Gryphus put his head out of the window to examine the nest. This gave Van Baerle time to run to the door, and squeeze the hand of Rosa, who whispered to him, --

"At nine o'clock this evening."

Gryphus, quite taken up with the desire of catching the pigeons next day, as he had promised he would do, saw and heard nothing of this short interlude; and, after having closed the window, he took the arm of his daughter, left the cell, turned the key twice, drew the bolts, and went off to make the same kind promise to the other prisoners.

He had scarcely withdrawn, when Cornelius went to the door to listen to the sound of his footsteps, and, as soon as they had died away, he ran to the window, and completely demolished the nest of the pigeons.

Rather than expose them to the tender mercies of his bullying jailer, he drove away for ever those gentle messengers to whom he owed the happiness of having seen Rosa again.

This visit of the jailer, his brutal threats, and the gloomy prospect of the harshness with which, as he had before experienced, Gryphus watched his prisoners, -- all this was unable to extinguish in Cornelius the sweet thoughts, and especially the sweet hope, which the presence of Rosa had reawakened in his heart.

He waited eagerly to hear the clock of the tower of Loewestein strike nine.

The last chime was still vibrating through the air, when Cornelius heard on the staircase the light step and the rustle of the flowing dress of the fair Frisian maid, and soon after a light appeared at the little grated window in the door, on which the prisoner fixed his earnest gaze.

The shutter opened on the outside.

"Here I am," said Rosa, out of breath from running up the stairs, "here I am."

"Oh, my good Rosa."

"You are then glad to see me?"

"Can you ask? But how did you contrive to get here? tell me."

"Now listen to me. My father falls asleep every evening almost immediately after his supper; I then make him lie down, a little stupefied with his gin. Don't say anything about it, because, thanks to this nap, I shall be able to come every evening and chat for an hour with you."

"Oh, I thank you, Rosa, dear Rosa."

Saying these words, Cornelius put his face so near the little window that Rosa withdrew hers.

"I have brought back to you your bulbs."

Cornelius's heart leaped with joy. He had not yet dared to ask Rosa what she had done with the precious treasure which he had intrusted to her.

"Oh, you have preserved them, then?"

"Did you not give them to me as a thing which was dear to you?"

"Yes, but as I have given them to you, it seems to me that they belong to you."

"They would have belonged to me after your death, but, fortunately, you are alive now. Oh how I blessed his Highness in my heart! If God grants to him all the happiness that I have wished him, certainly Prince William will be the happiest man on earth. When I looked at the Bible of your godfather Cornelius, I was resolved to bring back to you your bulbs, only I did not know how to accomplish it. I had, however, already formed the plan of going to the Stadtholder , to ask from him for my father the appointment of jailer of Loewestein, when your housekeeper brought me your letter. Oh, how we wept together! But your letter only confirmed me the more in my resolution. I then left for Leyden, and the rest you know."

"What, my dear Rosa, you thought, even before receiving my letter, of coming to meet me again?"

"If I thought of it," said Rosa, allowing her love to get the better of her bashfulness, "I thought of nothing else."

And, saying these words, Rosa looked so exceedingly pretty, that for the second time Cornelius placed his forehead and lips against the wire grating; of course, we must presume with the laudable desire to thank the young lady.

Rosa, however, drew back as before.

"In truth," she said, with that coquetry which somehow or other is in the heart of every young girl, "I have often been sorry that I am not able to read, but never so much so as when your housekeeper brought me your letter. I kept the paper in my hands, which spoke to other people, and which was dumb to poor stupid me."

"So you have often regretted not being able to read," said Cornelius. "I should just like to know on what occasions."

"Troth," she said, laughing, "to read all the letters which were written to me."

"Oh, you received letters, Rosa?"

"By hundreds."

"But who wrote to you?"

"Who! why, in the first place, all the students who passed over the Buytenhof, all the officers who went to parade, all the clerks, and even the merchants who saw me at my little window."

"And what did you do with all these notes, my dear Rosa?"

"Formerly," she answered, "I got some friend to read them to me, which was capital fun, but since a certain time -- well, what use is it to attend to all this nonsense? -- since a certain time I have burnt them."

"Since a certain time!" exclaimed Cornelius, with a look beaming with love and joy.

Rosa cast down her eyes, blushing. In her sweet confusion, she did not observe the lips of Cornelius, which, alas! only met the cold wire-grating. Yet, in spite of this obstacle, they communicated to the lips of the young girl the glowing breath of the most tender kiss.

At this sudden outburst of tenderness, Rosa grew very pale, -- perhaps paler than she had been on the day of the execution. She uttered a plaintive sob, closed her fine eyes, and fled, trying in vain to still the beating of her heart.

And thus Cornelius was again alone.

Rosa had fled so precipitately, that she completely forgot to return to Cornelius the three bulbs of the Black Tulip.

 Chapter 16. Master and Pupil

The worthy Master Gryphus, as the reader may have seen, was far from sharing the kindly feeling of his daughter for the godson of Cornelius de Witt.

There being only five prisoners at Loewestein, the post of turnkey was not a very onerous one, but rather a sort of sinecure, given after a long period of service.

But the worthy jailer, in his zeal, had magnified with all the power of his imagination the importance of his office. To him Cornelius had swelled to the gigantic proportions of a criminal of the first order. He looked upon him, therefore, as the most dangerous of all his prisoners. He watched all his steps, and always spoke to him with an angry Countenance; punishing him for what he called his dreadful rebellion against such a clement prince as the Stadtholder .

Three times a day he entered Van Baerle's cell, expecting to find him trespassing; but Cornelius had ceased to correspond, since his correspondent was at hand. It is even probable that, if Cornelius had obtained his full liberty, with permission to go wherever he liked, the prison, with Rosa and his bulbs, would have appeared to him preferable to any other habitation in the world without Rosa and his bulbs.

Rosa, in fact, had promised to come and see him every evening, and from the first evening she had kept her word.

On the following evening she went up as before, with the same mysteriousness and the same precaution. Only she had this time resolved within herself not to approach too near the grating. In order, however, to engage Van Baerle in a conversation from the very first which would seriously occupy his attention, she tendered to him through the grating the three bulbs, which were still wrapped up in the same paper.

But to the great astonishment of Rosa, Van Baerle pushed back her white hand with the tips of his fingers.

The young man had been considering about the matter.

"Listen to me," he said. "I think we should risk too much by embarking our whole fortune in one ship. Only think, my dear Rosa, that the question is to carry out an enterprise which until now has been considered impossible, namely, that of making the great black tulip flower. Let us, therefore, take every possible precaution, so that in case of a failure we may not have anything to reproach ourselves with. I will now tell you the way I have traced out for us."

Rosa was all attention to what he would say, much more on account of the importance which the unfortunate tulip-fancier attached to it, than that she felt interested in the matter herself.

"I will explain to you, Rosa," he said. "I dare say you have in this fortress a small garden, or some courtyard, or, if not that, at least some terrace."

"We have a very fine garden," said Rosa, "it runs along the edge of the Waal, and is full of fine old trees."

"Could you bring me some soil from the garden, that I may judge?"

"I will do so to-morrow."

"Take some from a sunny spot, and some from a shady, so that I may judge of its properties in a dry and in a moist state."

"Be assured I shall."

"After having chosen the soil, and, if it be necessary, modified it, we will divide our three bulbs; you will take one and plant it, on the day that I will tell you, in the soil chosen by me. It is sure to flower, if you tend it according to my directions."

"I will not lose sight of it for a minute."

"You will give me another, which I will try to grow here in my cell, and which will help me to beguile those long weary hours when I cannot see you. I confess to you I have very little hope for the latter one, and I look beforehand on this unfortunate bulb as sacrificed to my selfishness. However, the sun sometimes visits me. I will, besides, try to convert everything into an artificial help, even the heat and the ashes of my pipe, and lastly, we, or rather you, will keep in reserve the third sucker as our last resource, in case our first two experiments should prove a failure. In this manner, my dear Rosa, it is impossible that we should not succeed in gaining the hundred thousand guilders for your marriage portion; and how dearly shall we enjoy that supreme happiness of seeing our work brought to a successful issue!"

"I know it all now," said Rosa. "I will bring you the soil to-morrow, and you will choose it for your bulb and for mine. As to that in which yours is to grow, I shall have several journeys to convey it to you, as I cannot bring much at a time."

"There is no hurry for it, dear Rosa; our tulips need not be put into the ground for a month at least. So you see we have plenty of time before us. Only I hope that, in planting your bulb, you will strictly follow all my instructions."

"I promise you I will."

"And when you have once planted it, you will communicate to me all the circumstances which may interest our nursling; such as change of weather, footprints on the walks, or footprints in the borders. You will listen at night whether our garden is not resorted to by cats. A couple of those untoward animals laid waste two of my borders at Dort."

"I will listen."

"On moonlight nights have you ever looked at your garden, my dear child?"

"The window of my sleeping-room overlooks it."

"Well, on moonlight nights you will observe whether any rats come out from the holes in the wall. The rats are most mischievous by their gnawing everything; and I have heard unfortunate tulip-growers complain most bitterly of Noah for having put a couple of rats in the ark."

"I will observe, and if there are cats or rats ---- "

"You will apprise me of it, -- that's right. And, moreover," Van Baerle, having become mistrustful in his captivity, continued, "there is an animal much more to be feared than even the cat or the rat."

"What animal?"

"Man. You comprehend, my dear Rosa, a man may steal a guilder, and risk the prison for such a trifle, and, consequently, it is much more likely that some one might steal a hundred thousand guilders."

"No one ever enters the garden but myself."

"Thank you, thank you, my dear Rosa. All the joy of my life has still to come from you."

And as the lips of Van Baerle approached the grating with the same ardor as the day before, and as, moreover, the hour for retiring had struck, Rosa drew back her head, and stretched out her hand.

In this pretty little hand, of which the coquettish damsel was particularly proud, was the bulb.

Cornelius kissed most tenderly the tips of her fingers. Did he do so because the hand kept one of the bulbs of the great black tulip, or because this hand was Rosa's? We shall leave this point to the decision of wiser heads than ours.

Rosa withdrew with the other two suckers, pressing them to her heart.

Did she press them to her heart because they were the bulbs of the great black tulip, or because she had them from Cornelius?

This point, we believe, might be more readily decided than the other.

However that may have been, from that moment life became sweet, and again full of interest to the prisoner.

Rosa, as we have seen, had returned to him one of the suckers.

Every evening she brought to him, handful by handful, a quantity of soil from that part of the garden which he had found to be the best, and which, indeed, was excellent.

A large jug, which Cornelius had skilfully broken, did service as a flower-pot. He half filled it, and mixed the earth of the garden with a small portion of dried river mud, a mixture which formed an excellent soil.

Then, at the beginning of April, he planted his first sucker in that jug.

Not a day passed on which Rosa did not come to have her chat with Cornelius.

The tulips, concerning whose cultivation Rosa was taught all the mysteries of the art, formed the principal topic of the conversation; but, interesting as the subject was, people cannot always talk about tulips.

They therefore began to chat also about other things, and the tulip-fancier found out to his great astonishment what a vast range of subjects a conversation may comprise.

Only Rosa had made it a habit to keep her pretty face invariably six inches distant from the grating, having perhaps become distrustful of herself.

There was one thing especially which gave Cornelius almost as much anxietssy as his bulbs -- a subject to which he always returned -- the dependence of Rosa on her father.

Indeed, Van Baerle's happiness depended on the whim of this man. He might one day find Loewestein dull, or the air of the place unhealthy, or the gin bad, and leave the fortress, and take his daughter with him, when Cornelius and Rosa would again be separated.

"Of what use would the carrier pigeons then be?" said Cornelius to Rosa, "as you, my dear girl, would not be able to read what I should write to you, nor to write to me your thoughts in return."

"Well," answered Rosa, who in her heart was as much afraid of a separation as Cornelius himself, "we have one hour every evening, let us make good use of it."

"I don't think we make such a bad use of it as it is."

"Let us employ it even better," said Rosa, smiling. "Teach me to read and write. I shall make the best of your lessons, believe me; and, in this way, we shall never be separated any more, except by our own will."

"Oh, then, we have an eternity before us," said Cornelius.

Rosa smiled, and quietssly shrugged her shoulders.

"Will you remain for ever in prison?" she said, "and after having granted you your life, will not his Highness also grant you your liberty? And will you not then recover your fortune, and be a rich man, and then, when you are driving in your own coach, riding your own horse, will you still look at poor Rosa, the daughter of a jailer, scarcely better than a hangman?"

Cornelius tried to contradict her, and certainly he would have done so with all his heart, and with all the sincerity of a soul full of love.

She, however, smilingly interrupted him, saying, "How is your tulip going on?"

To speak to Cornelius of his tulip was an expedient resorted to by her to make him forget everything, even Rosa herself.

"Very well, indeed," he said, "the coat is growing black, the sprouting has commenced, the veins of the bulb are swelling, in eight days hence, and perhaps sooner, we may distinguish the first buds of the leaves protruding. And yours Rosa?"

"Oh, I have done things on a large scale, and according to your directions."

"Now, let me hear, Rosa, what you have done," said Cornelius, with as tender an anxietssy as he had lately shown to herself.

"Well," she said, smiling, for in her own heart she could not help studying this double love of the prisoner for herself and for the black tulip, "I have done things on a large scale; I have prepared a bed as you described it to me, on a clear spot, far from trees and walls, in a soil slightly mixed with sand, rather moist than dry without a fragment of stone or pebble."

"Well done, Rosa, well done."

"I am now only waiting for your further orders to put in the bulb, you know that I must be behindhand with you, as I have in my favour all the chances of good air, of the sun, and abundance of moisture."

"All true, all true," exclaimed Cornelius, clapping his hands with joy, "you are a good pupil, Rosa, and you are sure to gain your hundred thousand guilders."

"Don't forget," said Rosa, smiling, "that your pupil, as you call me, has still other things to learn besides the cultivation of tulips."

"Yes, yes, and I am as anxious as you are, Rosa, that you should learn to read."

"When shall we begin?"

"At once."

"No, to-morrow."

"Why to-morrow?"

"Because to-day our hour is expired, and I must leave you."

"Already? But what shall we read?"

"Oh," said Rosa, "I have a book, -- a book which I hope will bring us luck."

"To-morrow, then."

"Yes, to-morrow."

On the following evening Rosa returned with the Bible of Cornelius de Witt.

Chapter 17. The First Bulb

On the following evening, as we have said, Rosa returned with the Bible of Cornelius de Witt.

Then began between the master and the pupil one of those charming scenes which are the delight of the novelist who has to describe them.

The grated window, the only opening through which the two lovers were able to communicate, was too high for conveniently reading a book, although it had been quite convenient for them to read each other's faces.

Rosa therefore had to press the open book against the grating edgewise, holding above it in her right hand the lamp, but Cornelius hit upon the lucky idea of fixing it to the bars, so as to afford her a little rest. Rosa was then enabled to follow with her finger the letters and syllables, which she was to spell for Cornelius, who with a straw pointed out the letters to his attentive pupil through the holes of the grating.

The light of the lamp illuminated the rich complexion of Rosa, her blue liquid eyes, and her golden hair under her head-dress of gold brocade, with her fingers held up, and showing in the blood, as it flowed downwards in the veins that pale pink hue which shines before the light owing to the living transparency of the flesh tint.

Rosa's intellect rapidly developed itself under the animating influence of Cornelius, and when the difficulties seemed too arduous, the sympathy of two loving hearts seemed to smooth them away.

And Rosa, after having returned to her room, repeated in her solitude the reading lessons, and at the same time recalled all the delight which she had felt whilst receiving them.

One evening she came half an hour later than usual. This was too extraordinary an instance not to call forth at once Cornelius's inquiries after its cause.

"Oh! do not be angry with me," she said, "it is not my fault. My father has renewed an acquaintance with an old crony who used to visit him at the Hague, and to ask him to let him see the prison. He is a good sort of fellow, fond of his bottle, tells funny stories, and moreover is very free with his money, so as always to be ready to stand a treat."

"You don't know anything further of him?" asked Cornelius, surprised.

"No," she answered; "it's only for about a fortnight that my father has taken such a fancy to this friend who is so assiduous in visiting him."

"Ah, so," said Cornelius, shaking his head uneasily as every new incident seemed to him to forebode some catastrophe; "very likely some spy, one of those who are sent into jails to watch both prisoners and their keepers."

"I don't believe that," said Rosa, smiling; "if that worthy person is spying after any one, it is certainly not after my father."

"After whom, then?"

"Me, for instance."

"You?"

"Why not?" said Rosa, smiling.

"Ah, that's true," Cornelius observed, with a sigh. "You will not always have suitors in vain; this man may become your husband."

"I don't say anything to the contrary."

"What cause have you to entertain such a happy prospect?"

"Rather say, this fear, Mynheer Cornelius."

"Thank you, Rosa, you are right; well, I will say then, this fear?"

"I have only this reason ---- "

"Tell me, I am anxious to hear."

"This man came several times before to the Buytenhof, at the Hague. I remember now, it was just about the time when you were confined there. When I left, he left too; when I came here, he came after me. At the Hague his pretext was that he wanted to see you."

"See me?"

"Yes, it must have undoubtedly been only a pretext for now, when he could plead the same reason, as you are my father's prisoner again, he does not care any longer for you; quite the contrary, -- I heard him say to my father only yesterday that he did not know you."

"Go on, Rosa, pray do, that I may guess who that man is, and what he wants."

"Are you quite sure, Mynheer Cornelius, that none of your friends can interest himself for you?"

"I have no friends, Rosa; I have only my old nurse, whom you know, and who knows you. Alas, poor Sue! she would come herself, and use no roundabout ways. She would at once say to your father, or to you, 'My good sir, or my good miss, my child is here; see how grieved I am; let me see him only for one hour, and I'll pray for you as long as I live.' No, no," continued Cornelius; "with the exception of my poor old Sue, I have no friends in this world."

"Then I come back to what I thought before; and the more so as last evening at sunset, whilst I was arranging the border where I am to plant your bulb, I saw a shadow gliding between the alder trees and the aspens. I did not appear to see him, but it was this man. He concealed himself and saw me digging the ground, and certainly it was me whom he followed, and me whom he was spying after. I could not move my rake, or touch one atom of soil, without his noticing it."

"Oh, yes, yes, he is in love with you," said Cornelius. "Is he young? Is he handsome?"

Saying this he looked anxiously at Rosa, eagerly waiting for her answer.

"Young? handsome?" cried Rosa, bursting into a laugh. "He is hideous to look at; crooked, nearly fifty years of age, and never dares to look me in the face, or to speak, except in an undertone."

"And his name?"

"Jacob Gisels."

"I don't know him."

"Then you see that, at all events, he does not come after you."

"At any rate, if he loves you, Rosa, which is very likely, as to see you is to love you, at least you don't love him."

"To be sure I don't."

"Then you wish me to keep my mind easy?"

"I should certainly ask you to do so."

"Well, then, now as you begin to know how to read you will read all that I write to you of the pangs of jealousy and of absence, won't you, Rosa?"

"I shall read it, if you write with good big letters."

Then, as the turn which the conversation took began to make Rosa uneasy, she asked, --

"By the bye, how is your tulip going on?"

"Oh, Rosa, only imagine my joy, this morning I looked at it in the sun, and after having moved the soil aside which covers the bulb, I saw the first sprouting of the leaves. This small germ has caused me a much greater emotion than the order of his Highness which turned aside the sword already raised at the Buytenhof."

"You hope, then?" said Rosa, smiling.

"Yes, yes, I hope."

"And I, in my turn, when shall I plant my bulb?"

"Oh, the first favourable day I will tell you; but, whatever you do, let nobody help you, and don't confide your secret to any one in the world; do you see, a connoisseur by merely looking at the bulb would be able to distinguish its value; and so, my dearest Rosa, be careful in locking up the third sucker which remains to you."

"It is still wrapped up in the same paper in which you put it, and just as you gave it me. I have laid it at the bottom of my chest under my point lace, which keeps it dry, without pressing upon it. But good night, my poor captive gentleman."

"How? already?"

"It must be, it must be."

"Coming so late and going so soon."

"My father might grow impatient not seeing me return, and that precious lover might suspect a rival."

Here she listened uneasily.

"What is it?" asked Van Baerle. "I thought I heard something."

"What, then?"

"Something like a step, creaking on the staircase."

"Surely," said the prisoner, "that cannot be Master Gryphus, he is always heard at a distance"

"No, it is not my father, I am quite sure, but ---- "

"But?"

"But it might be Mynheer Jacob."

Rosa rushed toward the staircase, and a door was really heard rapidly to close before the young damsel had got down the first ten steps.

Cornelius was very uneasy about it, but it was after all only a prelude to greater anxietssies.

The flowing day passed without any remarkable incident. Gryphus made his three visits, and discovered nothing. He never came at the same hours as he hoped thus to discover the secrets of the prisoner. Van Baerle, therefore, had devised a contrivance, a sort of pulley, by means of which he was able to lower or to raise his jug below the ledge of tiles and stone before his window. The strings by which this was effected he had found means to cover with that moss which generally grows on tiles, or in the crannies of the walls.

Gryphus suspected nothing, and the device succeeded for eight days. One morning, however, when Cornelius, absorbed in the contemplation of his bulb, from which a germ of vegetation was already peeping forth, had not heard old Gryphus coming upstairs as a gale of wind was blowing which shook the whole tower, the door suddenly opened.

Gryphus, perceiving an unknown and consequently a forbidden object in the hands of his prisoner, pounced upon it with the same rapidity as the hawk on its prey.

As ill luck would have it, his coarse, hard hand, the same which he had broken, and which Cornelius van Baerle had set so well, grasped at once in the midst of the jug, on the spot where the bulb was lying in the soil.

"What have you got here?" he roared. "Ah! have I caught you?" and with this he grabbed in the soil.

"I? nothing, nothing," cried Cornelius, trembling.

"Ah! have I caught you? a jug and earth in it There is some criminal secret at the bottom of all this."

"Oh, my good Master Gryphus," said Van Baerle, imploringly, and anxious as the partridge robbed of her young by the reaper.

In fact, Gryphus was beginning to dig the soil with his crooked fingers.

"Take care, sir, take care," said Cornelius, growing quite pale.

"Care of what? Zounds! of what?" roared the jailer.

"Take care, I say, you will crush it, Master Gryphus."

And with a rapid and almost frantic movement he snatched the jug from the hands of Gryphus, and hid it like a treasure under his arms.

But Gryphus, obstinate, like an old man, and more and more convinced that he was discovering here a conspiracy against the Prince of Orange, rushed up to his prisoner, raising his stick; seeing, however, the impassible resolution of the captive to protect his flower-pot he was convinced that Cornelius trembled much less for his head than for his jug.

He therefore tried to wrest it from him by force.

"Halloa!" said the jailer, furious, "here, you see, you are rebelling."

"Leave me my tulip," cried Van Baerle.

"Ah, yes, tulip," replied the old man, "we know well the shifts of prisoners."

"But I vow to you ---- "

"Let go," repeated Gryphus, stamping his foot, "let go, or I shall call the guard."

"Call whoever you like, but you shall not have this flower except with my life."

Gryphus, exasperated, plunged his finger a second time into the soil, and now he drew out the bulb, which certainly looked quite black; and whilst Van Baerle, quite happy to have saved the vessel, did not suspect that the adversary had possessed himself of its precious contents, Gryphus hurled the softened bulb with all his force on the flags, where almost immediately after it was crushed to atoms under his heavy shoe.

Van Baerle saw the work of destruction, got a glimpse of the juicy remains of his darling bulb, and, guessing the cause of the ferocious joy of Gryphus, uttered a cry of agony, which would have melted the heart even of that ruthless jailer who some years before killed Pelisson's spider.

The idea of striking down this spiteful bully passed like lightning through the brain of the tulip-fancier. The blood rushed to his brow, and seemed like fire in his eyes, which blinded him, and he raised in his two hands the heavy jug with all the now useless earth which remained in it. One instant more, and he would have flung it on the bald head of old Gryphus.

But a cry stopped him; a cry of agony, uttered by poor Rosa, who, trembling and pale, with her arms raised to heaven, made her appearance behind the grated window, and thus interposed between her father and her friend.

Gryphus then understood the danger with which he had been threatened, and he broke out in a volley of the most terrible abuse.

"Indeed," said Cornelius to him, "you must be a very mean and spiteful fellow to rob a poor prisoner of his only consolation, a tulip bulb."

"For shame, my father," Rosa chimed in, "it is indeed a crime you have committed here."

"Ah, is that you, my little chatter-box?" the old man cried, boiling with rage and turning towards her; "don't you meddle with what don't concern you, but go down as quickly as possible."

"Unfortunate me," continued Cornelius, overwhelmed with grief.

"After all, it is but a tulip," Gryphus resumed, as he began to be a little ashamed of himself. "You may have as many tulips as you like: I have three hundred of them in my loft."

"To the devil with your tulips!" cried Cornelius; "you are worthy of each other: had I a hundred thousand millions of them, I would gladly give them for the one which you have just destroyed."

"Oh, so!" Gryphus said, in a tone of triumph; "now there we have it. It was not your tulip you cared for. There was in that false bulb some witchcraft, perhaps some means of correspondence with conspirators against his Highness who has granted you your life. I always said they were wrong in not cutting your head off."

"Father, father!" cried Rosa.

"Yes, yes! it is better as it is now," repeated Gryphus, growing warm; "I have destroyed it, and I'll do the same again, as often as you repeat the trick. Didn't I tell you, my fine fellow, that I would make your life a hard one?"

"A curse on you!" Cornelius exclaimed, quite beyond himself with despair, as he gathered, with his trembling fingers, the remnants of that bulb on which he had rested so many joys and so many hopes.

"We shall plant the other to-morrow, my dear Mynheer Cornelius," said Rosa, in a low voice, who understood the intense grief of the unfortunate tulip-fancier, and who, with the pure sacred love of her innocent heart, poured these kind words, like a drop of balm, on the bleeding wounds of Cornelius.

Chapter 18. Rosa's Lover

Rosa had scarcely pronounced these consolatory words when a voice was heard from the staircase asking Gryphus how matters were going on.

"Do you hear, father?" said Rosa.

"What?"

"Master Jacob calls you, he is uneasy."

"There was such a noise," said Gryphus; "wouldn't you have thought he would murder me, this doctor? They are always very troublesome fellows, these scholars."

Then, pointing with his finger towards the staircase, he said to Rosa: "Just lead the way, Miss."

After this he locked the door and called out: "I shall be with you directly, friend Jacob."

Poor Cornelius, thus left alone with his bitter grief, muttered to himself, --

"Ah, you old hangman! it is me you have trodden under foot; you have murdered me; I shall not survive it."

And certainly the unfortunate prisoner would have fallen ill but for the Counterpoise which Providence had granted to his grief, and which was called Rosa.

In the evening she came back. Her first words announced to Cornelius that henceforth her father would make no objection to his cultivating flowers.

"And how do you know that?" the prisoner asked, with a doleful look.

"I know it because he has said so."

"To deceive me, perhaps."

"No, he repents."

"Ah yes! but too late."

"This repentance is not of himself."

"And who put it into him?"

"If you only knew how his friend scolded him!"

"Ah, Master Jacob; he does not leave you, then, that Master Jacob?"

"At any rate, he leaves us as little as he can help."

Saying this, she smiled in such a way that the little cloud of jealousy which had darkened the brow of Cornelius speedily vanished.

"How was it?" asked the prisoner.

"Well, being asked by his friend, my father told at supper the whole story of the tulip, or rather of the bulb, and of his own fine exploit of crushing it."

Cornelius heaved a sigh, which might have been called a groan.

"Had you only seen Master Jacob at that moment!" continued Rosa. "I really thought he would set fire to the castle; his eyes were like two flaming torches, his hair stood on end, and he clinched his fist for a moment; I thought he would have strangled my father."

"'You have done that,' he cried, 'you have crushed the bulb?'

"'Indeed I have.'

"'It is infamous,' said Master Jacob, 'it is odious! You have committed a great crime!'

"My father was quite dumbfounded.

"'Are you mad, too?' he asked his friend."

"Oh, what a worthy man is this Master Jacob!" muttered Cornelius, -- "an honest soul, an excellent heart that he is."

"The truth is, that it is impossible to treat a man more rudely than he did my father; he was really quite in despair, repeating over and over again, --

"'Crushed, crushed the bulb! my God, my God! crushed!'

"Then, turning toward me, he asked, 'But it was not the only one that he had?'"

"Did he ask that?" inquired Cornelius, with some anxietssy.

"'You think it was not the only one?' said my father. 'Very well, we shall search for the others.'

"'You will search for the others?' cried Jacob, taking my father by the collar; but he immediately loosed him. Then, turning towards me, he continued, asking 'And what did that poor young man say?'

"I did not know what to answer, as you had so strictly enjoined me never to allow any one to guess the interest which you are taking in the bulb. Fortunately, my father saved me from the difficulty by chiming in, --

"'What did he say? Didn't he fume and fret?'

"I interrupted him, saying, 'Was it not natural that be should be furious, you were so unjust and brutal, father?'

"'Well, now, are you mad?' cried my father; 'what immense misfortune is it to crush a tulip bulb? You may buy a hundred of them in the market of Gorcum.'

"'Perhaps some less precious one than that was!' I quite incautiously replied."

"And what did Jacob say or do at these words?" asked Cornelius.

"At these words, if I must say it, his eyes seemed to flash like lightning."

"But," said Cornelius, "that was not all; I am sure he said something in his turn."

"'So, then, my pretty Rosa,' he said, with a voice as sweet a honey, -- 'so you think that bulb to have been a precious one?'

"I saw that I had made a blunder.

"'What do I know?' I said, negligently; 'do I understand anything of tulips? I only know -- as unfortunately it is our lot to live with prisoners -- that for them any pastime is of value. This poor Mynheer van Baerle amused himself with this bulb. Well, I think it very cruel to take from him the only thing that he could have amused himself with.'

"'But, first of all,' said my father, 'we ought to know how he has contrived to procure this bulb.'

"I turned my eyes away to avoid my father's look; but I met those of Jacob.

"It was as if he had tried to read my thoughts at the bottom of my heart.

"Some little show of anger sometimes saves an answer. I shrugged my shoulders, turned my back, and advanced towards the door.

"But I was kept by something which I heard, although it was uttered in a very low voice only.

"Jacob said to my father, --

"'It would not be so difficult to ascertain that.'

"'How so?'

"'You need only search his person: and if he has the other bulbs, we shall find them, as there usually are three suckers!'"

"Three suckers!" cried Cornelius. "Did you say that I have three?"

"The word certainly struck me just as much as it does you. I turned round. They were both of them so deeply engaged in their conversation that they did not observe my movement.

"'But,' said my father, 'perhaps he has not got his bulbs about him?'

"'Then take him down, under some pretext or other and I will search his cell in the meanwhile.'"

"Halloa, halloa!" said Cornelius. "But this Mr. Jacob of yours is a villain, it seems."

"I am afraid he is."

"Tell me, Rosa," continued Cornelius, with a pensive air.

"What?"

"Did you not tell me that on the day when you prepared your borders this man followed you?"

"So he did."

"That he glided like a shadow behind the elder trees?"

"Certainly."

"That not one of your movements escaped him?"

"Not one, indeed."

"Rosa," said Cornelius, growing quite pale.

"Well?"

"It was not you he was after."

"Who else, then?"

"It is not you that he was in love with!"

"But with whom else?"

"He was after my bulb, and is in love with my tulip!"

"You don't say so! And yet it is very possible," said Rosa.

"Will you make sure of it?"

"In what manner?"

"Oh, it would be very easy!"

"Tell me."

"Go to-morrow into the garden; manage matters so that Jacob may know, as he did the first time, that you are going there, and that he may follow you. Feign to put the bulb into the ground; leave the garden, but look through the keyhole of the door and watch him."

"Well, and what then?"

"What then? We shall do as he does."

"Oh!" said Rosa, with a sigh, "you are very fond of your bulbs."

"To tell the truth," said the prisoner, sighing likewise, "since your father crushed that unfortunate bulb, I feel as if part of my own self had been paralyzed."

"Now just hear me," said Rosa; "will you try something else?"

"What?"

"Will you accept the proposition of my father?"

"Which proposition?"

"Did not he offer to you tulip bulbs by hundreds?"

"Indeed he did."

"Accept two or three, and, along with them, you may grow the third sucker."

"Yes, that would do very well," said Cornelius, knitting his brow; "if your father were alone, but there is that Master Jacob, who watches all our ways."

"Well, that is true; but only think! you are depriving yourself, as I can easily see, of a very great pleasure."

She pronounced these words with a smile, which was not altogether without a tinge of irony.

Cornelius reflected for a moment; he evidently was struggling against some vehement desire.

"No!" he cried at last, with the stoicism of a Roman of old, "it would be a weakness, it would be a folly, it would be a meanness! If I thus give up the only and last resource which we possess to the uncertain chances of the bad passions of anger and envy, I should never deserve to be forgiven. No, Rosa, no; to-morrow we shall come to a conclusion as to the spot to be chosen for your tulip; you will plant it according to my instructions; and as to the third sucker," -- Cornelius here heaved a deep sigh, -- "watch over it as a miser over his first or last piece of gold; as the mother over her child; as the wounded over the last drop of blood in his veins; watch over it, Rosa! Some voice within me tells me that it will be our saving, that it will be a source of good to us."

"Be easy, Mynheer Cornelius," said Rosa, with a sweet mixture of melancholy and gravity, "be easy; your wishes are commands to me."

"And even," continued Van Baerle, warming more and more with his subject, "if you should perceive that your steps are watched, and that your speech has excited the suspicion of your father and of that detestable Master Jacob, -- well, Rosa, don't hesitate for one moment to sacrifice me, who am only still living through you, -- me, who have no one in the world but you; sacrifice me, -- don't come to see me any more."

Rosa felt her heart sink within her, and her eyes were filling with tears.

"Alas!" she said.

"What is it?" asked Cornelius.

"I see one thing."

"What do you see?"

"I see," said she, bursting out in sobs, "I see that you love your tulips with such love as to have no more room in your heart left for other affections."

Saying this, she fled.

Cornelius, after this, passed one of the worst nights he ever had in his life.

Rosa was vexed with him, and with good reason. Perhaps she would never return to see the prisoner, and then he would have no more news, either of Rosa or of his tulips.

We have to confess, to the disgrace of our hero and of floriculture, that of his two affections he felt most strongly inclined to regret the loss of Rosa; and when, at about three in the morning, he fell asleep overcome with fatigue, and harassed with remorse, the grand black tulip yielded precedence in his dreams to the sweet blue eyes of the fair maid of Friesland.

Chapter 19. The Maid and the Flower

But poor Rosa, in her secluded chamber, could not have known of whom or of what Cornelius was dreaming.

From what he had said she was more ready to believe that he dreamed of the black tulip than of her; and yet Rosa was mistaken.

But as there was no one to tell her so, and as the words of Cornelius's thoughtless speech had fallen upon her heart like drops of poison, she did not dream, but she wept.

The fact was, that, as Rosa was a high-spirited creature, of no mean perception and a noble heart, she took a very clear and judicious view of her own social position, if not of her moral and physical qualities.

Cornelius was a scholar, and was wealthy, -- at least he had been before the confiscation of his property; Cornelius belonged to the merchant-bourgeoisie, who were prouder of their richly emblazoned shop signs than the hereditary nobility of their heraldic bearings. Therefore, although he might find Rosa a pleasant companion for the dreary hours of his captivity, when it came to a question of bestowing his heart it was almost certain that he would bestow it upon a tulip, -- that is to say, upon the proudest and noblest of flowers, rather than upon poor Rosa, the jailer's lowly child.

Thus Rosa understood Cornelius's preference of the tulip to herself, but was only so much the more unhappy therefor.

During the whole of this terrible night the poor girl did not close an eye, and before she rose in the morning she had come to the resolution of making her appearance at the grated window no more.

But as she knew with what ardent desire Cornelius looked forward to the news about his tulip; and as, notwithstanding her determination not to see any more a man her pity for whose fate was fast growing into love, she did not, on the other hand, wish to drive him to despair, she resolved to continue by herself the reading and writing lessons; and, fortunately, she had made sufficient progress to dispense with the help of a master when the master was not to be Cornelius.

Rosa therefore applied herself most diligently to reading poor Cornelius de Witt's Bible, on the second fly leaf of which the last will of Cornelius van Baerle was written.

"Alas!" she muttered, when perusing again this document, which she never finished without a tear, the pearl of love, rolling from her limpid eyes on her pale cheeks -- "alas! at that time I thought for one moment he loved me."

Poor Rosa! she was mistaken. Never had the love of the prisoner been more sincere than at the time at which we are now arrived, when in the contest between the black tulip and Rosa the tulip had had to yield to her the first and foremost place in Cornelius's heart.

But Rosa was not aware of it.

Having finished reading, she took her pen, and began with as laudable diligence the by far more difficult task of writing.

As, however, Rosa was already able to write a legible hand when Cornelius so uncautiously opened his heart, she did not despair of progressing quickly enough to write, after eight days at the latest, to the prisoner an account of his tulip.

She had not forgotten one word of the directions given to her by Cornelius, whose speeches she treasured in her heart, even when they did not take the shape of directions.

He, on his part, awoke deeper in love than ever. The tulip, indeed, was still a luminous and prominent object in his mind; but he no longer looked upon it as a treasure to which he ought to sacrifice everything, and even Rosa, but as a marvellous combination of nature and art with which he would have been happy to adorn the bosom of his beloved one.

Yet during the whole of that day he was haunted with a vague uneasiness, at the bottom of which was the fear lest Rosa should not come in the evening to pay him her usual visit. This thought took more and more hold of him, until at the approach of evening his whole mind was absorbed in it.

How his heart beat when darkness closed in! The words which he had said to Rosa on the evening before and which had so deeply afflicted her, now came back to his mind more vividly than ever, and he asked himself how he could have told his gentle comforter to sacrifice him to his tulip, -- that is to say, to give up seeing him, if need be, -- whereas to him the sight of Rosa had become a condition of life.

In Cornelius's cell one heard the chimes of the clock of the fortress. It struck seven, it struck eight, it struck nine. Never did the metal voice vibrate more forcibly through the heart of any man than did the last stroke, marking the ninth hour, through the heart of Cornelius.

All was then silent again. Cornelius put his hand on his heart, to repress as it were its violent palpitation, and listened.

The noise of her footstep, the rustling of her gown on the staircase, were so familiar to his ear, that she had no sooner mounted one step than he used to say to himself, --

"Here comes Rosa."

This evening none of those little noises broke the silence of the lobby, the clock struck nine, and a quarter; the half-hour, then a quarter to ten, and at last its deep tone announced, not only to the inmates of the fortress, but also to all the inhabitants of Loewestein, that it was ten.

This was the hour at which Rosa generally used to leave Cornelius. The hour had struck, but Rosa had not come.

Thus then his foreboding had not deceived him; Rosa, being vexed, shut herself up in her room and left him to himself.

"Alas!" he thought, "I have deserved all this. She will come no more, and she is right in staying away; in her place I should do just the same."

Yet notwithstanding all this, Cornelius listened, waited, and hoped until midnight, then he threw himself upon the bed, with his clothes on.

It was a long and sad night for him, and the day brought no hope to the prisoner.

At eight in the morning, the door of his cell opened; but Cornelius did not even turn his head; he had heard the heavy step of Gryphus in the lobby, but this step had perfectly satisfied the prisoner that his jailer was coming alone.

Thus Cornelius did not even look at Gryphus.

And yet he would have been so glad to draw him out, and to inquire about Rosa. He even very nearly made this inquiry, strange as it would needs have appeared to her father. To tell the truth, there was in all this some selfish hope to hear from Gryphus that his daughter was ill.

Except on extraordinary occasions, Rosa never came during the day. Cornelius therefore did not really expect her as long as the day lasted. Yet his sudden starts, his listening at the door, his rapid glances at every little noise towards the grated window, showed clearly that the prisoner entertained some latent hope that Rosa would, somehow or other, break her rule.

At the second visit of Gryphus, Cornelius, contrary to all his former habits, asked the old jailer, with the most winning voice, about her health; but Gryphus contented himself with giving the laconical answer, --

"All's well."

At the third visit of the day, Cornelius changed his former inquiry: --

"I hope nobody is ill at Loewestein?"

"Nobody," replied, even more laconically, the jailer, shutting the door before the nose of the prisoner.

Gryphus, being little used to this sort of civility on the part of Cornelius, began to suspect that his prisoner was about to try and bribe him.

Cornelius was now alone once more; it was seven o'clock in the evening, and the anxietssy of yesterday returned with increased intensity.

But another time the hours passed away without bringing the sweet vision which lighted up, through the grated window, the cell of poor Cornelius, and which, in retiring, left light enough in his heart to last until it came back again.

Van Baerle passed the night in an agony of despair. On the following day Gryphus appeared to him even more hideous, brutal, and hateful than usual; in his mind, or rather in his heart, there had been some hope that it was the old man who prevented his daughter from coming.

In his wrath he would have strangled Gryphus, but would not this have separated him for ever from Rosa?

The evening closing in, his despair changed into melancholy, which was the more gloomy as, involuntarily, Van Baerle mixed up with it the thought of his poor tulip. It was now just that week in April which the most experienced gardeners point out as the precise time when tulips ought to be planted. He had said to Rosa, --

"I shall tell you the day when you are to put the bulb in the ground."

He had intended to fix, at the vainly hoped for interview, the following day as the time for that momentous operation. The weather was propitious; the air, though still damp, began to be tempered by those pale rays of the April sun which, being the first, appear so congenial, although so pale. How if Rosa allowed the right moment for planting the bulb to pass by, -- if, in addition to the grief of seeing her no more, he should have to deplore the misfortune of seeing his tulip fail on account of its having been planted too late, or of its not having been planted at all!

These two vexations combined might well make him leave off eating and drinking.

This was the case on the fourth day.

It was pitiful to see Cornelius, dumb with grief, and pale from utter prostration, stretch out his head through the iron bars of his window, at the risk of not being able to draw it back again, to try and get a glimpse of the garden on the left spoken of by Rosa, who had told him that its parapet overlooked the river. He hoped that perhaps he might see, in the light of the April sun, Rosa or the tulip, the two lost objects of his love.

In the evening, Gryphus took away the breakfast and dinner of Cornelius, who had scarcely touched them.

On the following day he did not touch them at all, and Gryphus carried the dishes away just as he had brought them.

Cornelius had remained in bed the whole day.

"Well," said Gryphus, coming down from the last visit, "I think we shall soon get rid of our scholar."

Rosa was startled.

"Nonsense!" said Jacob. "What do you mean?"

"He doesn't drink, he doesn't eat, he doesn't leave his bed. He will get out of it, like Mynheer Grotius, in a chest, only the chest will be a coffin."

Rosa grew pale as death.

"Ah!" she said to herself, "he is uneasy about his tulip."

And, rising with a heavy heart, she returned to her chamber, where she took a pen and paper, and during the whole of that night busied herself with tracing letters.

On the following morning, when Cornelius got up to drag himself to the window, he perceived a paper which had been slipped under the door.

He pounced upon it, opened it, and read the following words, in a handwriting which he could scarcely have recognized as that of Rosa, so much had she improved during her short absence of seven days, --

"Be easy; your tulip is going on well."

Although these few words of Rosa's somewhat soothed the grief of Cornelius, yet he felt not the less the irony which was at the bottom of them. Rosa, then, was not ill, she was offended; she had not been forcibly prevented from coming, but had voluntarily stayed away. Thus Rosa, being at liberty, found in her own will the force not to come and see him, who was dying with grief at not having seen her.

Cornelius had paper and a pencil which Rosa had brought to him. He guessed that she expected an answer, but that she would not come before the evening to fetch it. He therefore wrote on a piece of paper, similar to that which he had received, --

"It was not my anxietssy about the tulip that has made me ill, but the grief at not seeing you."

After Gryphus had made his last visit of the day, and darkness had set in, he slipped the paper under the door, and listened with the most intense attention, but he neither heard Rosa's footsteps nor the rustling of her gown.

He only heard a voice as feeble as a breath, and gentle like a caress, which whispered through the grated little window in the door the word, --

"To-morrow!"

Now to-morrow was the eighth day. For eight days Cornelius and Rosa had not seen each other.

Chapter 20. The Events which took place during those Eight Days

On the following evening, at the usual hour, Van Baerle heard some one scratch at the grated little window, just as Rosa had been in the habit of doing in the heyday of their friendship.

Cornelius being, as may easily be imagined, not far off from the door, perceived Rosa, who at last was waiting again for him with her lamp in her hand.

Seeing him so sad and pale, she was startled, and said, --

"You are ill, Mynheer Cornelius?"

"Yes, I am," he answered, as indeed he was suffering in mind and in body.

"I saw that you did not eat," said Rosa; "my father told me that you remained in bed all day. I then wrote to calm your uneasiness concerning the fate of the most precious object of your anxietssy."

"And I," said Cornelius, "I have answered. Seeing your return, my dear Rosa, I thought you had received my letter."

"It is true; I have received it."

"You cannot this time excuse yourself with not being able to read. Not only do you read very fluently, but also you have made marvellous progress in writing."

"Indeed, I have not only received, but also read your note. Accordingly I am come to see whether there might not be some remedy to restore you to health."

"Restore me to health?" cried Cornelius; "but have you any good news to communicate to me?"

Saying this, the poor prisoner looked at Rosa, his eyes sparkling with hope.

Whether she did not, or would not, understand this look, Rosa answered gravely, --

"I have only to speak to you about your tulip, which, as I well know, is the object uppermost in your mind."

Rosa pronounced those few words in a freezing tone, which cut deeply into the heart of Cornelius. He did not suspect what lay hidden under this appearance of indifference with which the poor girl affected to speak of her rival, the black tulip.

"Oh!" muttered Cornelius, "again! again! Have I not told you, Rosa, that I thought but of you? that it was you alone whom I regretted, you whom I missed, you whose absence I felt more than the loss of liberty and of life itself?"

Rosa smiled with a melancholy air.

"Ah!" she said, "your tulip has been in such danger."

Cornelius trembled involuntarily, and showed himself clearly to be caught in the trap, if ever the remark was meant as such.

"Danger!" he cried, quite alarmed; "what danger?"

Rosa looked at him with gentle compassion; she felt that what she wished was beyond the power of this man, and that he must be taken as he was, with his little foible.

"Yes," she said, "you have guessed the truth; that suitor and amorous swain, Jacob, did not come on my account."

"And what did he come for?" Cornelius anxiously asked.

"He came for the sake of the tulip."

"Alas!" said Cornelius, growing even paler at this piece of information than he had been when Rosa, a fortnight before, had told him that Jacob was coming for her sake.

Rosa saw this alarm, and Cornelius guessed, from the expression of her face, in what direction her thoughts were running.

"Oh, pardon me, Rosa!" he said, "I know you, and I am well aware of the kindness and sincerity of your heart. To you God has given the thought and strength for defending yourself; but to my poor tulip, when it is in danger, God has given nothing of the sort."

Rosa, without replying to this excuse of the prisoner, continued, --

"From the moment when I first knew that you were uneasy on account of the man who followed me, and in whom I had recognized Jacob, I was even more uneasy myself. On the day, therefore, after that on which I saw you last, and on which you said -- "

Cornelius interrupted her.

"Once more, pardon me, Rosa!" he cried. "I was wrong in saying to you what I said. I have asked your pardon for that unfortunate speech before. I ask it again: shall I always ask it in vain?"

"On the following day," Rosa continued, "remembering what you had told me about the stratagem which I was to employ to ascertain whether that odious man was after the tulip, or after me ---- "

"Yes, yes, odious. Tell me," he said, "do you hate that man?"

"I do hate him," said Rosa, "as he is the cause of all the unhappiness I have suffered these eight days."

"You, too, have been unhappy, Rosa? I thank you a thousand times for this kind confession."

"Well, on the day after that unfortunate one, I went down into the garden and proceeded towards the border where I was to plant your tulip, looking round all the while to see whether I was again followed as I was last time."

"And then?" Cornelius asked.

"And then the same shadow glided between the gate and the wall, and once more disappeared behind the elder-trees."

"You feigned not to see him, didn't you?" Cornelius asked, remembering all the details of the advice which he had given to Rosa.

"Yes, and I stooped over the border, in which I dug with a spade, as if I was going to put the bulb in."

"And he, -- what did he do during all this time?"

"I saw his eyes glisten through the branches of the tree like those of a tiger."

"There you see, there you see!" cried Cornelius.

"Then, after having finished my make-believe work, I retired."

"But only behind the garden door, I dare say, so that you might see through the keyhole what he was going to do when you had left?"

"He waited for a moment, very likely to make sure of my not coming back, after which he sneaked forth from his hiding-place, and approached the border by a long round-about; at last, having reached his goal, that is to say, the spot where the ground was newly turned, he stopped with a careless air, looking about in all directions, and scanning every corner of the garden, every window of the neighbouring houses, and even the sky; after which, thinking himself quite alone, quite isolated, and out of everybody's sight, he pounced upon the border, plunged both his hands into the soft soil, took a handful of the mould, which he gently frittered between his fingers to see whether the bulb was in it, and repeated the same thing twice or three times, until at last he perceived that he was outwitted. Then, keeping down the agitation which was raging in his breast, he took up the rake, smoothed the ground, so as to leave it on his retiring in the same state as he had found it, and, quite abashed and rueful, walked back to the door, affecting the unconcerned air of an ordinary visitor of the garden."

"Oh, the wretch!" muttered Cornelius, wiping the cold sweat from his brow. "Oh, the wretch! I guessed his intentions. But the bulb, Rosa; what have you done with it? It is already rather late to plant it."

"The bulb? It has been in the ground for these six days."

"Where? and how?" cried Cornelius. "Good Heaven, what imprudence! What is it? In what sort of soil is it? It what aspect? Good or bad? Is there no risk of having it filched by that detestable Jacob?"

"There is no danger of its being stolen," said Rosa, "unless Jacob will force the door of my chamber."

"Oh! then it is with you in your bedroom?" said Cornelius, somewhat relieved. "But in what soil? in what vessel? You don't let it grow, I hope, in water like those good ladies of Haarlem and Dort, who imagine that water could replace the earth?"

"You may make yourself comfortable on that score," said Rosa, smiling; "your bulb is not growing in water."

"I breathe again."

"It is in a good, sound stone pot, just about the size of the jug in which you had planted yours. The soil is composed of three parts of common mould, taken from the best spot of the garden, and one of the sweepings of the road. I have heard you and that detestable Jacob, as you call him, so often talk about what is the soil best fitted for growing tulips, that I know it as well as the first gardener of Haarlem."

"And now what is the aspect, Rosa?"

"At present it has the sun all day long, -- that is to say when the sun shines. But when it once peeps out of the ground, I shall do as you have done here, dear Mynheer Cornelius: I shall put it out of my window on the eastern side from eight in the morning until eleven and in my window towards the west from three to five in the afternoon."

"That's it! that's it!" cried Cornelius; "and you are a perfect gardener, my pretty Rosa. But I am afraid the nursing of my tulip will take up all your time."

"Yes, it will," said Rosa; "but never mind. Your tulip is my daughter. I shall devote to it the same time as I should to a child of mine, if I were a mother. Only by becoming its mother," Rosa added, smilingly, "can I cease to be its rival."

"My kind and pretty Rosa!" muttered Cornelius casting on her a glance in which there was much more of the lover than of the gardener, and which afforded Rosa some consolation.

Then, after a silence of some moments, during which Cornelius had grasped through the openings of the grating for the receding hand of Rosa, he said, --

"Do you mean to say that the bulb has now been in the ground for six days?"

"Yes, six days, Mynheer Cornelius," she answered.

"And it does not yet show leaf"

"No, but I think it will to-morrow."

"Well, then, to-morrow you will bring me news about it, and about yourself, won't you, Rosa? I care very much for the daughter, as you called it just now, but I care even much more for the mother."

"To-morrow?" said Rosa, looking at Cornelius askance. "I don't know whether I shall be able to come to-morrow."

"Good heavens!" said Cornelius, "why can't you come to-morrow?"

"Mynheer Cornelius, I have lots of things to do."

"And I have only one," muttered Cornelius.

"Yes," said Rosa, "to love your tulip."

"To love you, Rosa."

Rosa shook her head, after which followed a pause.

"Well," -- Cornelius at last broke the silence, -- "well, Rosa, everything changes in the realm of nature; the flowers of spring are succeeded by other flowers; and the bees, which so tenderly caressed the violets and the wall-flowers, will flutter with just as much love about the honey-suckles, the rose, the jessamine, and the carnation."

"What does all this mean?" asked Rosa.

"You have abandoned me, Miss Rosa, to seek your pleasure elsewhere. You have done well, and I will not complain. What claim have I to your fidelity?"

"My fidelity!" Rosa exclaimed, with her eyes full of tears, and without caring any longer to hide from Cornelius this dew of pearls dropping on her cheeks, "my fidelity! have I not been faithful to you?"

"Do you call it faithful to desert me, and to leave me here to die?"

"But, Mynheer Cornelius," said Rosa, "am I not doing everything for you that could give you pleasure? have I not devoted myself to your tulip?"

"You are bitter, Rosa, you reproach me with the only unalloyed pleasure which I have had in this world."

"I reproach you with nothing, Mynheer Cornelius, except, perhaps, with the intense grief which I felt when people came to tell me at the Buytenhof that you were about to be put to death."

"You are displeased, Rosa, my sweet girl, with my loving flowers."

"I am not displeased with your loving them, Mynheer Cornelius, only it makes me sad to think that you love them better than you do me."

"Oh, my dear, dear Rosa! look how my hands tremble; look at my pale cheek, hear how my heart beats. It is for you, my love, not for the black tulip. Destroy the bulb, destroy the germ of that flower, extinguish the gentle light of that innocent and delightful dream, to which I have accustomed myself; but love me, Rosa, love me; for I feel deeply that I love but you."

"Yes, after the black tulip," sighed Rosa, who at last no longer coyly withdrew her warm hands from the grating, as Cornelius most affectionately kissed them.

"Above and before everything in this world, Rosa."

"May I believe you?"

"As you believe in your own existence."

"Well, then, be it so; but loving me does not bind you too much."

"Unfortunately, it does not bind me more than I am bound; but it binds you, Rosa, you."

"To what?"

"First of all, not to marry."

She smiled.

"That's your way," she said; "you are tyrants all of you. You worship a certain beauty, you think of nothing but her. Then you are condemned to death, and whilst walking to the scaffold, you devote to her your last sigh; and now you expect poor me to sacrifice to you all my dreams and my happiness."

"But who is the beauty you are talking of, Rosa?" said Cornelius, trying in vain to remember a woman to whom Rosa might possibly be alluding.

"The dark beauty with a slender waist, small feet, and a noble head; in short, I am speaking of your flower."

Cornelius smiled.

"That is an imaginary lady love, at all events; whereas, without Counting that amorous Jacob, you by your own account are surrounded with all sorts of swains eager to make love to you. Do you remember Rosa, what you told me of the students, officers, and clerks of the Hague? Are there no clerks, officers, or students at Loewestein?"

"Indeed there are, and lots of them."

"Who write letters?"

"They do write."

"And now, as you know how to read ---- "

Here Cornelius heaved a sigh at the thought, that, poor captive as he was, to him alone Rosa owed the faculty of reading the love-letters which she received.

"As to that," said Rosa, "I think that in reading the notes addressed to me, and passing the different swains in review who send them to me, I am only following your instructions."

"How so? My instructions?"

"Indeed, your instructions, sir," said Rosa, sighing in her turn; "have you forgotten the will written by your hand on the Bible of Cornelius de Witt? I have not forgotten it; for now, as I know how to read, I read it every day over and over again. In that will you bid me to love and marry a handsome young man of twenty-six or eight years. I am on the look-out for that young man, and as the whole of my day is taken up with your tulip, you must needs leave me the evenings to find him."

"But, Rosa, the will was made in the expectation of death, and, thanks to Heaven, I am still alive."

"Well, then, I shall not be after the handsome young man, and I shall come to see you."

"That's it, Rosa, come! come!"

"Under one condition."

"Granted beforehand!"

"That the black tulip shall not be mentioned for the next three days."

"It shall never be mentioned any more, if you wish it, Rosa."

"No, no," the damsel said, laughing, "I will not ask for impossibilities."

And, saying this, she brought her fresh cheek, as if unconsciously, so near the iron grating, that Cornelius was able to touch it with his lips.

Rosa uttered a little scream, which, however, was full of love, and disappeared.

Chapter 21. The Second Bulb

The night was a happy one, and the whole of the next day happier still.

During the last few days, the prison had been heavy, dark, and lowering, as it were, with all its weight on the unfortunate captive. Its walls were black, its air chilling, the iron bars seemed to exclude every ray of light.

But when Cornelius awoke next morning, a beam of the morning sun was playing about those iron bars; pigeons were hovering about with outspread wings, whilst others were lovingly cooing on the roof or near the still closed window.

Cornelius ran to that window and opened it; it seemed to him as if new life, and joy, and liberty itself were entering with this sunbeam into his cell, which, so dreary of late, was now cheered and irradiated by the light of love.

When Gryphus, therefore, came to see his prisoner in the morning, he no longer found him morose and lying in bed, but standing at the window, and singing a little ditty.

"Halloa!" exclaimed the jailer.

"How are you this morning?" asked Cornelius.

Gryphus looked at him with a scowl.

"And how is the dog, and Master Jacob, and our pretty Rosa?"

Gryphus ground his teeth, saying. --

"Here is your breakfast."

"Thank you, friend Cerberus," said the prisoner; "you are just in time; I am very hungry."

"Oh! you are hungry, are you?" said Gryphus.

"And why not?" asked Van Baerle.

"The conspiracy seems to thrive," remarked Gryphus.

"What conspiracy?"

"Very well, I know what I know, Master Scholar; just be quietss, we shall be on our guard."

"Be on your guard, friend Gryphus; be on your guard as long as you please; my conspiracy, as well as my person, is entirely at your service."

"We'll see that at noon."

Saying this, Gryphus went out.

"At noon?" repeated Cornelius; "what does that mean? Well, let us wait until the clock strikes twelve, and we shall see."

It was very easy for Cornelius to wait for twelve at midday, as he was already waiting for nine at night.

It struck twelve, and there were heard on the staircase not only the steps of Gryphus, but also those of three or four soldiers, who were coming up with him.

The door opened. Gryphus entered, led his men in, and shut the door after them.

"There, now search!"

They searched not only the pockets of Cornelius, but even his person; yet they found nothing.

They then searched the sheets, the mattress, and the straw mattress of his bed; and again they found nothing.

Now, Cornelius rejoiced that he had not taken the third sucker under his own care. Gryphus would have been sure to ferret it out in the search, and would then have treated it as he did the first.

And certainly never did prisoner look with greater complacency at a search made in his cell than Cornelius.

Gryphus retired with the pencil and the two or three leaves of white paper which Rosa had given to Van Baerle, this was the only trophy brought back from the expedition.

At six Gryphus came back again, but alone; Cornelius tried to propitiate him, but Gryphus growled, showed a large tooth like a tusk, which he had in the corner of his mouth, and went out backwards, like a man who is afraid of being attacked from behind.

Cornelius burst out laughing, to which Gryphus answered through the grating, --

"Let him laugh that wins."

The winner that day was Cornelius; Rosa came at nine.

She was without a lantern. She needed no longer a light, as she could now read. Moreover, the light might betray her, as Jacob was dogging her steps more than ever. And lastly, the light would have shown her blushes.

Of what did the young people speak that evening? Of those matters of which lovers speak at the house doors in France, or from a balcony into the street in Spain, or down from a terrace into a garden in the East.

They spoke of those things which give wings to the hours; they spoke of everything except the black tulip.

At last, when the clock struck ten, they parted as usual.

Cornelius was happy, as thoroughly happy as a tulip-fancier would be to whom one has not spoken of his tulip.

He found Rosa pretty, good, graceful, and charming.

But why did Rosa object to the tulip being spoken of?

This was indeed a great defect in Rosa.

Cornelius confessed to himself, sighing, that woman was not perfect.

Part of the night he thought of this imperfection; that is to say, so long as he was awake he thought of Rosa.

After having fallen asleep, he dreamed of her.

But the Rosa of his dreams was by far more perfect than the Rosa of real life. Not only did the Rosa of his dreams speak of the tulip, but also brought to him a black one in a china vase.

Cornelius then awoke, trembling with joy, and muttering, --

"Rosa, Rosa, I love you."

And as it was already day, he thought it right not to fall asleep again, and he continued following up the line of thought in which his mind was engaged when he awoke.

Ah! if Rosa had only conversed about the tulip, Cornelius would have preferred her to Queen Semiramis, to Queen Cleopatra, to Queen Elizabeth, to Queen Anne of Austria; that is to say, to the greatest or most beautiful queens whom the world has seen.

But Rosa had forbidden it under pain of not returning; Rosa had forbidden the least mention of the tulip for three days. That meant seventy-two hours given to the lover to be sure; but it was seventy-two hours stolen from the horticulturist.

There was one consolation: of the seventy-two hours during which Rosa would not allow the tulip to be mentioned, thirty-six had passed already; and the remaining thirty-six would pass quickly enough: eighteen with waiting for the evening's interview, and eighteen with rejoicing in its remembrance.

Rosa came at the same hour, and Cornelius submitted most heroically to the pangs which the compulsory silence concerning the tulip gave him.

His fair visitor, however, was well aware that, to command on the one point, people must yield on another; she therefore no longer drew back her hands from the grating, and even allowed Cornelius tenderly to kiss her beautiful golden tresses.

Poor girl! she had no idea that these playful little lovers' tricks were much more dangerous than speaking of the tulip was; but she became aware of the fact as she returned with a beating heart, with glowing cheeks, dry lips, and moist eyes.

And on the following evening, after the first exchange of salutations, she retired a step, looking at him with a glance, the expression of which would have rejoiced his heart could he but have seen it.

"Well," she said, "she is up."

"She is up! Who? What?" asked Cornelius, who did not venture on a belief that Rosa would, of her own accord, have abridged the term of his probation.

"She? Well, my daughter, the tulip," said Rosa.

"What!" cried Cornelius, "you give me permission, then?"

"I do," said Rosa, with the tone of an affectionate mother who grants a pleasure to her child.

"Ah, Rosa!" said Cornelius, putting his lips to the grating with the hope of touching a cheek, a hand, a forehead, -- anything, in short.

He touched something much better, -- two warm and half open lips.

Rosa uttered a slight scream.

Cornelius understood that he must make haste to continue the conversation. He guessed that this unexpected kiss had frightened Rosa.

"Is it growing up straight?"

"Straight as a rocket," said Rosa.

"How high?"

"At least two inches."

"Oh, Rosa, take good care of it, and we shall soon see it grow quickly."

"Can I take more care of it?" said she. "Indeed, I think of nothing else but the tulip."

"Of nothing else, Rosa? Why, now I shall grow jealous in my turn."

"Oh, you know that to think of the tulip is to think of you; I never lose sight of it. I see it from my bed, on awaking it is the first object that meets my eyes, and on falling asleep the last on which they rest. During the day I sit and work by its side, for I have never left my chamber since I put it there."

"You are right Rosa, it is your dowry, you know."

"Yes, and with it I may marry a young man of twenty-six or twenty-eight years, whom I shall be in love with."

"Don't talk in that way, you naughty girl."

That evening Cornelius was one of the happiest of men. Rosa allowed him to press her hand in his, and to keep it as long as he would, besides which he might talk of his tulip as much as he liked.

From that hour every day marked some progress in the growth of the tulip and in the affection of the two young people.

At one time it was that the leaves had expanded, and at another that the flower itself had formed.

Great was the joy of Cornelius at this news, and his questions succeeded one another with a rapidity which gave proof of their importance.

"Formed!" exclaimed Cornelius, "is it really formed?"

"It is," repeated Rosa.

Cornelius trembled with joy, so much so that he was obliged to hold by the grating.

"Good heavens!" he exclaimed.

Then, turning again to Rosa, he continued his questions.

"Is the oval regular? the cylinder full? and are the points very green?"

"The oval is almost one inch long, and tapers like a needle, the cylinder swells at the sides, and the points are ready to open."

Two days after Rosa announced that they were open.

"Open, Rosa!" cried Cornelius. "Is the involucrum open? but then one may see and already distinguish ---- "

Here the prisoner paused, anxiously taking breath.

"Yes," answered Rosa, "one may already distinguish a thread of different colour, as thin as a hair."

"And its colour?" asked Cornelius, trembling.

"Oh," answered Rosa, "it is very dark!"

"Brown?"

"Darker than that."

"Darker, my good Rosa, darker? Thank you. Dark as ---- "

"Dark as the ink with which I wrote to you."

Cornelius uttered a cry of mad joy.

Then, suddenly stopping and clasping his hands, he said, --

"Oh, there is not an angel in heaven that may be compared to you, Rosa!"

"Indeed!" said Rosa, smiling at his enthusiasm.

"Rosa, you have worked with such ardour, -- you have done so much for me! Rosa, my tulip is about to flower, and it will flower black! Rosa, Rosa, you are the most perfect being on earth!"

"After the tulip, though."

"Ah! be quietss, you malicious little creature, be quietss! For shame! Do not spoil my pleasure. But tell me, Rosa, -- as the tulip is so far advanced, it will flower in two or three days, at the latest?"

"To-morrow, or the day after."

"Ah! and I shall not see it," cried Cornelius, starting back, "I shall not kiss it, as a wonderful work of the Almighty, as I kiss your hand and your cheek, Rosa, when by chance they are near the grating."

Rosa drew near, not by accident, but intentionally, and Cornelius kissed her tenderly.

"Faith, I shall cull it, if you wish it."

"Oh, no, no, Rosa! when it is open, place it carefully in the shade, and immediately send a message to Haarlem, to the President of the Horticultural Societssy, that the grand black tulip is in flower. I know well it is far to Haarlem, but with money you will find a messenger. Have you any money, Rosa?"

Rosa smiled.

"Oh, yes!" she said.

"Enough?" said Cornelius.

"I have three hundred guilders."

"Oh, if you have three hundred guilders, you must not send a messenger, Rosa, but you must go to Haarlem yourself."

"But what in the meantime is to become of the flower?"

"Oh, the flower! you must take it with you. You understand that you must not separate from it for an instant."

"But whilst I am not separating from it, I am separating from you, Mynheer Cornelius."

"Ah! that's true, my sweet Rosa. Oh, my God! how wicked men are! What have I done to offend them, and why have they deprived me of my liberty? You are right, Rosa, I cannot live without you. Well, you will send some one to Haarlem, -- that's settled; really, the matter is wonderful enough for the President to put himself to some trouble. He will come himself to Loewestein to see the tulip."

Then, suddenly checking himself, he said, with a faltering voice, --

"Rosa, Rosa, if after all it should not flower black!"

"Oh, surely, surely, you will know to-morrow, or the day after."

"And to wait until evening to know it, Rosa! I shall die with impatience. Could we not agree about a signal?"

"I shall do better than that."

"What will you do?"

"If it opens at night, I shall come and tell you myself. If it is day, I shall pass your door, and slip you a note either under the door, or through the grating, during the time between my father's first and second inspection."

"Yes, Rosa, let it be so. One word of yours, announcing this news to me, will be a double happiness."

"There, ten o'clock strikes," said Rosa, "I must now leave you."

"Yes, yes," said Cornelius, "go, Rosa, go!"

Rosa withdrew, almost melancholy, for Cornelius had all but sent her away.

It is true that he did so in order that she might watch over his black tulip.

 Chapter 22. The Opening of the Flower

The night passed away very sweetly for Cornelius, although in great agitation. Every instant he fancied he heard the gentle voice of Rosa calling him. He then started up, went to the door, and looked through the grating, but no one was behind it, and the lobby was empty.

Rosa, no doubt, would be watching too, but, happier than he, she watched over the tulip; she had before her eyes that noble flower, that wonder of wonders. which not only was unknown, but was not even thought possible until then.

What would the world say when it heard that the black tulip was found, that it existed and that it was the prisoner Van Baerle who had found it?

How Cornelius would have spurned the offer of his liberty in exchange for his tulip!

Day came, without any news; the tulip was not yet in flower.

The day passed as the night. Night came, and with it Rosa, joyous and cheerful as a bird.

"Well?" asked Cornelius.

"Well, all is going on prosperously. This night, without any doubt, our tulip will be in flower."

"And will it flower black?"

"Black as jet."

"Without a speck of any other colour."

"Without one speck."

"Good Heavens! my dear Rosa, I have been dreaming all night, in the first place of you," (Rosa made a sign of incredulity,) "and then of what we must do."

"Well?"

"Well, and I will tell you now what I have decided on. The tulip once being in flower, and it being quite certain that it is perfectly black, you must find a messenger."

"If it is no more than that, I have a messenger quite ready."

"Is he safe?"

"One for whom I will answer, -- he is one of my lovers."

"I hope not Jacob."

"No, be quietss, it is the ferryman of Loewestein, a smart young man of twenty-five."

"By Jove!"

"Be quietss," said Rosa, smiling, "he is still under age, as you have yourself fixed it from twenty-six to twenty-eight."

"In fine, do you think you may rely on this young man?"

"As on myself; he would throw himself into the Waal or the Meuse if I bade him."

"Well, Rosa, this lad may be at Haarlem in ten hours; you will give me paper and pencil, and, perhaps better still, pen and ink, and I will write, or rather, on second thoughts, you will, for if I did, being a poor prisoner, people might, like your father, see a conspiracy in it. You will write to the President of the Horticultural Societssy, and I am sure he will come."

"But if he tarries?"

"Well, let us suppose that he tarries one day, or even two; but it is impossible. A tulip-fancier like him will not tarry one hour, not one minute, not one second, to set out to see the eighth wonder of the world. But, as I said, if he tarried one or even two days, the tulip will still be in its full splendour. The flower once being seen by the President, and the protocol being drawn up, all is in order; you will only keep a duplicate of the protocol, and intrust the tulip to him. Ah! if we had been able to carry it ourselves, Rosa, it would never have left my hands but to pass into yours; but this is a dream, which we must not entertain," continued Cornelius with a sigh, "the eyes of strangers will see it flower to the last. And above all, Rosa, before the President has seen it, let it not be seen by any one. Alas! if any one saw the black tulip, it would be stolen."

"Oh!"

"Did you not tell me yourself of what you apprehended from your lover Jacob? People will steal one guilder, why not a hundred thousand?"

"I shall watch; be quietss."

"But if it opened whilst you were here?"

"The whimsical little thing would indeed be quite capable of playing such a trick," said Rosa.

"And if on your return you find it open?"

"Well?"

"Oh, Rosa, whenever it opens, remember that not a moment must be lost in apprising the President."

"And in apprising you. Yes, I understand."

Rosa sighed, yet without any bitter feeling, but rather like a woman who begins to understand a foible, and to accustom herself to it.

"I return to your tulip, Mynheer van Baerle, and as soon as it opens I will give you news, which being done the messenger will set out immediately."

"Rosa, Rosa, I don't know to what wonder under the sun I shall compare you."

"Compare me to the black tulip, and I promise you I shall feel very much flattered. Good night, then, till we meet again, Mynheer Cornelius."

"Oh, say 'Good night, my friend.'"

"Good night, my friend," said Rosa, a little consoled.

"Say, 'My very dear friend.'"

"Oh, my friend -- "

"Very dear friend, I entreat you, say 'very dear,' Rosa, very dear."

"Very dear, yes, very dear," said Rosa, with a beating heart, beyond herself with happiness.

"And now that you have said 'very dear,' dear Rosa, say also 'most happy': say 'happier and more blessed than ever man was under the sun.' I only lack one thing, Rosa."

"And that is?"

"Your cheek, -- your fresh cheek, your soft, rosy cheek. Oh, Rosa, give it me of your own free will, and not by chance. Ah!"

The prisoner's prayer ended in a sigh of ecstasy; his lips met those of the maiden, -- not by chance, nor by stratagem, but as Saint-Preux's was to meet the lips of Julie a hundred years later.

Rosa made her escape.

Cornelius stood with his heart upon his lips, and his face glued to the wicket in the door.

He was fairly choking with happiness and joy. He opened his window, and gazed long, with swelling heart, at the cloudless vault of heaven, and the moon, which shone like silver upon the two-fold stream flowing from far beyond the hills. He filled his lungs with the pure, sweet air, while his brain dwelt upon thoughts of happiness, and his heart overflowed with gratitude and religious fervour.

"Oh Thou art always watching from on high, my God," he cried, half prostrate, his glowing eyes fixed upon the stars: "forgive me that I almost doubted Thy existence during these latter days, for Thou didst hide Thy face behind the clouds, and wert for a moment lost to my sight, O Thou merciful God, Thou pitying Father everlasting! But to-day, this evening, and to-night, again I see Thee in all Thy wondrous glory in the mirror of Thy heavenly abode, and more clearly still in the mirror of my grateful heart."

He was well again, the poor invalid; the wretched captive was free once more.

During part of the night Cornelius, with his heart full of joy and delight, remained at his window, gazing at the stars, and listening for every sound.

Then casting a glance from time to time towards the lobby, --

"Down there," he said, "is Rosa, watching like myself, and waiting from minute to minute; down there, under Rosa's eyes, is the mysterious flower, which lives, which expands, which opens, perhaps Rosa holds in this moment the stem of the tulip between her delicate fingers. Touch it gently, Rosa. Perhaps she touches with her lips its expanding chalice. Touch it cautiously, Rosa, your lips are burning. Yes, perhaps at this moment the two objects of my dearest love caress each other under the eye of Heaven."

At this moment, a star blazed in the southern sky, and shot through the whole horizon, falling down, as it were, on the fortress of Loewestein.

Cornelius felt a thrill run through his frame.

"Ah!" he said, "here is Heaven sending a soul to my flower."

And as if he had guessed correctly, nearly at that very moment the prisoner heard in the lobby a step light as that of a sylph, and the rustling of a gown, and a well-known voice, which said to him, --

"Cornelius, my friend, my very dear friend, and very happy friend, come, come quickly."

Cornelius darted with one spring from the window to the door, his lips met those of Rosa, who told him, with a kiss, --

"It is open, it is black, here it is."

"How! here it is?" exclaimed Cornelius.

"Yes, yes, we ought indeed to run some little risk to give a great joy; here it is, take it."

And with one hand she raised to the level of the grating a dark lantern, which she had lit in the meanwhile, whilst with the other she held to the same height the miraculous tulip.

Cornelius uttered a cry, and was nearly fainting.

"Oh!" muttered he, "my God, my God, Thou dost reward me for my innocence and my captivity, as Thou hast allowed two such flowers to grow at the grated window of my prison!"

The tulip was beautiful, splendid, magnificent; its stem was more than eighteen inches high; it rose from out of four green leaves, which were as smooth and straight as iron lance-heads; the whole of the flower was as black and shining as jet.

"Rosa," said Cornelius, almost gasping, "Rosa, there is not one moment to lose in writing the letter."

"It is written, my dearest Cornelius," said Rosa.

"Is it, indeed?"

"Whilst the tulip opened I wrote it myself, for I did not wish to lose a moment. Here is the letter, and tell me whether you approve of it."

Cornelius took the letter, and read, in a handwriting which was much improved even since the last little note he had received from Rosa, as follows: --

"Mynheer President, -- The black tulip is about to open, perhaps in ten minutes. As soon as it is open, I shall send a messenger to you, with the request that you will come and fetch it in person from the fortress at Loewestein. I am the daughter of the jailer, Gryphus, almost as much of a captive as the prisoners of my father. I cannot, therefore, bring to you this wonderful flower. This is the reason why I beg you to come and fetch it yourself.

"It is my wish that it should be called Rosa Barlaensis.

"It has opened; it is perfectly black; come, Mynheer President, come.

"I have the honour to be your humble servant,

"Rosa Gryphus.

"That's it, dear Rosa, that's it. Your letter is admirable! I could not have written it with such beautiful simplicity. You will give to the committee all the information that will be required of you. They will then know how the tulip has been grown, how much care and anxietssy, and how many sleepless nights, it has cost. But for the present not a minute must be lost. The messenger! the messenger!"

"What's the name of the President?"

"Give me the letter, I will direct it. Oh, he is very well known: it is Mynheer van Systens, the burgomaster of Haarlem; give it to me, Rosa, give it to me."

And with a trembling hand Cornelius wrote the address, --

"To Mynheer Peter van Systens, Burgomaster, and President of the Horticultural Societssy of Haarlem."

"And now, Rosa, go, go," said Cornelius, "and let us implore the protection of God, who has so kindly watched over us until now."


 

Part 2, Chapter 8

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Part 2

CHAPTER VIII

546

Arrival of the Duh of Alva in the Netherlands. Arrest of the Counts of Egmond and Hoorn. Establishment of the Council of Troubles. Resignation of the Governess Margaret. Severities exercised by the Council, Remonstrance of Holland. Desertion of the Netherlands. Wild Gueux. Outlawry of the Prince of Orange. His Son carried Prisoner to Spain. Commencement of Hostilities. Battle of Heyligerlee. Execution of Egmond and Hoorn. Battle of Jemmingen. Campaign in the Netherlands of the Prince of Orange, unsuccessful. Statue of Alva at Antwerp. His arbitrary Government. Opposition of Leyden. Animosity of the Queen of England towards Alva. Seizure of the Treasure sent to the Netherlands. Alva attempts to levy the Tenth. Consents to a Substitution. Proceedings of the Prince of Orange. Petition of the Netherland Exiles to the Dietss at Spires. Amnesty. Flood. Gueux expelled the Ports of England. Capture of Briel. Second attempt to levy the Tenth, at Brussels. Siege of Briel by the Spaniards. Gueux take possession of Flushing. Capture of Merchant Ships. Duke of Medina-Celi arrives in the Netherlands. Louis of Nassau obtains succours from France. Surprises Mons. Revolt of the Province of Holland. Assembly of the States there. Siege and reduction of Mons by AIva. Sack of Mechlin. Siege of Goes raised by the Gueux. Prince of Orange in Holland. Pillage of Zutphen. Massacre of Naarden. Siege of Haarlem; of Akimaar. Naval Victory of the Gueux. Assembly of the States-general. Recall of Alva. His Character. Cruelties committed by the Spaniards in the Netherlands.

PHILIP III.

1567 The Duke of Alva was delayed some time on his journey to the Netherlands, first at Genoa, by a severe fit of sickness, and afterwards in Savoy, by letters from the governess, who once more endeavoured to divert the king from his purpose, representing the pacified and submissive condition of the Country, and that the presence of the Spanish army would only awaken fresh disturbances. One hundred thousand persons, she urged, had already quitted the Netherlands, and it was to be feared that if the desertion continued, the provinces would be entirely depopulated.

547

Her remonstrances were attended with no other effect than an order from Philip to the Duke of Alva, to hasten his march as much as possible. The Netherlanders concealing their dread under a show of courtesy, or with a faint hope of propitiating their foe, prepared to receive him with every demonstration of joy; the Count of Egmond, with some other nobles, even advanced as far as Luxemburg to bid him welcome. His reception of them was such as might have awakened their fears under far less perilous circumstances. As the Count of Egmond presented himself he exclaimed aloud, " Here comes the arch heretic!" and replied to their expressions of congratulation, " Welcome or not, it is all one; here I am 1."

In the month of August the Duke entered the Netherlands, at the head of an army of 19,000 infantry and 1200 cavalry, composed of Spaniards, Italians, Savoyards, and Germans, the greater portion of them veteran troops, and in a high state of discipline. Besides his commission as captain-general, he was furnished by the king with another private commission, by which he was empowered to remove and appoint Stadtholder s of provinces, and all other public officers, to build forts and citadels, to levy such funds as were necessary for the support of his troops, and to seek out and punish heretics and seditious persons.

On being asked by the governess if he had any farther instructions, he insolently replied, that he would produce them as occasion required. Though deeply hurt at this treatment, Margaret, well knowing that a word from her, expressive of dissatisfaction, would be sufficient to throw the whole of the provinces into a state of uproar, took no farther 1567 notice of it, than immediately to write to the king requesting her dismissal 2*.

  1. Meteren, boek iii., fol. 53, 64. Bor, boek iv., bL 182.
  2. Cesare Campana, Guerre di Fiandre, lib. ii., p. 31—S3. Strada, lib. vi., p. 214.

548

Having placed his troops in garrison in the towns of Brussels, Antwerp, and Ghent, of which he obliged the citizens to deliver up the keys, Alva resolved upon executing without delay those projects of vengeance which the king had long secretly cherished; and for this the blind confidence of his intended victims soon gave him an opportunity. He summoned a general assembly of the council of state at Brussels, when the Counts of Egmond and Hoorn appearing among others, were received with every appearance of friendship, and admitted to several interviews with the Duke at the house of Culemburg, where he resided.

On one occasion, the conference being prolonged to a late hour of the day, the Count of Egmond was preparing to depart, when he was invited into a side apartment, as if for the purpose of a private communication. On his entrance, he was immediately arrested by some Spanish soldiers, under the command of Don Frederic di Toledo and Sanchio d'Avila.

At the first moment he changed Countenance, and appeared struck with dismay, but quickly recovering himself, he surrendered his sword with composure, observing, " That sword has, ere now, done the king good service." The Count of Hoorn at the same time was made prisoner in another part of the building, by Don Ferdinand di Toledo. John Casembrot, lord of Backerseel, secretary to the Count of Egmond, and the secretary of the Count of Hoorn, Alonzo de la Loo, were likewise seized, together with all the principal officers and servants belonging to their household, and the whole of their papers. The Count of Hochstradt, being delayed by an accident on his road to Brussels, received a timely, warning from the fete 1567 of his companions to proceed no farther.

549

Egmond and Hoorn, after remaining some days confined at Brussels, were conducted prisoners to Ghent, under an escort of three thousand Spanish soldiers 1. Although this act had been done without the consent or knowledge of the governess, and was, in fact, a flagrant contempt of her authority, Alva deemed no farther apology necessary, than a declaration that be had forborne to consult her, because he was desirous of saving her from the obloquy with which it must necessarily be attended 2.

The subsequent measures of the Duke sufficiently testified that he was prepared to carry out to the fullest extent the counsels he had given his sovereign, not to lose so fair a pretext for breaking at once the sealsof all the charters of the Netherlands, badges of the weakness of his ancestors, disgraceful chains upon the prince, and sources of disaffection to the people, and placing a sharp bridle in the mouth of the conquered provinces 3,4. Not content with enforcing the inquisition and the penal edicts in their utmost rigour, he annihilated at one fell blow, all the privileges and liberties which the Netherlander had so hardly won and so deeply cherished, by the erection of a council, which he called the Council of Troubles, but which soon merited and received the name of the "Council of Blood".

  1. It was said that when the Cardinal of Granvelle heard that Alva had the principal of the Netherland nobles in his power, he inquired "whether they had caught the Taciturn  (a nickname given to the Prince of Orange,) and being answered in the negative ; " Ah then," he Replied, if he is not in the net, Alva has caught nothing." Strada, dec. i., lib. vi., p. 216.
  2. Bor, boek iv., bl. 184,185. Hooft, boek iv., bl. 142.
  3. Idem.
  4. The king had obtained of the Pope absolution from the oath he had taken at his accession. Bor, Autthen. Stuk., torn, i., bl. 6.

550

1567 This council consisted of twelve members, at the head of whom was a Spaniard, John di Vargas, a man so notorious for his cruelty, that it was a generally received saying among his Countrymen, that " to cut away the gangrene of heresy from the Netherlands it was necessary to have a knife like Vargas". Closely associated with him, both by family connection and similarity of disposition, was Jacob Hessels, of whom it is reported, that he took no other part in the debates, during which he generally slept, than when the votes were given to cry out, " To the gibbet! to the gibbet*!" As all those in whom fanaticism or cupidity had not extinguished every spark of human feeling, soon retired from the council in disgust at its barbarous and tyrannical proceedings, the whole authority was left in the hands of these two, and Louis del Rio, a Spanish priest 1.

Such was the character of the men to whom was committed absolute power over the lives, persons, and property of the Netherlander; for though Alva reserved to himself the final decision of all questions discussed by them, he rarely failed to consent to whatever they proposed. The jurisdiction of all the native tribunals was superseded; the authority of the council of state annihilated; and the rights, privileges, and customs of the provinces declared mischievous and invalid 2.

The governess perceiving herself deprived, by the establishment of the new council, of even the shadow of authority, peremptorily insisted on her dismissal, which was granted with ample expressions of approbation of her government, and a present of 30,000 crowns with an annuity of 20,000 for life 3.

  1. Meteren, boek iii., fol. 54, Hooft, boek xiv., bl. 594,' 1 Meteren, boek, iii., fol. 54,
  2. This miscreant ultimately suffered the same fate he was so ready to inflict on others; he was hanged to a tree by the people of Ghent during some commotions which occurred there in 1570. Met, boek viü? fol. 161.
  3. Bor, boek iv., bl. 168.

551

With her departed the last glimmering ray of hope from the hearts of the unhappy Netherlanders. She had never, until her anger was roused by the public preachings of the Reformers and the excesses of the image-breakers, enforced the persecuting edicts, but after vehement remonstrances to the king, and in obedience to his repeated and pressing importunities 1; she constantly dissuaded Philip from having recourse fro violent measures, and, on the other hand, sincerely endeavoured to conciliate the minds of the discontented nobles.

Her just indignation at the outrages committed on the churches, and her real alarm for the welfare of the Catholic religion, once appeased by the punishment of the seditious and the dispersion of the heretical assemblies, she soon returned to those better and gentler impulses by which she had before been swayed. She left no means untried to prevent the invasion of the Spanish army; and even after the arrival of Alva, smothering her own feelings of wounded pride at the style of his coming, she advised him to disband the greater part of his troops, and rather to regain the good will of the Netherlander by kind treatment, than attempt to subdue them by force 2.

In her last letter to the king, she made one more effort to move his pity, and soften his heart to the miseries of his subjects: " I pray and conjure you," she writes, " that, mindful of your own and the divine mercy, vengeance may be confined to few, and that you will prefer the repentance to the punishment of your people 3."

  1. Philip's commands to Margaret were imperative, to use her utmost efforts to extirpate the heretics, amongst whom he seemed to know the age, condition, and opinions of each individual. See extracts from his private letters in Strada, deel.1, lib. iv», p. 100.
  2. Meteren, boek iii., fol. 54.
  3. Strada, dec. i., lib. yL, p. 219.

552

1567 With these dispositions it is most probable that, had time been permitted her, her messures of conciliation would have proved as successful as her measures of coercion had been effective. Had Philip not committed the grave and fatal political error of removing her from the government at this juncture, or had he even then condescended to abide by; her counsels, there is little doubt that he might have prevented the crimes and miseries of ensuing years and transmitted these valuable dominions in wealth and peace to his posterity.

Freed at length from the semblance of a superior authority, and from the restraints which the mere presence of the governess imposed, the Duke of Alva, who, on her resignation, was appointed governor-general, and his council of troubles began to execute their decrees with appalling severity. They had declared guilty of high treason all who had not used their utmost endeavours to prevent the pillage of the churches or the preachings of the heretics; all who had supported the petitions against the bishops, edicts, and inquisition ; all who had expressed approbation of the confederacy of the nobles who had worn the badges, or pledged to the health of the "Gueux;" and all who had at any time pleaded the national privileges in opposition to the commands of the sovereign. Thus, scarcely an individual in the whole Country was safe. The rich were summoned before the council twenty and thirty together; the property of such as did not appear was immediately confiscated; those who did were invariably condemned, dragged at the tail of a horse to the place of execution, and hanged. The poor were seized at once, cruelly tortured, and put to death, without even the form of a trial 1.

  1. Hooft, boek iv., bl. 152. Meteren, boek iii., fol. 65.

553

The whole land was crowded with gibbets: the trees by the wayside were loaded with corpses; and bodies fastened to stakes, burnt, mangled, and headless, met the eye in every direction. The living walked among the dead as in a charnel house. From the judgments of this terrible tribunal there was no appeal, in its executions no mercy. More than eighteen hundred persons perished within the space of a few weeks by the hand of the executioner. The citizens of Antwerp having ventured to remonstrate against these cruelties, were sharply told by the Duke, that he was astonished any one should be found so bold as to intercede for heretics, and if they did not take heed, they would all be put to death as an example to others; adding, that the king would rather see the whole Country a desert, than permit a single heretic to remain in it 1. It was a wretched source of consolation, that those magistrates who had been foremost in the work of persecution fared no better than the rest, several being put to death on the accusation of negligence, and connivance with the heretics 2.

The governments of all the towns where any disturbances had occurred were obliged to justify themselves before the council of blood as to the cause of their not having been prevented; and the pensionaries and advocates of many of the provinces, as well as of the towns, were seized and brought before the same tribunal. Among the rest, Jacob van der Einde, pensionary of Holland, was arrested by the Lord of Bossu, who had invited him to his house under a show of friendship, and sent prisoner to Brussels, together with all the papers, public and private, found in his possession.

  1. Bor, boek iv., bl, 220, 211.
  2. Hooft, boek iv., bl. 153.

554

He was accused before the council of blood of having been present at the requisition made to the king on his departure, to withdraw the Spanish troops from the Netherlands. On this occasion the Hollanders showed, that even in these times of terror and abasement, their ancient spirit had not quite deserted them. They sent several burgomasters and magistrates to Brussels to demand the release of their advocate, and the surrender of the public documents; adding the intelligible hint, that until the latter were returned, it was impossible either to levy the public imposts, or to pass the receiver's accounts. John van Treslong, pleaded the cause of the pensionary so boldly, that he was seized and detained a whole day in custody; upon which the others, fearing for their own safety so near the court, returned to Holland. Alva, tyrannical and reckless as he was, did not venture to push matters to extremity; but the council, unwilling to release their captive, prolonged the trial until the next year, when van Einde died in prison. After his death he was acquitted, and his property freed from sequestration 1.

These violent and sanguinary proceedings occasioned, as may well be imagined, a daily increasing desertion of the Netherlands, in spite of the preventive edict of the late governess; and as many of the fugitives volunteered in the service of the Huguenots, in the civil war now 1568 raging in France, Alva decreed immediate outlawry and confiscation of goods against such as left their homes without permission; and shortly after forbad, under the same penalty, any communication to be held with the exiles. A portion of the miserable inhabitants, driven by desperation to seek refuge in the woods of West Flanders, and depending for their subsistence on plunder, became a terror to the Country, under the name of Wild Gueux, exercising their vengeance principally on the priests and monks, whom they robbed, and frequently put to death with cruel tortures.

  1. Bor, boek iv., bl. 209—211.

555

The Duke of Alva attempted to put a stop to their excesses, by making each parish responsible for the safety of its clergy; but as this proved ineffectual, he despatched a band of soldiers into Flanders, by whom the Wild Gueux were quickly extirpated 1,

About four months subsequently to the arrest of the Counts of Egmond and Hoorn, a citation was issued, summoning the Prince of Orange, his brother, Count Louis of Nassau, the Count of Hochstradt, the Lord of Brederode, and others of the nobility, to appear before the Duke in councils within three terms of fourteen days each; and on their non-appearance, they were condemned to death as guilty of high treason.

Vargas likewise, by order of Alva, seized the prince's son, the Count of Buuren, a child of thirteen years of age, then at the high school of Lou-vain. The governors in vain protested against such a violation of the privileges of the university; Vargas vouchsafed them no other reply than a single sentence, of which it were difficult to determine, whether the language or the sentiment it was intended to convey was most offensive to the worthy professors, "Non Quramus vestros privilegios." The young Count was sent prisoner to Spain, where he was detained nearly thirty years. Both the Prince of Orange and the Count of Hochstradt, answered the citation in writing, protesting against the competency of the court to try them, on the ground of their being knights of the Golden Fleece, and liable to be cited only before their peers. The prince, likewise, as a member of the empire, obtained the intercession of the emperor and 1568 princes of Germany; but Philip merely replied to the ambassador sent by Maximilian for this purpose, that he had given the Duke of Alva an unlimited commission to execute his wishes concerning the affaire of the Netherlands 2.

  1. Bor, boek iv., bl. 124.
  2. Bor, boek iv., bl. 222, 227. Autthen. Stuk., bl. 10.

556

As Alva now apprehended some hostile attempts on the part of the fugitive nobles, and that peace having been declared between the Huguenots and government of France, the German Protestant princes who had assisted the former, would turn their arms against himself, he fortified the frontier towns, and hastened the completion of a strong citadel he had begun some time before at Antwerp, with a view of keeping the inhabitants of Brabant in subjection. His army was reinforced by the return of 1200 horse, and 2000 foot, whom he had sent under the Count of Aremberg as auxiliaries to the king of France, and he likewise took into his pay the whole of the Italian cavalry discharged from the service of that monarch, and levied 2000 recruits among the Walloons 1.

The Prince of Orange, on his side, convinced that no hope of returning to his Country, or delivering it from oppression, remained but in arms, invested his brother Louis with a commission "to enter the Netherlands with an army, for the purpose of restoring freedom, and liberty of conscience to the inhabitants, and of preserving the provinces for the king in their former prosperous condition* 2. Before he proceeded to this last irrevocable step, he published a long and able manifesto, justifying all his acts since the accession of the king, enumerating his services both before and after that period, and proving that the present disorders were to be attributed, not to his own ambition as his enemies falsely asserted, but to the mat-administration 1568 of Granvelle, and the attempts of the Spaniards to reduce the Netherlands to slavery, by the introduction of the inquisition 3,4.

  1. Meteren, boek in., fol. 67.
  2. Bor, boek iv., bl. 233.
  3. Bor, boek iv., bl. 233. Autthen. Stuk., deel. i., bl. 3.
  4. According to Grotius (Ann., lib. ii., p. 42), he declares in this manifesto his abandonment of the Catholic religion; but I have remarked no expression that can be so interpreted. In the commission given to his brother, indeed, he says that the penal edicts were enacted for the purpose of "rooting out the pure word and service of God."—Bor, boek iv., bl. 233. An air of mystery is thrown by historians over the exact time of William's conversion to the reformed religion, which, however, seems to have been effected during the period between his flight from the Netherlands, and his proscription by Alva.

557

The German princes, chagrined at the haughty refusal of their mediation by Philip, and jealous of the near neighbourhood of so large a number of Spanish troops, readily granted their aid to the fugitive nobles. It was the design of the confederates, to commence hostilities on several quarters at once, in order, by that means, to embarrass Alva, and encourage the inhabitants to join their standard. But before the Prince of Orange was in a sufficient state of preparation, Louis of Nassau entered the province of Groningen at the head of some hastily-levied troops.

The Duke immediately despatched the Count of Aremberg with about one thousand Spanish and Italian, and five hundred German infantry, to oppose his advance; but Louis had already mastered the small fort of Wedde, and reduced Appingadam. Fearing, however, to await the attack of the disciplined troops of D'Aremberg, he commenced his retreat, pursued by the enemy, to the village of Heyligerlee. Here the Spanish soldiers, imagining that the retreat of Louis was in fact a flight, forced their general to a battle before the arrival of the cavalry which was coming up, under the Count of Megen. 1568

558

The consequence was an entire victory on the side of the Gueux the Count D'Aremberg himself being slain with 600 men, and all his baggage and plate, and six pieces of artillery, taken. Louis lost only a few men in this action, but among them was his young brother, the Count Adolphus of Nassau. Unfortunately, instead of pushing on at once to Friesland, where crowds of the disaffected would probably have joined his standard, Louis consumed his time in a vain attempt to reduce Groningen, for which he possessed neither sufficient troops nor artillery 1.

On intelligence of this defeat, the Duke of Alva, whether in revenge of the death of the Count D'Aremberg, who stood high in his esteem, or because he wished to employ in active service the troops occupied in guarding the prisons, resolved upon the immediate execution of all the nobles then in confinement.

On the 1st of June, eighteen noble captives, from among the most illustrious families in the Netherlands, were beheaded in the horse-market at Brussels, and the bodies of seven of them, who had died without confession, fastened to stakes and left to perish on the public highway 2. The trial of the Counts of Egmond and Hoorn had been commenced in the early part of the year, before Vargas and Louis del Rio, members of the council of blood, and conducted in a manner so arbitrary and unconstitutional, as to leave the question of their guilt or innocence wholly out of view. Egmond, the possessor of large estates in Brabant, was properly amenable to the supreme court of that duchy; and the Count of Hoorn, the principal portion of whose lands lay in Germany, had a right to be considered as a subject of the empire; both, likewise, appealed to their privilege of being tried only by their peers, as knights 1568 of the Golden Fleece.

  1. Campana, Guerre di Fiandre, lib. Hi., p. 38, 43—40.
  2. Meteren, boek iii., fol. 68.

659

Their plea was disregarded; they were neither confronted with the witnesses, nor allowed a copy of the depositions; and were refused permission either to hold private interviews with their attornies, or to employ counsel in their defence. By this mockery of a trial, they were found guilty upon an indictment, Egmond of ninety, Hoorn of sixty different Counts; the greater number of so frivolous a nature, that it seems wonderful how any tribunal could have been found, gravely to sustain them. The only ones of any importance were, that they had favoured and promoted the detestable conspiracy of the Prince of Orange; that they had afforded their protection to the confederate nobles; and that they had ill-served both the king and the church in their Stadtholder ates and other offices. They were condemned to death, notwithstanding the earnest intercession of the emperor, the elector palatine, and several German princes in their favour 1.

On the evening of the fourth of June 1568, the Duke of Alva summoned the Bishop of Ypres, Martin Ryhoven, to his presence, and commanded him to prepare the Count of Egmond for death the next day. The bishop fell on his knees, and bursting into tears, implored, in accents of the most humble entreaty, that the Count's life might be spared, or at least that the execution might be delayed. " I did not bring you from Ypres," answered Alva fiercely, " to change or defer the sentence, but to confess the criminal.' On the delivery of the sentence, which was drawn out by Hessels, and signed by Alva alone, Egmond asked if there was no hope; and being informed by the bishop of what had passed, began to prepare himself calmly for death.

  1. Bor, Autth. Stuk., deel. i., bl. 40, et seq.

560

1568 He wrote a farewell letter to his wife, to whom he was fondly attached, and another to the king, recommending her and his children to his mercy, in memory of his former services. He then confessed, and received the last sacrament at the hands of the bishop. Before midday on the following morning, himself and the Count of Hoorn, were conducted by a guard of 2000 Spanish soldiers to the scaffold, erected in the hone-market at Brussels. As they ascended, Egmond asked once more, "Is there no hope?" The captain of the guard, Julian de Romero, shook his head, and was silent. He immediately knelt down, and taking a crucifix from the Bishop of Ypres, kissed it, and exclaimed, " Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit!" The dreadful moment passed, the Count of Hoorn next submitted to his fate with the courage of a hero, and the humility of a Christian. He died professing the tenets of the Protestant faith.

Thousands had assembled to witness the execution, of which they scarcely seemed to believe the possibility. The two nobles, from their ancient descent, their high station, the eminent services they had rendered their Country, their courage, liberality, and popular manners, were, notwithstanding their vacillating and temporizing conduct during the late troubles, peculiarly the objects of love and veneration to the people. All that the Netherlanders had hitherto suffered—though death or ruin had fallen upon every family—though they lay down in fear, and rose up in sorrow—had failed to inspire them with the feelings of anguish, horror, and detestation, excited by the spectacle now presented to their eyes.

561

The serried ranks of armed men prevented any attempt at rescue, and even checked the sound of a murmur from the surrounding multitude; but as soon as the fatal blow was struck, and the troops began to give way, the people rushed 1568 tumultuously to the scaffold; some kneeling before it, vowed, after the manner of their forefathers, to leave their hair and beards uncut, till blood so noble was avenged 1; others dipped their handkerchiefs in the gore, and pressed them to their bosoms with muttered imprecations; while others, among whom were the Spanish soldiers themselves, vented their grief in tears and lamentations.

It was said, that the French ambassador, who was secretly a witness of the execution, remarked, that he had " now seen the head of that man fall who had thrice caused all France to tremble*2. After the heads had remained fixed upon iron poles for two hours, they were interred with their bodies; that of Egmond in the church of St. Clara, at Sotteghem, in Flanders, and the body of Hoorn at Kempen 3.

About the time of these tragical events in the Netherlands, the Lord of Montigny was beheaded in Spain, in pursuance of a sentence promulgated by the council of blood; and Don Carlos, the eldest son of the king, was thrown into prison upon an accusation of entertaining a secret correspondence with the disaffected nobles of that Country. He died within a few days of his arrest, as some affirmed, by his own act, from impatience of confinement; but as there was every reason to believe, in consequence of poison administered by order of Philip.

  1. Tacit, de Mor., cap. 31.
  2. Alluding to the marriage of Philip with Maiy, queen of England, negotiated by Egmond, and the battles of St. Quentin and Grave-lingues.
  3. Meteren, boek Hi., fol. 58. Grot. Annalea, lib. ii., p. 40. Bor, boek iv.,bl. 226, 239,240.

562

A similar suspicion attended the death of his step-mother within three months 1568 after; and the intelligence of these atrocities served to convince the Netherlanders, that Alva, in all that he had hitherto done, had not exceeded the instructions given him by the king, whom they now began to look upon as a tyrant yet more sanguinary and vindictive than him whom he had sent amongst them 1.

The Duke of Alva having, as he supposed, infused a salutary fear into the minds of the Netherlanders by the acts of remorseless and impolitic cruelty which he had perpetrated, prepared to march in person against Louis of Nassau, who was still engaged at the siege of Groningen. On the approach of Alva, Louis retired towards the Ems, with the design of fortifying himself at Jem-mingen, until the Prince of Orange could arrive with succours. Thither he was closely followed by the Duke, with his whole army, notwithstanding that Louis, to impede his march, had broken the bridges behind him, and, by opening the sluices, had laid a great portion of the Country under water. Seeing, therefore, no chance of further retreat, he drew out his army in order of battle; when, at this critical moment, the troops, composed mostly of German mercenaries, instead of preparing to fight, began to mutiny for want of pay. Scarcely had they given time for the vanguard of the Spaniards to attack them, when they broke their ranks, and fled towards the boats lying in the Ems; nearly six thousand were killed in the pursuit, or drowned in attempting to reach them. Louis, seeing himself almost deserted, made his escape to East Friesland, leaving behind his artillery, plate, and baggage. After the battle, the Spaniards entered Jemmingen, where they put every human being, of whatever age or sex, to the sword 2.

  1. Tlraanus, lib. XLiih, cap. 8.
  2. Campana, Guer. di Fiand., lib. ii., p. 56.

563

The Duke immediately despatched letters to the Councils of state of all the provinces, with the 1568 news of his victory, ordering that it should be celebrated with processions and thanksgivings; a mandate which the people dared not disobey. Having raised a fort at Delfzyl to command the Ems, he returned by way of Utrecht and Amsterdam to Brabant 1.

Undismayed by this ruinous defeat, Louis of Nassau rallied the remains of his scattered forces, and hastened to join his brother, William of Orange, who was assembling a powerful army in his German territories. In the month of September he had collected under his standard forty-four companies (in each a hundred men) of German infantry, 4000 archers, French and Netherland refugees, and 4000 cavalry 2, with four large and six smaller pieces of artillery. His banners, designed as emblems of the purpose for which he invaded his Country, were inscribed with the motto, "Pro lege, grege, et rege!" and on others was painted a pelican feeding her young with her own blood. Before he commenced his march, he caused manifestoes to be published, justifying his necessary defence against the horrible tyranny of the Duke of Alva, and calling upon the Netherlanders to devote their lives and property to an unanimous resistance against the blood-thirstiness of the Spaniards, the eternal slavery of themselves and their posterity, and the destruction of the pure religion 3.

  1. Bor, boek iv., bl. 245.
  2. Meteren, Bor, and Campana, all agree as to the amount of infantry, but differ with respect to the cavalry, of which Bor states the number to have been 4000, Meteren, 7000, Grotius, 6000, Campana, 9000, and Strada 10,000, while De Thou alone gives the much more probable estimate of 700.
  3. b Campana, Guer. di Fiand., lib. ii., p. 67. Meteren, boek iii., fol. 62* Bor, boek iv., bl. 265.

664

The Duke of Alva having received a supply of 400,000 crowns, with 2500 fresh troops from Spain, marched, at the head of an army of 5500 horse, and 16,000 foot, to Maestricht, where he formed a strong encampment, being kept for some time in doubt as to where his adversary would direct his first attack.

At length Orange, finding himself destitute of materials for throwing a bridge across the Meuse, passed that river at a ford near Stochem, between Maestricht and Ruremonde, by a bold and rapid movement, executed almost in sight of Alva's army. But the issue of the campaign, thus auspiciously commenced, was equally unsuccessful with that of Louis. Alva, an able and experienced captain, adopted the same system of tactics which he had often found to serve him well during the long wars he had conducted in Italy. He carefully avoided a general engagement, and satisfied himself with laying waste the Country, destroying the mills, and harassing the prince by continual skirmishes, well knowing that the latter would be unable to keep his army long on foot for want of provisions.

The event turned out as he had anticipated. The strong garrisons which he had placed in all the neighbouring towns prevented the friends of the Gueux from joining their standard; supplies were cut off from their army on all sides; and of 300,000 ducats which the reformed communions of the Netherlands (where they were still held in secret), and of the refugees in other Countries, had promised for the payment of the German troops, but 12,000 were forthcoming. As the winter approached, therefore, the prince marched to Cambray, with the intention of giving aid to the Prince of Condé and the Huguenots, in France; but being prevented from effecting his purpose by the mutinous disposition of his troops, who refused to serve except against the Duke of Alva, he was obliged to retire through Champagne and Lorraine to Strasburg.

565

Here he dismissed his forces, except a few hundred cavalry, with which he joined the Duke of Deuxponts, who was then raising troops for the service of the Prince de Condé 1.

Alva, puffed up with pride and arrogance at the 1569 entire destruction, as he imagined, of his enemies, caused, on his return to Antwerp, a brazen statue to be cast of the cannon taken at the battle of Jemmingen, and set up in the market-place, with an inscription on the base, signifying that he had defeated the rebels, restored security to religion, and peace to the Netherlands. The figure, an exact resemblance of himself, was in full armour, except the head, which was bare; under the feet lay the effigy of a man with two heads, which some thought was meant to represent the Counts of Egmond and Hoorn, others the nobles and people of the Netherlands. As the Duke was one day contemplating the work, Charles de la Croye, Duke of Aarschot, one of those persons who assume a license to say what they please, observed to him, that "the heads grinned so horribly, it was to be feared they would take a signal vengeance if ever they should rise again." The people caught up the idle jest, and cherished it as a prophecy 2.

Alva had now full leisure to pursue those schemes of arbitrary government which the attempts of the Prince of Orange and his brother had in some degree interrupted. He built strong citadels, and quartered Spanish garrisons in most of the principal towns; some, however, bought exemptions with large sums of money, Amsterdam paying 200,000 guilders for this purpose* 3.

  1. Campana, lib. ii., p. 59—61. Bor, boek iv., bl. 256. Meteren, boek iii., fol. 63. Thuanus, lib. xiiii., cap. 19.
  2. Bor, boek iv., bl. 258.
  3. Idem, boek v., bl. 260,

563

1569 Such cities as had refused to acknowledge the new bishops, were now obliged to receive them with testimonies of the highest honour and respect; the decrees of the Council of Trent were universally enforced, and commissioners were despatched from the council of blood, to search out all those who had maintained any correspondence with the Prince of Orange, or borne any share in the preceding disturbances. The council likewise sent commands to the magistrates of the principal towns, to deliver up all such charters as empowered them to administer criminal jurisdiction, Once more Holland opposed to Alva's career of tyranny a barrier which, though slight, yet gave token of that hidden strength, the existence of which their oppressors little suspected, and of which they themselves were perhaps scarcely conscious.

The great council of Leyden, on receipt of the order, came to an unanimous resolution, in no case to surrender their charters of privileges, but to defend them to the utmost of their power. In consequence of this decision, the sheriffs, although they were unable to prevent the arrest of persons accused, since that office belonged to the schout (an officer appointed by the Count or his representative), refused, by virtue of the charter of William VI., which invested them with both the high and low jurisdiction, either to assist the commissioner of the council, or to permit him to proceed in the trials without them; neither would they suffer those who had been condemned, to incur a forfeiture of more than ten pounds Flemish, according to their charter. It would have cost the Duke of Alva but little to have summoned every member of the government before the council of blood as abettors of heretics, and punished their boldness with death.

567

He did not, however; and there is little doubt that the firmness and courage of the magistrates of Leyden on 1569 this occasion, saved the lives of many of their innocent fellow citizens. In the rest of the Netherlands the commissioners carried on their work with remorseless violence; in one year, more than eight thousand persons were hanged, burnt, or beheaded; the executions, banishments, and confiscations, appeared endless. Not all the severe decrees against the fugitives, nor the dread of poverty and contempt in a foreign land, could stop the daily desertion of the Country by the inhabitants. Above one hundred thousand heads of families quitted the Netherlands within a short space of time; the greater portion of whom took refuge in England, and settled about the towns of Norwich, Sandwich, Maidstone, and Hampton, where, protected, and permitted the free exercise of their religion by the wise policy of the queen, they established factories, and instructed the natives in the art of making baize, serge, and other articles of woollen manufacture 1,2.

The Duke of Alva, for his eminent services in support of the Gatholic church, and the extinction of heresy, was this year presented by the Pope with the consecrated hat and sword; and, about the same time, Pius V. fulminated the sentence of excommunication against the Queen of England; a coincidence which ultimately proved favourable to the Netherlander since, by making the cause of Alva appear identified with that of the holy see, the feelings of resentment 1569 which this act excited in the breast of Elizabeth, were extended in a great measure to him also; and she soon found an opportunity of exhibiting them in a manner peculiarly vexatious.

  1. Bor, boek v., bl. 260—267. Brandt, Hist, der Ref., boek x., h\. 408, et seq. Meteren, boek iii,, fol. 64.
  2. We are told by the Duc de Sully, that at the time of his visit to England (1603), two-thirds of the inhabitants of Canterbury were Netherland refugees ; a circumstance which, he says, accounted for the Superior civilization and politeness he remarked in that city. Tom. iv., lib. xiv./p. 217.

568

It happened that five Spanish vessels, laden with specie for the Netherlands, being pursued by some French privateers belonging to the Prince of Condé, were forced to take refuge in the port of Southampton, when the Spanish ambassador, Gerard d'Esprez obtained permission of the queen, either to send them to Flanders under an English convoy, or to provide them with arms and ammunition in England, sufficient for their defence. But while he awaited further instructions from the Duke of Alva, Elizabeth, having received information that the money belonged to some Genoese merchants, by whom it had been supplied to the King of Spain, seized the whole of it, amounting to 600,000 crowns, as a loan, declaring that she would arrange with them only as to the payment of the interest and principal.

As a means of compelling her to restore it, Alva, without the advice of either of his councils, immediately arrested all the English merchants in the Netherlands, placed guards of soldiers round their houses, and seized all their ships, which he sold for his own profit. The queen retaliated by causing an embargo to be laid on the Netherlanders and their vessels in her ports, and transferred the staple of English wares to Hamburg; whereupon the Duke forbad all traffic or communication with England, and prohibited the manufactures of that Country throughout the Netherlands. Thus the trade between the two nations was entirely stopped until the year 1573, when matters were brought to an arrangement 1.

  1. Bor, boek v., bl. 272, 273, 279. Camden's Annalsof the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, book i., p. 121, edit. 1675.

569

As Alva depended wholly upon the supply from 1569 Spain for the payment of his troops, (the nine years petition granted by the states having now terminated,) he found himself in a situation of no small difficulty. Although he had trampled under foot all the other liberties and privileges of the Netherlander, he was not, even yet, bold enough to attempt an arbitrary levy of taxes without consent of the states; which, consequently, the present emergency obliged him to summon.

On their assembling at Brussels, he represented to them the expenses which the king had incurred in restoring to the Netherlands the blessing of peace, and extirpating the plague of heresy; and proposed that, in order to provide for the payment of the troops, and lay up a fund for future occasions, and at the same time to avoid the discontents arising from the inequality in the usual mode of levying the petitions, a tax of a hundredth should be imposed upon the value of every species of property, real and personal, except household utensils, tapestry, and wearing apparel; a twentietssh upon the net produce of all sales of real property; and a tenth upon the sale of every article, except the first sale of the produce of land, and of wares belonging to foreign merchants; the duty, in all cases, to be paid by the seller.

He desired that the states of all the provinces would conform readily and willingly to this proposition, observing that, " the king's meaning and intention was, to stop the mouths of all such as were inclined to offer any opposition 1." The matter being referred to the states of the several provinces, they consented, with little difficulty, to the levy of the hundredth, which, though always an unpopular, was by no means an unprecedented tax, in times of necessity.

  1. Bor, boek v., bl. 281,

570

But with respect to the tenth 1569 they declared that it would occasion the utter ruin of all commerce, trade, and manufactures in the Netherlands; since the high price at which the merchants, after the payment of this tax, would be forced to sell, in order to remunerate themselves, and the low one at which they could then afford to buy, would both stop the home consumption and deter the foreign trader, who had hitherto been attracted only by the certainty and quickness of sale, from coming thither with their wares. They urged, likewise, that in a Country where trade and circulation were so constant and rapid as in the Netherlands, the same article often changed hands six or eight times before it came to the consumer, so that a tenth of the value being paid on every transfer, it might be easily imagined to what an exorbitant height the price would ultimately be raised; and the same would also occur with respect to the raw materials brought to be manufactured in the Netherlands 1.

Deaf alike to their remonstrances and to their offers of substituting enormous petitions in lieu of this obnoxious impost, Alva informed the states, through the medium of the Stadtholder s, that they must either give their simple and unconditional consent, or he must take measures to carry the king's intention into execution 2. This, as they well knew, meant that he would, under pretext of placing garrisons, let loose 1569 upon them an unpaid and licentious soldiery.

  1. Hooft, boek v., bl. 190—194. Bor, bock v., bl. 281—280.
  2. It may be pleaded in excuse for Alva, that from, his utter ignorance as to the mode of governing a commercial nation, be was not aware of the mischievous effects of his own scheme. He had been accustomed to see this tax levied in Spain, where it had existed for nearly a century, and where, in a Country wholly agricultural, the evils consequent on it were comparatively slight; since goods for the most part passed with little intervening exchange from the producer to the consumer. So little did he understand the subject upon which he ventured to legislate, boldly, that he imagined it to be one of the greatest recommendations of the tax, that it would spare the nobles and gentry, and fell principally on the merchants and traders. Prescott's History of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. iii., p. 524. Meteren, boek iv., fol. 69.

571

In consequence of this menace, therefore, the states of Holland, as the nobles and Dordrecht had already consented, yielded the point, but on condition only that the consent of the states of the remaining provinces were unanimous. At length, all the provinces agreed to the proposed tax except Utrecht, which firmly refused, offering instead a petition of 100,000 guilders.

The Duke, enraged beyond measure, especially with the clergy, (who formed the first member of the states of that province,) immediately quartered 2000 Spanish soldiers in the city, and encouraged them to exercise every species of insolence and outrage. The Utrechters, however, bore their injuries without complaint; and Alva finding them immoveable, and that Holland had declared her consent invalid in consequence of the opposition of Utrecht, began to despair of being able as yet to levy the tenth. He therefore offered to accept, in lieu of it, a second payment of a hundredth, with the sum of 2,000,000 guilders a year for six years: but as the states suspected, not without cause, that the provision which he was so anxious to. lay up would one day be employed in strengthening their bonds of servitude, and that the king having become wholly independent of them, would be able to follow out his schemes of arbitrary government without constraint, although they granted the sum, they limited its payment to the term of two years 1.

The attempt to impose a tax so ruinous to the Country, and the cessation of the trade with England added to the sufferings they had already endured from the tyranny of Alva, exasperated the hatred of the Netherlander against him to an uncontrollable degree, 1569 and prepared them to second any attempt which might be made for their deliverance from a yoke now become insupportable.

  1. Bor, bL 280—288,810.

572

The Prince of Orange had, after the death of the Duke de Deuxponts in France, returned to his estates in Germany, where he remained watching the opportunity of a favourable turn in affairs. It was of the greatest importance that he should be informed of the present state of men's minds, and a citizen of Leyden, a name glorious in the annalsof her Country, was destined to make this first movement towards her redemption. Paul Buys, pensionary of that city, one of the deputies from Holland to the states-general at Brussels, remaining behind his companions on their return, under pretence of business at Antwerp, travelled night and day to Nassau-Dillenburg, where he had an interview with the Prince of Orange, laid open to him the whole state of the provinces, made arrangements for future correspondence, and arrived in Holland unsuspected within two or three days of the rest 1.

Thus encouraged, the prince began busily to make preparations for another enterprise. He had been advised by the renowned Admiral de Coligny to change entirely his mode of operations, and to direct hostilities against the enemy chiefly by sea 2. But the good effects of this wise and enlightened counsel, which eventually proved the salvation of Holland, were not at first perceived. Instead of fitting out a regular fleet, which perhaps he had scarcely the means of doing; William commissioned a number of privateers under the command of Adrian van Bergen, lord of Dolhain, which seized and plundered all the vessels they fell in with, whether friendly or neutral, and by this means alienated from the party of the Gueux not only foreign nations, but even the Netherlander themselves, whose trade was impeded by their piracies. The people gave them the appellation of Water-Gueux 3.

  1. Bor, boek v., bl. 289.
  2. Du Maurier, p. 43.
  3. Bor, boek v., bl. 289.

73

Orange, meanwhile, notwithstanding that the Country was filled with the Duke of Alva's spies 1, kept up a continual correspondence with his agents in the different towns, and appointed Theodore Sonnoy, 1570 John Basius, and others, his commissioners, to receive weekly and monthly contributions, as well from the exiles, as from the Reformers still remaining in the Netherlands. Several ministers of the reformed churches also, relying on the protection of men as brave and devoted as themselves, returned to Holland, and concealed by their friends at the risk of their own lives, persuaded their flocks to come forward with energy and liberality in support of the "honour of God, and the freedom of Christianity." They generally found the poorer and middle classes willing to contribute largely in proportion to their means, while the wealthier either gave nothing, or a small sum, just sufficient to redeem themselves from the obloquy of having withheld their assistance 2.

The exiles, in order to re-awaken the sympathy of the German princes, presented to the emperor in a dietss at Spires, a petition of grievances, entreating him to use his mediation with the king in their favour. They complained that "the Spaniards desired the entire extirpation of all who would not submit to the papal power; that the Duke of Alva had entirely deprived the Netherlander of their ancient laws, rights, and privileges; that by his tyranny and cruelty, the best 1570 and most pious men were driven from their Country} the holiest things desecrated; the bonds of marriage broken asunder; and all ties of affection and friendship dissolved."

  1. These persons receiving from the Duke daily wages for their nefarious trade, were called by the populace his * seven-penny men."
  2. Hooft, boek v., bl. 199. Bor, boek v., bl. 312,

574

The ambassadors sent by Alva to the dietss, maintained, on the other hand, that the King of Spain had a right to punish his rebellious subjects as he thought fit, without any interference on the part of the emperor. As the latter were supported by most of the Catholic princes, and a marriage was then negotiating between Philip and the daughter of Maximilian, the petition of the exiles remained unheeded. It is not improbable, however, that it had the effect of inducing Alva to proclaim a general amnesty, which he had received from Spain eight months previously, and until now kept secret. A solemn and imposing ceremony was held at Antwerp on the occasion; but the exceptions were so numerous, that instead of restoring confidence, it rather tended to increase the number of fugitives 1.

Heretical preachers and teachers, and such as had harboured or associated with them; image breakers, and those who had given them any encouragement, whether through fear or connivance; all who had signed the compromise of the nobles; who had taken any part in the late attempts of the Prince of Orange and his brother, or assisted them with money; and the magistrates and public officers who had been negligent in preventing the seditions, were excluded from the benefits of the pardon 2. It would seem difficult, indeed, to discover that any were eligible, were it not that the inquisition in Spain had pronounced the whole of the king's subjects in the Netherlands, except some who were expressly named, deserving of death as rebels and heretics 3.

  1. Meteren, boek iii., fol. 66.
  2. Hooft, boek v., bl. 201, 202. Bor, boek v., bl. 321.
  3. Bor, boek v., bl. 226.

575

A very few of the 1570 lower rank of people only returned to their Country, to whom the faith of the amnesty was inviolably kept; and the term of one month, to which it had at first been limited, was extended to three. Some prisoners also were released in honour of Anne of Austria, daughter of the emperor, who passed through the Netherlands on her way to Spain, to complete her marriage with King Philip, her maternal uncle 1.

Hardly had this slight tendency to mercy discovered itself towards the Netherlanders, when they were visited by a new and unexpected calamity. It seemed, indeed, as if it were the design of the Almighty to try to the utmost the patience of this enduring people, and to show from how low a depth he could raise up a mighty nation, that none who honestly struggle for their rights might fear to put their trust in Him.

A strong north-west wind occurring during the high tides, drove the sea with such violence against the dikes, that several of them were broken down; the waters rushed in on every side, and rolling forward with resistless fury, swept away houses, trees, men, and cattle in one universal ruin; in Holland, entire villages, and among them Catwyk-on-the-Sea, were destroyed; and the number of souls who perished in Friesland alone, was estimated at 20,000. The loss of life was less extensive in the other provinces, but the damage done to property was incalculable. The Spaniards imputed the flood, which occurred on All Saints' day, to the vengeance of God upon the heresy of the land; the Netherlander looked upon it as an omen portending some violent commotions 2.

  1. Hooft, boek vi., bl. 204.
  2. Hooft, boek vi., bl. 206.

576

The stormy season prevented the execution of the designs which the Prince of Orange had formed of seizing Enkhuyzen, Briel, and some other places; nevertheless, the events of the year were not wholly unpropitious to him. He had substituted in the place of Dolhain, as his admiral, William van der Mark, lord of Lumey, and placed his little navy on a more regular footing. They had taken some valuable prizes, principally Spanish vessels, and the rich booty they obtained, while it contributed to the support of the war, drew numbers to their flag.

1571 The fleet having no place of rendezvous in the Netherlands, the prince besought the Kings of Denmark and Sweden to grant permission for his ships to retire into their ports. Both rejected his demand; the former with some manifestations of hostility towards the Gueux. The Count of East Friesland also, who had at first favoured their party, was rendered, by the excessive dread he entertained of Alva, a doubtful and unsafe ally; and England now became their only haven of shelter. To deprive them of this, Alva peremptorily demanded of the queen that she should cease to afford encouragement to the pirates and rebels from the King of Spain's dominions. His remonstrance, which bore somewhat the appearance of a menace, induced Elizabeth, who feared to draw on herself the enmity of 1572 Philip, to issue an order commanding the Gueux to quit the ports, and strictly forbidding any one to harbour, or supply them with food or other necessaries 1.

Thus driven from their last refuge, and left without a single spot of earth in Europe whereon to set their foot, the Gueux, under the command of the admiral, William van der Mark, (one of those who had sworn to let their hair and beard grow till the death of Egmond was avenged,) set sail in their vessels, twenty-four in number for the Texel, purposing to attack the Duke's ships of war which were then lying there.

  1. Bor, boek v., bl., 320—040, Meteren, boek iv., fol 71.

577

On their way they captured two large Spanish vessels, and being driven by stress of weather into the Meuse, presented themselves suddenly before BrieL The town being destitute of a garrison, and the poorer people favourably inclined to the Gueux, the more wealthy inhabitants fled precipitately, and on the first of April 1572, Van der Mark took possession in the name of the Prince of Orange as Stadtholder , with little opposition. The lives and property of the citizens remained untouched: but the Gueux wreaking a-cruel vengeance on the priests and monks, hanged no less than thirteen of them; they likewise stripped the churches, and broke all the images 1.

In so extraordinary and unexpected a manner did the Gueux first gain a footing in their native Country, an event pregnant with consequences of such vast importance, and which was to be imputed solely to the stubborn and vindictive folly of Alva himself. He had, as it has been observed, quartered a band of Spanish soldiers on the inhabitants of Utrecht, in revenge of their refusal to consent to the levy of the tenth.

Finding this of no effect, he summoned the states before the council of blood, which pronounced them guilty of high treason, and their privileges forfeited. The inhabitants appealed to the king in Spain, both against the sentence and the infliction of the Spanish soldiers; and Alva, in consequence, received commands from Philip to use clemency and forbearance towards them 2. Their boldness in appealing to the king, however, provoked Alva to such a degree, that in order to vex and oppress them to the utmost of his power, he withdrew the Spanish garrisons from Haarlem, Leyden, Delft, and the Briel, and quartered the whole of them in Utrecht, thus leaving those towns open to the attack of the enemy 3.

  1. Hooft, boek yi., bl. 216. Meteren, boek iv., fol. 72.
  2. Hooft, boek vi., bl. 203. Bor, boek v., bl. 842.
  3. Bor, 848.

578

The intelligence of the loss of Briel arrived at a juncture when Alva was sufficiently embarrassed by other matters. At the termination of the period for which the 2,000,000 guilders bad been granted, he again insisted on the levy of the tenth, though with some slight modifications; and condemned the citizens of Amsterdam, who hesitated to publish his decree, to pay a fine of 25,000 guilders.

To the vehement remonstrances of the states of Holland on the subject, he answered, that they had already given their consent, and that the decree had been published in the other provinces. It was in vain that Viglius, president of the council of finance, and others well acquainted with the disposition of the Netherlanders, endeavoured to dissuade him from his purpose; in vain that warning was given him of the storm he was raising by the acts of the council of Holland, which issued orders for a general fast, commanding the people to " repent, and pray to God to soften the Duke's hard and stubborn heart, that he might listen to the voice of reason and justice;" and by the preaching of the Franciscan monks themselves, who openly railed at him from the pulpit as a tyrant and violator of the people's rights.

He declared that he was resolved to enforce the tax, though it should occasion the entire loss of the provinces or cost him his life; that those councillors who supported the people in their refusal ought to be treated as rebels; that he had determined to try all the contumacious before the council of blood, and have them beheaded; and that the states of all the provinces, particularly Flanders, should deem themselves happy that he was willing to accept this tax in lieu of placing them in the same situation as the Count of Egmond or the Prince of Orange 1.

  1. Meteren, boek iv., fol. 71. Brandt's Hist, der Ref., boek x., bl. 517.

579

He accordingly proceeded to demand the payment of the tenth, first In Brussels, where he imagined that his presence, and that of an immense number of armed troops, would awe the people into submission, and thus serve as a precedent for the rest. But the citizens in this emergency offered an example of that passive resistance which, when prudently adopted and steadily persevered in, renders a people invincible.

They unanimously, ceased their traffic; every shop was shut, the brewers refused to brew, the bakers would not bake, and even the innkeepers closed their houses, so that the soldiers themselves could not get supplied with provisions. The Duke determined to hang seventy of the principal shopkeepers before their own doors on the next night, as an example to the rest; and the executioner, in obedience to his commands, had already prepared ladders and ropes for the purpose, when, happily, on the very day appointed, the tidings arrived of the capture of Briel, and saved Alva from the commission of this additional atrocity 1.

Seeking too late to remedy his error, the Duke suspended the collection of the tenth at Brussels, and ordered the Count of Bossu to withdraw the Spanish troops from Utrecht, and proceed with all haste to Briel, where the Gueux, in expectation of an attack, fortified themselves as well as the time permitted.

  1. Hooft, boek vi., bl. 216. Bor, boek vi., bl. 361. Meteren. boek ir., fol. 70.

580

1572 They allowed the Spaniards to land unmolested; but scarcely were they set on shore, when one Rok Meussen opened the sluice of the Nieuland dyke and laid the Country under water. The Spaniards, in consequence, were obliged to flie along the top of the dyke, where they were completely exposed to the fire of the artillery from the town; and at the same time, William de Treslong sunk, burnt, or captured, all the vessels lying in the Meuse, which had brought them to BrieL

Finding their means of retreat cut off and that the water continued to rise higher and higher around then, the troops, seized with terror, commenced a hasty and disorderly flight; some attempting to swim, were drowned, and the rest took their route, through streams and marshes, over New Beyerland to Dordrecht, where, when they arrived, wet, weary, and jaded, they ware denied admittance.

Thence they proceeded to Rotterdam, the gates of which were shut against them. After much entreaty, however, the Count of Bossu obtained permission of the government for the soldiers to pass through the town to the neighbouring villages, fifty at a time, with their muskets unloaded. The first detachment, on entering, slew the watch at the gates, when the whole body followed, without having discharged their muskets, as agreed on. They killed all whom they found in arms, about four hundred in number, and taking possession of the town, treated the inhabitants in the same manner as if they had conquered it by assault. The consequences of this breach of faith were, as it will appear, most inimical to the Spanish commander 1.

After the loss of Briel, the key to the entrance of the Meuse, the primary object of Alva's care was the security of the Scheldt by the possession of Flushing, where he had already begun to build a citadel, under the superintendence of one Pacieco. He now gave him orders for its immediate completion, and sent thither 1500 troops under the command of Osorio di Angelo.

  1. Bor, boek vi., bl. 367 et seq.

581

On the arrival of the Spaniards, the people ran to arms, and having forced them to retire, destroyed the portion of the citadel already built, fortified the town, and despatched messengers to solicit succours from William van der Mark, at Briel, from England, from the Prince of Orange, and from Count Louis of Nassau, then in France. Van der Mark sent to their assistance three ships of war, with about two hundred men, commanded by William de Treslong, and a band of exiles arrived nearly at the same time from England. The engineer, Pacieco, ignorant of what had occurred, came a few days after to Flushing, expecting to find the Spanish soldiers in garrison there. He was seized by order of Treslong, and immediately hanged, in revenge for the death of Treslong's brother, who was one of the eighteen nobles executed by Alva on the 1st of June, 1568 1,2.

Within a short time of this event, the fishers and burghers of the small town of Campveere forced their government to declare for the Prince of Orange 3.

The possession of Flushing was of the last importance to the Gueux, since it commanded the passage of the ships coming from Spain and Portugal to Antwerp, Not long after its capture, a fleet of forty sail appeared in the Scheldt, having on board, together with 2500 fresh troops, the Duke of Medina-Celi, sent by the King of Spain to supersede Alva in the government of the Netherlands, from which he had desired to. be relieved.

  1. Bor, boek vi., bl. 370.
  2. This Pacieco is usually confounded with a celebrated engineer of that name, sent to the Netherlands by the Duke of Savoy in the service of Alva, whom, however, we find signalising himself in the defence of Tergoes, in the latter part of this year. Campana, Guer. di Piand., lib. iii., p. 95.
  3. Met., boek iv., fol. 74.

582

Several of these were merchant ships laden with valuable wares, the crews of which, ignorant of the revolt of Flushing, brought them close to the town, when they were received with a heavy discharge, of artillery; and at the same time were attacked by a number of small vessels under the command of one Ewald Peterson, commonly called Captain Worst, a brave and able seaman.

Twenty-four were captured, containing a booty of 200,000 crowns in money, besides merchandize to the value of 500,000 more, which were applied to the public service. The Gueux drowned all their prisoners, in order to force the Duke of Alva to a more humane mode of warfare, since, in the campaign against the Prince of Orange, he had caused ail who were taken in battle to be immediately hanged as traitors and rebels. Medina-Celi, with the men-of-war and troops escaped to Sluys in safety.

On his arrival at Brussels, he found the state of affairs so desperate, that, as his own powers from the king were very limited, he declined assuming any share in the government, and finally obtained his dismissal 1.

The Duke of Alva, to all appearance, was but little disquietssed at the progress of the Gueux, judging that, at the head of his veteran troops, he could crush their feeble force at a single blow 2. But a coincidence not less remarkable than that which had preserved the lives of the citizens of Brussels, proved the salvation of Holland.

  1. Meteren, boek ir., fol. 74. Bor, boek vi.. bl. 893.
  2. The quietss and patient temper of the people of Holland and Zealand had inspired Alva with so sovereign a contempt for them, that he was accustomed to say he would smother them in their own butter.

583

This was the capture of Mons, in Hainaut, by Louis of Nassau, Louis had, after his brother's 1572 departure from France, remained at Rochelle, then the stronghold of the Huguenots, where he pursued his negotiations with such zeal and activity, that he obtained promises of assistance from the principal nobles of that party, and even succeeded in making an alliance with the government itself.

It was at this time the policy of the French court to conciliate the minds, and lull the suspicions of the Huguenots, by every possible means, and nothing was more conducive to this effect than the pretence of reviving the ancient animosity between France and Spain, to which some disputes that had occurred between their respective ambassadors at the Council of Trent, and the treatment by Philip of his wife, Elizabeth, sister of the King of France, gave a colour of reality. With the same view the king appeared to listen with complacency to the counsels earnestly pressed "upon him by Coligny, and the heads of the Huguenot party, to find employment at once for the King of Spain, and the restless spirits in his own dominions, by sending an army to the assistance of the revolted provinces in the Netherlands.

Accordingly Louis of Nassau was encouraged to repair secretly to the court, where he was received with every mark of esteem by Charles, who granted him permission to make an unlimited levy of troops in France, and engaged to furnish his brother, the Prince of Orange, with a subsidy of 200,000 crowns 1. Louis, having speedily raised 500 French light horse and 1000 musketeers, advanced by forced marches into Hainaut, and presenting himself unexpectedly before Mons, made himself master of the town by stratagem the May next day. He was followed by the remainder of his 1573 troops, consisting of 2000 infantry, together with an additional body of 1200 horse and 1300 foot, under the command of the Sieur de Montmorency.

  1. Thuanus, lib. u, cap. 14.

584

Alva could scarcely believe the intelligence of the capture of Mons, especially as he had heard from his spies in France, that Louis had been seen a few days before in Paris playing at tennis. As it was in itself one of the strongest places in that part of the Netherlands, and afforded a key to the entrance of the French, he resolved, leaving all other cares aside, to employ his whole force in its recovery; and to this effect summoned to his camp the troops which had been assembled at Bergen op Zoom for the reduction of Zealand.

The Gueux thus gained time to strengthen themselves in that quarter. Jeronimo Tseraarts, master of the horse to the Prince of Orange, being appointed by Louis of Nassau governor of Walcheren, repaired to Flushing with a considerable number of French and Netherland soldiers, to which were added 200 English volunteers, under Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Thomas Morgan 1.

Meanwhile, Holland was not behindhand in the work of liberation. The Duke of Alva had commanded some vessels to be prepared at Enkhuyzen (a town of North Holland commanding the entrance of the Zuyderzee), for the attack of the Count van der Mark at Briel; and under this pretext, attempted to introduce a body of Spanish troops into the town. The burghers, however, kept the gates firmly closed; forced the captain, who, with a few soldiers, was already in the town, to evacuate it; and committed Boshuyzen, the admiral sent thither by the Duke to conduct the preparations, a prisoner to the guildhall. They likewise took prisoners the burgomasters, who had endeavoured to effect the admittance of the foreign soldiers; and, hoisting the Orange 1572 standard on the walls, declared themselves under the government of the prince, as Stadtholder of the King of Spain.

  1. Meteren, boek iv., fol. 74.

585

They then proceeded to levy 350 troops from among the citizens, and sent to request succours from William van der Mark and the Prince of Orange. The former despatched some privateering vessels, and a few veteran soldiers, to their assistance; and Theodore Sonnoy, whom the prince had appointed deputy Stadtholder of North Holland, repaired to Enkhuyzen from Bremen with all speed, at the first report of this favourable turn in affairs.

The remainder of the towns of North Holland were easily induced to follow the example set by Enkhuyzen; in Medemblik and Hoorn the burghers, in defiance of the opposition of their governments, acknowledged Sonnoy at his first summons 1. Oudewater first raised the standard of revolt in South Holland; Gouda next, after a show of resistance to the troops sent by William van der Mark, took the oath of allegiance to the prince; Delft shut its gates against the Spanish garrison and levied troops for its own defence; the inhabitants of Leyden and Dordrecht unanimously espoused the same side; and within three months from the capture of Briel, not a single town in Holland, except Amsterdam, remained in obedience to the king's governor; the Spanish soldiers having been forced to evacuate Rotterdam, from the difficulty of obtaining supplies.

In Friesland, some of the most powerful and illustrious of the nobility were numbered among the party of the Gueux, who were admitted without difficulty into Sneek, Bolsward, Franiker, and Dokkum; they likewise besieged Staveren and Leeuwarden, and reduced the latter to great straits for want of provisions 2.

  1. Velius Hoorn, boek iii7 blf 179? et seq.
  2. Hooft, boek Yi., bl. 243. Bor, boek vi., W. 37»—383.

$86

Even the bold spirit of Alva quailed before the events that were now crowding fast around him. He sent to the Lord of Bossu, as Stadtholder of Holland, commanding him to assemble the states at the Hague, and to signify to them the entire abolition of the tenth and twentietssh, and his consent to the substitution of the annual payment of 2,000,000 of guilders. It was too late. The same measure of conciliation which three months before might have gone far to appease the Netherlands, was now worse than useless.

The states did indeed assemble, but in a different place, and for far other purposes than those designed by Alva. Deputies from the nobles, and from the towns of Dordrecht, Haarlem, Leyden, Gouda, Gorcum, Oudewater, Alkmaar, Hoorn, Enkhuyaen, Medemblick, Edam and Monnikendam, met together at Dordrecht, on the summons of Philip de Marnix, Lord de St. Aldegonde, as deputy from the Prince of Orange; and from the resolutions they adopted, it appears evident that even at this early period they had not the slightest intention of ever again returning under the dominion of Spain.

They acknowledged the Prince of Orange as Stadtholder of Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, appointed by the King of Spain, Count of Holland, and not removed by any act conformable to the laws of the land; they voted a sum of 200,000 guilders for the expenses of the war, and 500,000 more to defray the cost of the prince's intended expedition for the relief of Mons; and passed a resolution that attested copies should be delivered to the towns of all the charters and muniments relating to the privileges of the land. They bound themselves to make no compromise with the king, or any one bearing his commission, unless by the advice and consent of the Prince of Orange; to assist him faithfully to the utmost of their power, and never to abandon him or the cause which they had mutually undertaken to support.

587

St. Aldegonde entered into a like engagement on the part of the prince, declaring, at the same time, his intention to permit to all persons the free exercise of their religion. At the same assembly the states confirmed the appointment of William van der Mark, a native of Liege, as captain-general ; a man of irregular habits and brutal ferocity, but of inestimable value at the present juncture, from his activity, promptness, and decision, qualities in which the prince himself, particularly in the early part of his career, seems to have been lamentably deficient.

About the same time the tenth was remitted in Brabant, Flanders, Hainaut, and Artois, in consequence of a petition which the states of those provinces had transmitted to the king 1.

The Duke had sent forward his son Don Frederic di Toledo to lay siege to Mons, with 4000 infantry and 400 cavalry, he himself remaining behind to complete his preparations. Frederic, in obedience to the orders of his father, formed a strong encampment at the monastery of Bethlem, within a quarter of a mile of the town, in order to prevent the besieged from obtaining supplies of corn and forage. Louis of Nassau beginning to fear a scarcity, as the store of provisions within the walls was but slender, despatched the Sieur de Genlis to France for additional succours. He returned with 3200 infantry and 1000 cavalry, under the command of himself and the Sieur de Jumelles; but, instead of marching to Cambray, as Louis desired, to effect a junction with the German army that the prince was about to bring into the Netherlands, His French commander persisted in attempting to enter Mons.

  1. Bor, boek vi., bl. 887—389.

588

He was met within a short distance from the town by Noircarmes, (or, as it is affirmed, purposely betrayed into his hands by some spies employed by the French court for the purpose 1,) attacked, and entirely defeated; 1200 of his troops were slain, and the greater portion of the remainder, including himself and the Sieur de Jumelles, made prisoners 2.

Leaving the Duke of Aarschot in command of Brussels, Alva marched to Mons with 10,500 cavalry, chiefly Germans, and eleven newly raised regiments of infantry, Germans and Walloons, in addition to his Spanish troops. He was accompanied by the Doke of Medina-Celi, who, though still in the Netherlands awaiting his dismissal, took no part in affairs.

Nearly at the same time the Prince of Orange marched from Germany for the purpose of relieving Mons, at the head of 7000 German horse and 14000 foot, with 3000 Netherlanders 3. On his route, he mastered Buremonde by assault; and Louvain, Nivelle, Mechlin, and Dendermonde opened their gates to him. The whole Country, indeed, manifested favourable dispositions; but fearful of weakening his army, by dividing it into a number of garrisons, instead of encouraging the towns in their revolt, he pressed forward to the relief of his brother in Mons. But Alva, following the same plan he had successfully adopted on a former occasion, entrenched himself so strongly before the walls, that Orange was unable either to force him to a battle or to throw succours into the town. While he was detained in this state of involuntary inactivity, the fearful news arrived of the massacre of St Bartholomew.

  1. Mém. de Sully, torn, i., lib. i., p. 88.
  2. Thuanus, lib. liv^ cap. 9.
  3. Bor, boek vi., bL 998.

589

By this event, besides the loss of nearly all his friends among the Huguenots, who had perished by the knife of the assassin, and the conviction it brought of the insincerity of the professions lately made by the court of France, the prince was precluded from the hope of supplies from thence, upon which he in great measure depended for the payment of his troops. Having, therefore, contrived to convey intelligence to Louis of his inability to afford him aid, and his wish that he should surrender on the best terms he could obtain, he retired to Mechlin, and thence beyond the Rhine, where he once more dismissed his useless band of mercenaries; not without danger to himself, however, since they were on the point of seizing his person as security for their pay, and were only diverted from their purpose by the Hollanders making themselves responsible for the amount.

The Duke of Alva, eager to secure Mons, was willing to grant the most favourable conditions, which Louis of Nassau, being confined to his bed by sickness, and finding that there were no hopes of relief from without, thought it advisable to accept. The town, accordingly, surrendered, having sustained no less than 14,534 cannon shots; the garrison were permitted to march out with all the honours of war, and their lives and property secured to the inhabitants; but all who were not Catholics were banished 1. From Mons, Alva marched to Mechlin, which the garrison, finding themselves too weak to resist him, secretly abandoned; and the town being given up to the unbridled fury of the soldiers, was sacked and pillaged without mercy; ecclesiastics as well as laymen, women and children, alike fell a prey to their cupidity or barbarity; the property of the Catholic clergy, which the Gueux themselves had spared, with the jewels and ornaments of the churches, were seized and carried away; and the amount of loss to the citizens was estimated at several millions of guilders.

  1. Meteren, boek iv., bl. 81—85. Campana, Guer. di Fiand,, lib. iii., p. 92,93.

690

The neighbouring cities of less wealth and importance were permitted to redeem themselves from pillage by the payment of large sums of money 1.

During this time, the affairs of the Gueux had somewhat retrograded in Zealand. After an unsuccessful attack on Middleburg, Tseraarts, governor of Flushing, laid siege to Goes, in South Beveland, accompanied by the French and English auxiliaries; they had planted their artillery before the walls, and already effected two breaches, when Alva, upon the surrender of Mons, sent Mondragon with 3000 men to its relief. Unable to reach it by water, on account of the number of vessels which the Gueux captain, Peterson Worst, kept in the channel, Mondragon was conducted by a guide across a ford near Woonsdrecht at ebb tide, marching two leagues through the water.

His advance, which they had deemed impossible, so astonished the besiegers, that they broke up their camp in disorder, and hastened on board their ships, scarcely giving themselves time to re-embark their artillery. Thus Goes and the remainder of South Beveland continued still under the dominion of Spain, as well as Arnemuyden and the fort of Rammeken 2 in Walcheren.

Middleburg, to which the Gueux had now laid siege a second time, was kept closely blockaded; and Zierikzee, with the island of Schouwen, acknowledged the Prince of Orange 2.

  1. Bor, boek vi., bl. 409, et aeq. Campana, boek iii., p. 97.
  2. Meteren, boek iv., fol. 87.

591

The prince, after disbanding his German army, went into Holland, accompanied by a few attendants only, where his presence was much required, as well to cheer the minds of the people, disappointed in the results they anticipated from his long-prepared and expensive enterprize, as to put a stop to the excesses committed by the undisciplined soldiers of William van der Mark, which had now arrived at such a height, as to cause loud complaints among the people, who declared, that they might almost as well live under the tyranny of the Spaniards.

Landing at Enkhuyzen, he proceeded thence to Haarlem, where the states were assembled, by whom he was welcomed with an excess of joy; he made several regulations for the better ordering of the troops, strictly forbidding any communication with the enemy, or the exportation of provisions, and confirmed the impositions laid on by the states for the support of the war. The council of finance, and the supreme court of Holland, having retired to Utrecht when the Spaniards evacuated Rotterdam, he, with the consent of the states, appointed new ones in their room. All the acts of the prince were done by the combined authority of himself and the states alone, without any reservation of the king's future approbation, or any provisional limitation until he should be better advised; so that Holland had now, though not in express terms, virtually emancipated itself from the government of Spain 1.

The Duke of Alva having retired to repose himself at Nimeguen, his son, Don Frederic, conducted a portion of the army to the siege of Zutphen. The garrison fled, and the burghers offered to surrender; but the town was, nevertheless, pillaged in the same manner as if it had been conquered by assault, and 600 of the inhabitants were drowned in the Yssel.

  1. Bor, boek vi., bl, 409, et aeq. Velius Hoorn, boek iii., bl. 200.

592

Terrified by the fate of Zutphen, and too weak to withstand the arms of Don Frederic without speedy aid, of which there appeared no hope, all the towns of Guelderland and Friesland once more submitted to Alva 1. Advancing from Zutphen to Amersfoort, Frederick sent forward the Lord of Bossu to the small town of Naarden, in Holland, with a summons to surrender.

The inhabitants replied, that, " by the help of God, they would keep their town, as they had hitherto done, to the service and profit of the King of Spain." They immediately despatched agents to purchase ammunition on the credit of the states of Holland, and wrote to Theodore Sonnoy for the loan of two barrels of powder, and to Berthold Entes, lieutenant of William van der Mark, then stationed at Veen, soliciting succours of troops without delay.

Obtaining nothing in return but fair words and promises, and having no more than three barrels of powder within the walls, they at last determined to throw themselves on the mercy of Don Frederic. Accordingly, Martin Lawrenceson, one of the burgomasters, and Gerard Peterson, a sheriff, were commissioned to repair to his camp, for the purpose of interceding for their fellow citizens. They were denied admittance, but ordered to retire to Bussem, about a mile and a half from Naarden, and wait there till he came.

On the road thither, Peterson, alarmed at the preparations he had observed at Amersfoort, left the sledge on which they travelled, saying, " Adieu, I shall not come this time to Naarden," and was seen no more. Lawrenceson, though overwhelmed with fear and chagrin at the behaviour of his comrade, determined to persevere in fulfilling his duty towards those who had sent him, and awaited the arrival of Don Frederic at Bussem.

  1. Meteren, boek ir«, fol. 88.

593

Here he was joined by Lambertus Hortensius, a catholic priest, (the historian of Utrecht,) and some others. Being unable to obtain an audience of Don Frederic himself, they were informed, that Julian de Romero was invested with full powers to treat for the surrender in his name. With him, therefore, the deputies agreed, that the town should open its gates to Don Frederic, on the express condition that the lives and properties of all the inhabitants should be preserved; that the citizens should take a new oath to the King of Spain; and that 100 Spaniards should be allowed to take out of the city as much goods as they could carry. This treaty, a verbal one only, was confirmed by the usual ceremony of joining hands, the same which the states and Prince of Orange had lately used in promising fidelity to each other, and which hitherto had always been deemed an ample security among so simple and faithful a people.

On the entrance of Somero, the burghers were summoned to come unarmed to the guildhall, for the purpose of taking the new oath to the king; nearly the whole of them quitted the ramparts and hastened thither, a few only -excepted, who, seized with a vague dread or suspicion, concealed themselves in the dome of the church; their wives, meanwhile, were busily employed in the duties of hospitality, preparing for the entertainment of the strangers. The town was soon filled with Spanish soldiers, a number of whom, headed by a priest, walked to and fro for some time before the guildhall; when at length the priest, turning suddenly towards the people, bid them prepare for death. At this signal the work of slaughter began; first firing their muskets among the defenceless multitude, the Spaniards proceeded to cut them in pieces with their swords, and in an instant laid 500 dead on the floor of the guildhall, which they set on fire.

594

They then ran through the streets, butchering all they met, and set fire to the houses in different places, to force those who had escaped or concealed themselves to come out, when they were immediately cut down, or thrust through with pikes; even the inmates of the hospitals for the aged, whose years numbered from eighty to a hundred, were with the exception of two, all massacred.

The life of Lambertus Hortensius himself, though a priest, was with difficulty saved by the entreaties of the Count of Bossu; but his son, the organist of the principal church, was murdered, and his heart torn out before his eyes. A smith named Hubert Williamson, snatching up a three-legged stool in one hand and a sword in the other, bravely defended the entrance of his house far some time against a troop of Spaniards, several of whom he killed. At length, wounded and overpowered by numbers, he sank down, letting fall his temporary shield, but had still sufficient strength left to grasp with his hard hands the blades of two swords which the Spaniards pointed at his breast They quickly drew them back, severing every one of his fingers, and plunged the weapons into his body. His daughter was at that moment on her knees by his side, imploring them to save his life; the only answer they gave her was to take up her father's yet quivering fingers and dash in her face. Those who had taken refuge in the dome of the church, though they might easily have defended themselves, the only entrance being through one narrow door, stupified by terror, were slaughtered without resistance. The cruelties practised on the women were yet more enormous. Many died of their tortures under the hands of the soldiers; some were thrown into wells and drowned; others were forced to quit their beds, and, with their infants of a few days old, to fly barefoot from the town.

595

One of the burgomasters, Henry Lambertson, was hanged and quartered before his own door. No more than sixty men were left alive, forty of whom were able to make their escape, and twenty redeemed themselves by payment of a heavy ransom. The town was so completely stripped, that there was not sufficient sustenance left for the few women and children who remained. With an impious and indecent barbarity, for which we should vainly seek a parallel in the annalsof savage nations, it was forbidden to bury the dead, and their corpses were left putrefying in the streets for the space of three weeks.

The acts committed at Naarden received the highest approbation from the Duke of Alva, who afterwards, as if in bitter irony, declared the citizens of that town, whose streets were now a desert, banished, and all their goods confiscated, as guilty of high treason; and forced the peasants of Gooiland by threats to destroy the walls and public buildings. It was part of his policy to infuse terror into the conquered; but on this occasion he had gone a step beyond^—he had roused despair in all its fury 1.

Hastily quitting the smoking ruins of Naarden, Dou Frederic led his troops to repose a few days at Amsterdam, designing to make Haarlem his next object of attack. The government of Amsterdam, who had all along shown themselves conspicuous in the persecution of the Reformers, and still remained devoted to the Spanish party, sent to inform the inhabitants of Haarlem of his intention, exhorting them to submit promptly, and pledging themselves that mercy would be shown by the conqueror.

  1. Bor, boek vi., bl. 416—419. Hooft, boek vil., bl. 278. Boxhorn, Theat. Urb. Holl. in Naarden, p. 343.

596

1572 The Haarlemmers beheld the extent and weakness of their fortifications, the numbers and discipline of the enemy's host, and the small reliance that was to be placed on the Prince of Orange, who had never yet succeeded in relieving a single town, and for a moment they wavered; the government even sent deputies secretly to make terms with Don Frederic. But a bold and animated harangue from Wybald van Ripperda, captain of the burgher guard, reminding them of the blood of their Countrymen shed at Naarden, and the fidelity they had sworn to the prince, aroused their nobler and more manly feelings; with an universal shout of enthusiasm the people replied, that they would devote their lives to the preservation of their town and the welfare of the good cause 1.

The Lord of St. Aldegonde was commissioned by the Prince of Orange to remove such members of the senate and great council as were supposed to be inclined to the Spanish interests, new ones chosen by the burghers being substituted in their place; and those who had opened the negotiation with the Spaniards were sent prisoners to Leyden; the images were removed from the churches, and the reformed service everywhere established 2.

On the 9th of December 1572, in a season of intense cold, Don Frederic marched towards Haarlem with thirty-six companies of Spanish infantry, sixteen of Germans, and twenty-two of Walloons, his cavalry amounting to no more than 1500 3. The number of troops within the city was about 1000, composed of English, Scotch, and Germans, to which was afterwards added a reinforcement of 550 Netherlanders. The commencement of operations was unpropitious to the defenders, Don Frederic making himself master of the important fort of Sparendan about a mile from Haarlem; and being, enabled, under cover of a thick fog accompanied by a temporary thaw, to throw up his entrenchments without molestation.

  1. Bor, boek vi., bl. 420.
  2. Meteren, boek ir., fol. 89.
  3. Campana, Guer. di, Fiand., lib, iiL, p. 100.

597

These were indeed but hasty and incomplete, since he imagined a single week would amply suffice for the execution of his task. It fell out far otherwise; for though fifteen pieces of heavy artillery which he brought to bear against a ravelyn near the gate called the Kruysgate, easily effected a breach, yet the Spaniards, on mounting to the assault, were so resolutely repelled by the troops, and burghers within, that they were forced to retire with the loss of 200 men and twenty of their best officers.

Encouraged by this first success, the Haarlemmers carried on their defence with redoubled energy and spirit. No sooner was a breach made, than it was again repaired with wood, sacks, earth, and such other materials as were at hand; the inhabitants spent the long winter nights in building an inner wall, higher and stronger than the old one; rich and poor, aged and children, men and women, all joined in the work; not an idle hand was to be seen in the city; among the rest, one Catherine van Hasselaar, a widow lady of rank and fortune, formed a regiment of 300 women, who, retaining the dress of their sex, distinguished themselves no less by their skill in the use of the spade and pickaxe, than the musket and sword; scarcely a day passed without a murderous sally on the part of the besieged, who on some occasions advanced to the enemy's trenches, and plundered and burned their tents. Meanwhile the citizens of Leyden constantly supplied them with provisions, artillery, and ammunition, conveyed in sledges across the frozen sea of Haarlem, and reinforcements of troops were sent by the same means from the prince and states at Delft.

598

At length the Spaniards, having gained the ravelyn near the Kruysgate, though not before the besieged had completed the erection of a strong half-moon behind it, prepared for a fresh assault.

Leaving the camp before daybreak on the last day of January 1573, they came unperceived close to the walls where the wearied and sleepy sentinels kept but negligent watch. The morning light discovered them in possession of the Kruysgate, and a considerable portion of the rampart on each side the ravelyn, to about fifty or sixty soldiers who were near. They quickly raised the alarm, and kept the enemy at bay with undaunted courage till the troops and burghers came to their aid; all hurried to the place of danger; some engaged with the assailants, while others filled a mine already dug under the ravelyn, with powder, and blew it into the air; a fierce contest ensued on the rampart, in which the Spaniards were once more worsted; 300 of their choicest troops fell, while the loss sustained by the defenders was no more than ten.

During this time, eighty sledges laden with stores were conveyed safely into the town on the opposite side. Unhappily the noble and patriotic courage of the Haarlemmers was stained by acts of cold-blooded and atrocious barbarity. The Spaniards having taken prisoner one Philip King, in an unsuccessful attempt to throw succours into the town, put him to death, and afterwards threw his head over the wall, with the inscription " This is the King who should have relieved Haarlem with 2000 men-" To revenge this outrage, the citizens massacred eleven Spanish prisoners, and having cut off the heads, and shaved the hair and beard after the fashion of beggars, packed them in a barrel, which they rolled towards the enemy's camp with these words inscribed on it: "This is the tenth for which the Duke of Alva has besieged Haarlem, and as we did not pay it before, we have sent the interest that he might not complain.

599

The besiegers likewise having hanged their prisoners within sight of the town, some by the neck, and some by one foot, their example was followed by their opponents, who erected a gallows on the walls, on which they executed not only the Spanish prisoners, but one or two of the citizens who favoured their party. Don Frederic finding the ill-success of his assaults, had recourse to the slower effect of mines; but several were sprung by means of the skilful Countermining of the besieged, and the damage caused by the rest was small and speedily repaired.

His confidence, therefore, began to give way to despair; the scarcity of provisions in his camp was extreme, and the intense cold had occasioned among his troops wide-spread sickness and desertion. He was inclined to have raised the siege; but the commands, and stinging taunts of his father, who declared, that " If sick and unable to go in person to the camp, he would send for his mother from Spain to fill the place of her son,' together with a powerful reinforcement of troops, determined him to persevere; and ere long, the breaking up of the frost, brought about a lamentable change in the prospects of Haarlem.

The Lord of Bossu having cut through the dike between the Y and the sea of Haarlem, opened by this means a passage into the latter for a large fleet of sixty vessels, which the Duke of Alva had equipped at Amsterdam. By the presence of this powerful armament, which the Holland ships were unable to withstand, the communication between Leyden and Haarlem was entirely cut off, and the only mode of conveying intelligence was by means of carrier pigeons, which, as they were frequently shot by the enemy, discovered to them, instead of the besieged, the plans formed for their relief.

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These were invariably unsuccessful, and in a short time, money and provisions began to fail within the walls; the first was supplied in some degree by coining promissory specie of small value; and the inhabitants were put upon an allowance of a pound of bread a day to each man, and a malt cake for the women and children. But even this scanty supply soon ceased; rape and hempseed, the flesh of dogs, cats, and vermin, were greedily devoured; and when these were exhausted, a wretched substitute was found in the tanned hides of cows and oxen. Still they supported their woes with unshaken firmness; the besieging army which had encamped on the ice, sickened under the damp summer heats, and Haarlem was yet unconquered.

Orange making one more effort for its relief, despatched 500 waggons, laden with food and ammunition, under the convoy of the Lord of Batenburg, with all the troops that could be spared from the neighbouring garrisons, and a considerable number of volunteers, burghers of Delft, Leyden, and Rotterdam, amounting together to about 5000 men.

Batenburg was surprised by an ambush of the enemy's soldiers, himself slain, and his army cut in pieces. Then first the courage of the besieged fell; Don Frederic had received a reinforcement of fresh troops, and threatened them with another assault, which they were not now in a condition to repel; numbers had perished of hunger; the streets were crowded with sick and dying, and the feeble and wasted garrison were no longer able to do their duty. They first fonned the desperate resolution of sallying forth in a body with their women and children in the midst, and fighting their way through the enemy's lines; but this was prevented by the refusal of the German troops to join in the attempt.

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Don Frederic, dreading that the effects of their despair might lead them to set fire to their houses, and bury themselves under the ruins, sent a herald to declare, that he would observe the utmost clemency towards such as remained in the town. They, therefore, after a siege of seven months, surrendered to the mercy of the conqueror, and were permitted to redeem themselves from pillage by the payment of 240,000 guilders. A general amnesty was granted by the Duke of Alva to all the citizens except fifty-seven; and the Spaniards, fearful of losing the promised ransom, forbore their usual work of massacre and plunder.

The executions were, however, sufficiently numerous to have satiated their cruelty. The first act of Roderigo di Toledo, brother of the general, was the beheading of the gallant Wybald van Ripperda, the promoter and sustainer of this memorable defence; Lancelot van Brederode next shared the same fate, together with all those who had shown themselves most active during the siege, and the reformed preachers. Of the English, Scotch and French soldiers, 300 were drowned, and 900 hanged or beheaded; the Germans only, as having been the first to advise the surrender, were spared 1. The conquerors purchased their victory with the loss of 12,000 men 2.

  1. Campana, a Catholic, and a partizan of the Duke of Alva, affirms, that 2000 persons were put to death in cold blood, within the space of eight days from the surrender.—Guer. di Fiand., lib. iv., p. 112.
  2. Bor, boek vi., bl. 421 et seq. Meteren, boek iv., fol. 88—02. Cam-pana,lib.iii. and iv*

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1573 The surrender of Haarlem spread grief and dread throughout the whole of Holland. The prospect of affairs was, in truth, melancholy in the extreme. Nearly every resource for raising money was exhausted, while the public necessities were daily more great and pressing; the soldiers, in a lax state of discipline, did more mischief to their friends than to their enemies, and, as well as the seamen, were continually on the point of mutiny for want of pay; the Hollanders, undisturbed by invasion since the pacification with Guelderland in 1543, knew little of the art of defensive warfare, and their towns were badly fortified and worse provided. In addition to all these disadvantages they lost, about this time, one of their ablest commanders in William van der Mark, lord of Lumey, whose cruelties, committed chiefly on the Catholic priests, had become so frequent and atrocious, as to render him generally abhorred, while his insolence and contumacy had risen to such a pitch as to defy the authority of the states, and even of the prince himself. He was deprived of his offices and thrown into prison, but ultimately permitted to retire with his property from Holland. Whatever his crimes and defects, he cannot but be looked upon as one of the principal founders of the liberties of Holland 1.

Discouraged and dispirited, the exiles, who had returned to their Country, began to prepare for a second flight; each town expected that it would be the next to share the fate of Haarlem. In the peevish impatience of despair the inhabitants of North Holland, through the medium of their governor, Theodore Sonnoy, laid before the Prince of Orange a lamentable picture of the desolation of the Country, and their inability to defend themselves any longer, unless he could obtain the protection of some powerful sovereign. But William well knew how to touch that deep chord of enthusiasm which lay unstrung but for awhile in the hearts of the Hollanders to vibrate through the land. "The King of kings is our only ally," he replied, "and in him will we put our trust.

  1. Bor, boek vi.,M. 424.

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Is it because the misfortunes to which all men are subject have fallen upon you, that manly courage has fled entirely from your hearts? If God has done what it pleased him with Haarlem, is it therefore that his arm is shortened? Has he forsaken his Church, that it should deny him ? Cast away from you all idle fears; arouse within your* selves the courage of former days, and each labouring heartily to do his duty, the blessing of God shall be with you 1."

The voice of complaint was heard no more. The people treated with silent scorn the threats promulgated by Alva under the semblance of an edict of pardon, that " if they did not immediately submit they should be utterly exterminated with fire and sword, and what remained of their land given to strangers to dwell in."

They renewed with vigour their preparations for defence, repaired and strengthened the fortifications of the towns, and collected stores of provisions and ammunition as abundant as the exhausted state of the Country permitted. The prince and states at the same time, neglected no means of replenishing the finances; but for this purpose they were obliged to resort to the unpopular measures of seizing the church property and the estates of fugitives, as well as the granting of licences and permits to trading vessels; the people, however, paid all without a murmur. A council of state was also appointed, (without any mention of the king,) to dispose of the confiscated property, and to punish the irregularities of the governors of garrisons, captains, and soldiers 2.

  1. Bor, boek vi., M. 44Ê-448.
  2. Grotius, Ann. Belg., lib, ii.p.58. Meeren, boek iv. vol. 94.

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1573 Ample time was given to the Hollanders to arrange their affairs, in consequence of a mutiny which broke out among the troops engaged at the siege of Haarlem, to whom twenty-eight months arrears of pay were due. It was appeased with great difficulty at the end of seven weeks, when Alva determined to make a decisive attack on Holland both by land and water, and with this view commanded his son, Don Frederic di Toledo, to march to the siege of Alkmaar, and repaired in person to Amsterdam to inspect the equipment of a fleet of thirty ships; of which the largest, bearing the ominous name of the Inquisition, carried thirty-two guns and 350 men 1.

Don Frederic laid siege to Alkmaar at the head of 16,000 able and efficient troops; within the town were 1300 armed burghers and 800 soldiers, as many perhaps as it was at that time capable of containing. With this handful of men the citizens of Alkmaar defended themselves no less resolutely than the Haarlemmers had done. The fierce onslaughts of the Spaniards were beaten back with uniform success on the part of the besieged; the women and girls were never seen to shrink from the fight, even where it was hottest, but unceasingly supplied the defenders with stones and burning missiles, to throw amongst their enemies.

At last the Spaniards scarcely dared to show themselves beyond their trenches; but as there were no means of conveying reinforcements to the besieged from without, and their supplies began to fail, they resolved, after a month's siege, on the desperate measure of cutting through the dykes. Some troops sent by Sonnoy having effected this, and opened the sluices, the whole Country was soon deluged with water. Don Frederic, astounded at this novel mode of warfare, and fearing that himself and his whole army would be drowned, broke up his camp in haste, and fled, rather than retreated, to Amsterdam 2.

  1. Bor, boek vi., bL 460.
  2. Idem, 465. Meteren, boek iv., fol. 96.

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It seemed almost as though the blessing which the Prince of Orange had promised his people had come upon them. The capture of Geertruydenberg, about this time, by one of his lieutenants, was followed by a naval victory, as signal as it was important. The Admiral Bossu, to whom was given the command of the fleet at Amsterdam, having sailed through the Pampus with the design of occupying the Zuyderzee, and thus making himself master of the towns of North Holland, enCountered the fleet of those towns, consisting of twenty-four vessels, commanded by Admiral Dirkson, stationed in the Zuyderzee to await his arrival.

Several days were consumed in partial skirmishes, the wind not permitting the ships to come to a general engagement; when at length a favourable breeze springing up, the Dutch vessels made sail straight towards the enemy, by whom they were received with a heavy fire. Being so poorly supplied with ammunition as to be unable to return it, the Hollanders ran in amongst their opponents, and the Admiral Dirkson bringing up his prow close to the Inquisition, in which was Bossu himself, threw out the grappling irons, and succeeded in making her fast. Scarcely was this effected when one John Harink, a volunteer from Hoorn, sprang on board and hauled down the admiral's flag. He was instantly shot dead; but the circumstance tended in no small degree to damp the ardour of the combatants on the Spanish side.

The other Holland vessels, in like manner, forced their enemies to come to a close fight, which lasted with little intermission from the afternoon of the 11th of October 1573 to midday of the 12th, during which time two of the royalist ships were sunk and a third captured; the remainder then lost courage, and throwing the greater portion of their guns overboard to expedite their sailing, fled into the Pampus. Bossu seeing himself wholly deserted, and that every means of escape was cut off, proposed a surrender upon terms which, after some difficulty, were accepted, and he was carried prisoner to Hoorn.

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Unfortunately, for some reason which does not appear, the Dutch neglected to pursue the fugitive and disabled vessels, which, if they had done, there is little doubt that the whole would have been captured or destroyed. On intelligence of the issue of the battle, Alva quitted Amsterdam in haste and secrecy. This success delivered the towns of North Holland from the most imminent danger, and rendered the possession of Amsterdam nearly useless to the royalists, since the Gueux surrounding it on all sides, effectually barred the communication with the southern provinces 1.

As Alva was unable to obtain any farther remittances from Spain, and had wholly failed in the exaction of the tenth, he was driven to have recourse to the irksome and now hazardous measure of summoning the states-general, in order to obtain from them a vote of subsidy. Upon their assembling at Brussels, the states of Holland despatched an earnest and eloquent address, exhorting them to emancipate themselves from Spanish slavery and the cruel tyranny of Alva, which the want of unanimity in the provinces had alone enabled him to exercise. If, they urged, the united forces of Spain, Italy, Germany, and France, had been unable to conquer the strip of land which formed the province of Holland, how easy would it have been for them, had they made it a common cause, to have preserved entire the liberties, peace, and wealth of their Country; since it was from the Netherlands alone that Alva drew strength and resources to enable him to oppress the Netherlands.

  1. Velius Hoorn, boek iii., bl. 221—225.

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If, at last, Holland were subdued, he would take vengeance on the whole of the provinces as rebels, for refusing the tenth; but that, they observed, would be no trifling task, since they wore determined to perish, one town after another, man by man, rather than submit to so disgraceful a slavery 1. Their remonstrance appears to have been attended with a powerful effect, since the states-general could neither by threats or remonstrances be induced to grant the smallest subsidy.

At the same time, the states of Holland forwarded a petition to the king, wherein, after recapitulating the cruelties and enormities of Alva, they declared that it was never their intention to take up arms against their sovereign, but solely to relieve themselves from the tyranny of the Spaniards, which they were resolved never to endure 2.

From their previous acts, we should be rather led to suppose, that they had not, from the first, any real intention of returning under the dominion of Philip, and that the petition was merely framed for the purpose of placing their cause in a favourable light before the world. However this may be, they had soon an opportunity of evincing their sincerity, since Alva, having become heartily weary of the government he had involved in such irretrievable confusion, now obtained his recall; his place was filled by Don Louis de Requesens, grand commander of Castile 3.

In the November of this year, Alva quitted the Netherlands, leaving behind him a name which has become a bye-word of hatred, scorn, and execration. He is described as tall and spare in person, his Countenance long and pallid, with eyes deeply sunk in the forehead, and expressive of harshness and austerity;

  1. Bor, boek vi., bl. 459, et seq.
  2. Idem, 471.
  3. Meteren, boek iv., fol. 90,

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1573 insolent to an excess towards his equals and inferiors; overhearing and opiniated, hut penetrating, sagacious, and eloquent; devotedly faithful to his sovereign, it is jet remarkable that, though employed and trusted for sixty years by Philip and his father, he possessed not the smallest share of the affection of either. In ability and experience, he stood unrivalled among the commanders of his age; but while firm and fertile in resources in adversity, he was puffed up by prosperity to a height of arrogance amounting to folly. Accustomed from his earliest years to serve in the barbarous wars waged by his Country against the Moors, and in Italy, France, and Hungary, he had learned to look on human suffering, and to trample on the rights and shed the blood of mankind, with a remorseless and reckless indifference which seems hardly credible.

Were the pages of Italian and American history closed to us, we might, indeed, hesitate to believe even the grave and upright historians of the time, in the accounts they have transmitted of the ferocious cruelties which the Spaniards continually practised, and to which Alva gave his connivance and encouragement. During the six years that he had governed the Netherlands, 18,000 persons had perished by the hand of the executioner, besides the numbers massacred at Naarden, Zutphen and other conquered cities, and those whom the Spanish soldiers put to death in the wantonness of impunity.

The amount of profits from confiscated estates was said to be 8,000,000 of guilders yearly; nor was the property of hospitals, almshouses, or orphan asylums, spared in the general plunder. The Spaniards were accustomed to take whatever they chose without payment, observing, that everything in the Netherlands belonged to them, as forfeited for rebellion; the smallest resistance was followed by instant death; the husbands and fathers who attempted to protect their families from their brutality, were slaughtered on the spot; some they flayed alive, and used their skins for drums; others had their flesh torn off with red-hot pincers; and others were roasted before a slow fire, to force them to reveal their treasures.

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Even the ashes of the dead were not left in peace, but disinterred and burnt, under the pretext that they had died without confession. One man was condemned and put to death because he had afforded shelter for a single night to his only son, proscribed for heresy; another for bestowing a morsel of food on the widow of a person executed for the same cause; a female of high rank, eighty-four years of age, was publicly beheaded at Utrecht, in the presence of Alva, for having on one occasion received a reformed preacher into her house; and many rich and noble ladies were stripped of their possessions for holding communication with their husbands, who had been outlawed as fugitives. Nevertheless, Vargas, on his departure with Alva, remarked, that the King of Spain had lost the Netherlands through an excess of clemency and forbearance.

Contrary to the expectations of many, Philip received Alva with every appearance of favour, and continued, with one short intermission, to trust and employ him till his death, which happened during the expedition to Portugal, in 1582. His last act was to place on his master's head the crown of that kingdom, the conquest of which he effected in the space of ten weeks 1.

  1. Campana, lib. iii., p. 68. Meteren, boek iv., fol. 96—98. Bor, boek vi., 464, et passim. Hooft, boek viii., bl. 383. Da Maurier, p. 65.

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NOTES.

Note A. (Page 7.)

The following extracts will serve to show that this position is mot assumed upon insufficient grounds; they are taken from the " Description of the Netherlands," published by Louis Guicciardini 1, in 1563, three years before the first outbreak of the disturbances with Spain.

In this work, the fruit of many years diligent observation, the author informs us, that 300 merchant ships were accustomed to cast anchor every year at Amsterdam, where they found such a ready market for their wares, that they were usually cleared by the fifth or sixth day; and that Arnemuyden (a town in Zealand of secondary importance, and having no voice in the assembly of the states) was noted for the immense number of vessels constantly in its harbour, whence there often sailed fleets of from fifty to two hundred ships, besides numerous single vessels trading to and from Antwerp.

Holland employed 600 vessels, of from fifty to one hundred tons each, in the herring fishery: and the average number of large merchant ships was above 800. The importation of corn from Denmark, Poland, and the Hanse towns, into the province of Holland alone, averaged 6,480,000 bushels, while the butter and cheese exported from thence brought in a revenue of 1,000,000 of florins. The value of the exportations in general may be estimated from the fact, that the single town of Gouda paid an export duty of 3000 ducats annually, upon so simple an article of commerce as the Dutch tiles.

We are told also, that although Holland produced no flax, more fine linen was made there than in any other Country of the world, the yarn being imported chiefly from Flanders; nor was the manufacture of cloth less extensive, although wholly dependent on foreign wools, since 12,000 bales were made in the town of Haarlem alone: in like manner, although the Country afforded no materials for ship building, more vessels were constructed and equipped in the ports of Holland, than in almost all the rest of Europe together. Lad. Ouicc Belg. Des., torn. ii.y p. 92, 93, 94, 110, 183, 243. We shall see during the course of the history, that the Dutch were able frequently to equip navies sufficiently powerful to withstand those of France and the Hanse towns, and to send forth large fleets of merchant vessels, as well as ships of war.

  1. Uncle of the celebrated historian of that name.

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Note B. (Page 22)

The time of the foundation of the County of Holland is involved in great obscurity, and I will not enter into the tedious discussion as to whether it should be fixed in 863, according to the most prevalent opinion, or, as others say, in the year 922. For the former date we have the authority of Melis Stoke, John of Leyden, Beka, Barlandus, Meyer, and numerous others; while Buchelius, the annotator of the Chronicle of Beka, Schryver, John van der Dors the younger, and the author of the admirable " Vaterlandache Historie," (Wagenaar) insist upon the latter.

The origin and rise of the County are, I believe, here traced with as much clearness as the intricacy of the subject admits of; and the facts stated are home out by the documents preserved in the " Diplomata" of Miraeus, of the authenticity of which there seems no reason to doubt: one or two brief observations, therefore, will suffice to prove, that neither of the foregoing conjectures is absolutely correct.

Charles the Bald of France, by whom the original grant in 863 1 was supposed to have been made, possessed no part of Holland, since all the land between the Rhine and the Meuse was included in the kingdom of Lorraine; and Charles the Simple, who did in fact bestow Egmond and its dependencies on Theodore I. in 912, was in 922 engaged in a war with the rebel, Duke Robert of Paris, who had usurped his crown 2; and consequently it was highly improbable that he should confer grants of those lands of which at that time he was not even in possession, since little more than Aquitaine was left to him by the usurper.

  1. The County of Flanders was, in fact, founded at this period; and either this circumstance may hare given rise to the mistake, or the monks of EgmoodJ, the first chroniclers of Holland, may have wilfully falsified the date in the charter, as not wishing the origin of their nation to appear less ancient than that of the Flemings, their neighbours and rivals.
  2. Wily, Hist, de France, torn, ii., p. 205,

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Note C (Page 37)

The historian Wagcnaar (Vat. Hist., boek vii., No. 1.) is of opinion that the Counts of Holland had no footing in Friesland, east of the Zuyderzee, until long after this period. But the whole of the land lying between the Yssel and " Liore," is mentioned in the grant of Otho III. to Theodore II., Count of Holland: and the latter is much more likely to be the Lauwers in Friesland, than, as Wagenaar supposes, the small stream of the Lee in the southern part of Delftland, which, as Medemblick and the Texel are also named, would exclude the Country lying between, that is, the greater portion of Delftland, and the whole of Rhynland and North Holland : indeed, a single glance at the map will suffice to show that it was hardly possible this stream could have been the boundary fixed upon for the County.

The supposition that the Lauwers is in reality the river meant, besides the similarity of the name, is further confirmed by the great probability which exists, that the Zuyderzee was still, as in the time of the Romans, an inland sea, Friesland and West Friesland forming one continued tract of land along the north of it, intersected by the Vlie, which connected the Zuyderzee with the ocean, the rivers Medemblick, Chimelosara, and other small streams.

A flood, which happened in 1173, considerably extended the limits of the Zuyderzee, and from that period until 1396 it continued gradually to increase, overflowing " whole forests and many thousand acres of land, so that large ships might be navigated where carriages used to travel." In 1396 another deluge occurred, which formed the Marsdiep, separated the islands of Texel, Vlielandt, and Wieringen from the main land, and drowned the land around Enkhuyzen and Medemblick 1.

We may therefore conclude that the rivers Medemelec, or Medemblick, and Kinnem in Kemmerland, with the Texel, were the boundaries of the County, as granted by Otho III., on the west 2, and the Lauwers on the east. The Emperor Lothaire certainly made a grant of Friesland, in 1125, to his nephew Theodore VI.; but if the rights of the Counts of Holland were founded solely upon this charter, it is hardly probable that the Emperor Frederic I. should have considered their claims and those of the bishops of Utrecht so equal, as to decide that the government should be divided between them (in 1165), since the grant of

  1. Schryver's Graaven, deel i., bl. 343.
  2. The portion of Holland' around Egmond was granted by Charles the Simple, king of France,

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Lothaire was long subsequent to those of Henry IV. of 1077 ad 1086, upon which the bishops grounded their pretensions. John of Leyden, speaking of the grant of Lothaire, says, that he again incorporated the land in question with the County of Holland, according to the ancient rights, "secundum antiqua privilegia iterum incorporavit 1. He likewise tells us, that Friesland had been wrested from Holland, by Egbert, margrave of Brandenborg 2, which opinion is adopted by the author of the Netherland Cronicle 3, and by Heda 4, but controverted by Buohelius, the annotator of the latter (Note " c,") on the ground that the expulsion of the Count of Holland is not mentioned in the diplomas of Henry IV. to the bishop of Utrecht: but it does not appear probable that either the emperor who made the grants, or the bishop who obtained them, would voluntarily adduce any pretensions which the Counts of Holland may have had to the territories conferred by them.

  1. Lib. xvii., cap. 2.
  2. Lib. xv., cap. 5.
  3. Divis. x., cap. 10
  4. P. 138,

Note D. (Page 125.)

Suspicions have been cast upon Edward, as if guilty of a previous knowledge of the murder of Count Florence; they are, however, not borne out by facts. It is true that the chief instigator of that plot, the Lord of Cuyck, was engaged to perform any service that the King of England might require of him, in consideration of the sum of 2000 livres; but we are not justified in concluding that the treaty was made between them with a view to this particular transaction, since it was merely such an one as petty princes frequently entered into with rich and powerful monarchs; nor were the terms of it unusual, since Waleran, lord of Monjoie and Hauquemont, bound himself to the service of Edward nearly at the same time, is a manner precisely similar : " Et sur ces (i. e, the 2000 livres,) lui avions faite homage, et foiauté, pur li loiaument servir a notre poer, et consailler." There is likewise no evidence to show that the conspirators themselves entertained any other design at first, than that of conveying Count Florence to imprisonment in England or Flanders, which being prevented by the Naardeners and Frieslanders they suddenly resolved upon putting him to death, lest his rescue should be achieved. It is far less easy to acquit Edward of an active participation in the iniquitous scheme of confining Florence

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in prison for the remainder of his life. The angry terms in which he expressed himself with regard to the Count's alliance with France 1; the promise of assistance made to the conspirators at Cambray by his temporary vassal, the Lord of Cuyck, a promise which could hardly have been ventured upon without his sanction; the fact that the conspirators carried their prisoner to Muyden for the purpose of transporting him thence to England; and, above all, a letter which he wrote to the emperor, only two days before the Count's death, wherein he makes use of this remarkable expression, " speramus enim quod magis in persona filii, quam in persona patris res eadem foret salva," are circumstances that fix upon him a considerable, if not the largest share in the guilt of this enterprise, to which he was prompted at once by a feeling of vengeance against Florence for having forsaken his alliance, and by the ambition of exercising unbounded influence in the affairs of Holland when the nominal government was lodged in the hands of his infant son-in-law.

  1. Rym. Feed., torn. ii. p. 117.

Note E. (Page 149.)

With the account of this marriage ends the Rhyme Chronicle of the monk of Egmond, Melis Stoke: a work which, whether in regard to the fidelity and judgment displayed in the relation of the facts, or (considering the age in which it was written) the purity and dignity of the language, is of inestimable value to the literature as well as to the history of Holland; and honourable alike to the author and to the Country which produced him, at a time when rude rhymes and monkish legends constituted the chief of the poetry and history of the northern nations of Europe.

The " Rym-chronyk" is written in the "ottava rima," or verses of eight feet, the measure being preserved less by the exact number of syllables, than by emphases and points, in the same manner as in our own Chaucer: the versification, well sustained throughout is in many parts by no means deficient in softness and harmony, but constantly adheres to the simplicity of history, being wholly destitute of poetical imagery, or rhetorical ornament. The early part of the Chronicle is brief, and often somewhat obscure, being probably intended merely as an introduction to the contemporary history, which commences with the reign of Florence V., when the details become sufficiently full, and the descriptions often graphic and striking;

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they are intermingled, however, with tedious and common place reflections, which the learned editor, Huydecoper, conjectures with great probability, to have been the interpolations of some of the transcribing monks: indeed, the terse and vigorous style of the author himself may be distinguished by the most superficial reader.

The farewell address to the young Count William, then about nineteen, is so remarkable for its boldness and simplicity, that I cannot resist the temptation of inserting it at length:

—" Lord of Holland, noble Count. I, Melis Stoke, your poor clerk, have finished this work for your behoof, and for the honour of God. Take heed that you lose not the good name you now have: else will your condition be worse than if you had never gained it, and all your foregone labour fruitless. Think always on virtue: give all you can, but be careful what you give, and to whom you give it Look into the mouths of your parasites, and see whether they flatter for gain. Do justice over the whole land, to the lord and to the peasant. Measure out right, and justice to every one according to his deserts; so if he complain, he shall complain without cause: if you do not this, you do ill, and he shall trample you under foot, and say, the devil may serve and love such a master. Reward him who serves you; so will he remain your constant friend. Judge the rich as well as the poor, and let not the poor make lamentation. If you do this, you shall do well. Be courteous in deed and word, and maintain a firm Countenance. Keep moderation in all things. Love the holy Church, and honour clerks, priests, and monks ; so shall our Lord strengthen you. Despise not the poor, but do good to him; that is to do well. God preserve your worldly honour in this life; and after this life, may you come to where holy angels praise the Lord. This may the Child of Mary grant; and let all who love the Count say, Amen."

Note F. (Page 165)

A moment's reflection on the relative situation of the two classes at this period will show us, that hatred and dissensions must of necessity spring up between them. The feudal system was now on the decline: the sovereigns by such restraints as they had been able to impose on the custom of private war, and on the exercise of the hereditary jurisdictions of the nobles, (by the encouragement of appeals from the Barons, Courts to their own,) had lessened considerably the dread and respect which this order had formerly

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inspired: while the towns had, during the crusades, risen from various causes in wealth and importance.

The communication with the east, during the same period, had inspired the nobility with a taste for luxury and magnificence, which the extended commerce of the towns enabled them to gratify: and as the estates of the former no longer sufficed to supply their multiplied wants, and they had no other means of increasing their resources than the inadequate and uncertain expedient of military plunder, they were frequently reduced to solicit loans from the rich and industrious burghers, and were accordingly at once dependent upon, and jealous of them.

Debased by their poverty, and insolent from the pride of their high birth, they alternately cringed to, and plundered the wealthy and peaceful traders. The commons, on the other hand, sustaining alone the pecuniary burdens of the state, envied the privileges enjoyed by the nobles, whom they detested for their tyranny, rapacity, and debauchery, and despised for their ignorance and indolence, and the puerile vanity which led them to squander their incomes in splendid festivals and gauds for the decoration of their persons; while they themselves, beginning now pretty generally to assert and use the right of taking up arms in their own defence, rather sought to repel violence by violence, and repay aggression with aggression, than to shelter themselves under thé protection and restraint of the laws.

The sovereigns meanwhile, now supporting the people with a view of creating a balance to the aristocratic power, and flattering them in order to draw supplies from their pockets to their own empty exchequer—now prompted by ancient prejudices, and their instinctive dread of popular control, to lend their favour and Countenance to the nobles—rather exasperated than curbed the rancorous passions that agitated both.

Note G. (Page 207

The following is the letter addressed by the Countess Jacoba to Humphry of Gloucester (commonly called the "Good Duke Humphry), as translated by Johnes from Monstrelet's Chronicle: "

--- My very dear and redoubted lord and father, in the most humble of manners in this world, I recommend myself to your kind favour. May it please you to know, my very redoubted lord and father, that I address myself to you as the most doleful, most ruined, and most treacherously deceived woman living; for, my very dear lord,

618 NOTES.

on Sunday, the I3th of this present month of June, the deputies of your town of Mons returned, and brought with them a treaty that had been agreed on between our fair cousin of Burgundy and our fair cousin of Brabant; which treaty had been made in the absence and without the knowledge of my mother, as she herself signifies to me, and confirmed by her chaplain, Master Gerard Ie Grand.

" My mother, most redoubted lord, has written to me letters, certifying the above treaty haying been made; but that in regard to it, she knew not how to advise me, for that she was herself doubtful how to act. She desired me, however, to call an assembly of the principal burghers of Mons, and learn from them what aid and advice they were willing to give me. Upon this, my sweet lord and father, I went on the morrow to the town-house, and remonstrated with them, that it had been at their request and earnest entreaties that you had left me under their safeguard and on their oaths, that they would be true and loyal subjects, and take especial care of me, so that they should be enabled to give you good accounts on your return; and these oaths had been taken on the holy sacrament at the altar, and on the sacred evangelists.

"To this my harangue, my dear and honoured lord, they simply replied, that they were not sufficiently strong within the town to defend and guard me; and instantaneously they rose in tumult, saying that my people wanted to murder them; and, my sweet lord, they carried matters so far that, in despite of me, they arrested one of your sergeants, called Maquart, whom they immediately beheaded, and hanged very many who were of your party and strongly attached to your interest, such as Bardould de la Porte, his brother Colart, and others, to the number of 250 of you adherents. They also wished to seize Sir Baldwin the treasurer, and Sir Louis de Montfort; but though they did not succeed, I know not what they intend doing; for, my very dear lord, they plainly told me that unless I make peace, they will deliver me into the hands of the Duke of Brabant, and that I shall only remain eight days longer in their town, when I shall be forced to go into Flanders, which will be to me the most painful of events; for I very much fear that, unless you shall hasten to free me from the hands I am now in, I shall never see you more. Alas! my most dear and redoubted father, my whole hope is in your power, seeing, my sweet lord and only delight, that all my sufferings arise from my love to you. I therefore entreat, in the most humble manner possible, and for the love of God, that you would be pleased to haw compassion on me and on my affairs; for you must hasten to succour your most doleful creature, if you do not wish to lose her forever.

619

" I have hopes that you will do as I beg, for, dear father, have never behaved ill to you in my whole life, and so long as I shall live I will never do any thing to displease you, but I am ready to die for love of you and your noble person.

" Your government pleases me much; and by my faith, my very redoubted lord and prince, my sole consolation and hope, I beg you will consider; by the love of God and of my lord St. George, the melancholy situation of myself and my affairs more maturely than you have hitherto done, for you seem entirely to have forgotten me.

" Nothing more do I know at present than that I ought sooner to have sent Sir Louis de Montfort to you, for he cannot longer remain here, although he attended me when all the rest deserted me; and he will tell you more particularly all that has happened than I can do in a letter. I entreat, therefore, that you will be a kind lord to him, and send me your good pleasure and commands, which I will most heartily obey. This is known to the blessed Son of God, whom I pray to grant you a long and happy life, and that I may have the great joy of seeing you soon.

"Written in the false and traitorous town of Mons, with a doleful heart, the 16th day of June." The letter was signed " your sorrowful and well-beloved daughter, suffering great grief by your commands—your daughter, De Quienebourg."

Note H. (Page 346)

The epithet of "moneyless," bestowed on Maximilian, and better applied than the cognomens usually given to princes, was a consequence no less of his political situation, than of his personal character. A portion, and not the larger portion, of his dominions consisted of the Netherlands, the most industrious and wealthy states in Europe; states which not long before had supported the splendid and voluptuous court of Philip of Burgundy, and of which a few provinces, in this same century, were indebted for their success in a protracted war against Spain, the mistress of the treasures of the new world, chiefly to their superior regularity in the payment of their troops: yet Maximilian, lord of these rich provinces, was, from his poverty, an object of mistrust to his allies, and of contempt to his enemies. The principal cause of this seeming anomaly is to be found in the new system of politics introduced by Louis XI. of

620

France, which, rendering each nation, instead of an isolated individual, a member of a great political body, had widened the views and extended the sphere of action of the principal monarchs of Europe, while their increased efforts were unsupported at home by a regular method of taxation, or an economical system of finance.

The nobles still claimed exemption from the burdens of the state: the taxes paid by the industrious classes, and levied chiefly upon land and raw produce, or by means of irksome restrictions on commerce, drained the wealth of the Country even at the fountain bend; while for want of skilful regulations in the mode of collecting them, only a small portion of the funds extorted from the people found their way into the treasury of the sovereign. Henry YII of England was, at the end of the fifteenth, and beginning of the sixteenth century, the only wealthy prince of Europe; and of the mean he adopted to accumulate his riches, Lord Bacon has given us only too vivid a description.

The poverty of Maximilian was the mom conspicuous, because, while in appearance sovereign of a vast empire, he was in fact lord only of an assemblage of independent states, in not one of which, except his hereditary duchy of Austria, did he possess the power of taxing his subjects; and his schemes, begun without consideration, and abandoned without cause, were seldom sufficiently popular to induce his states to open their purses in his support.

Note I. (Page 519.)

The conduct of the Prince of Orange on this occasion has not wanted strenuous defenders; but it is impossible to plead for it either excuse or justification, and the cause of truth and virtue does but suffer in the attempt. The inclination which historians are too prone to gratify, to elevate into heroes the actors in the events of which they treat, and by enhancing their qualifications and disguising their failings, to give to their character an appearance of perfection of which human nature is incapable; besides that it is spurious and dishonest mode of exciting the interest of their readers, tends to throw an air of fiction and exaggeration over the whole, and renders them utterly valueless as models for imitation. William was unhappily placed in the situation in which every leader of a popular party must at one time or other find himself, when, in order to gain the numbers requisite to the success of his cause, the ambitious are to be gratified, the rapacious satiated, the vain flattered,

NOTES.

621

the lukewarm roused, and the timid encouraged or deceived.

His object was now to excite a general and active spirit of hostility to the government in the minds of the Netherlanders—inclined, like most trading and commercial people, rather to sit down patiently under a wrong, trusting to time and chance to work out a remedy, than to risk the loss of the actual advantages they enjoyed by adopting violent and coercive measures of redress; and to accomplish this, he scrupled not to violate the oath he had taken as councillor of state to advise the governess to the best of his ability, by giving counsels, the effect of which would be, as he was well aware, to embarrass her with difficulties, and involve her affairs in confusion.

The error into which so great and good a man was in this instance betrayed, affords evidence of the strength of the temptation which besets a party leader to commit acts in the heat of party contention, which his calmer reason would spurn, and to make deviations from the strict principle of rectitude and honour, which should be exquisitely painful to an upright mind.


END OP THE FIRST VOLUME

 

Part 2, Chapter 7

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Part 2

CHAPTER VII

490

Assemblies of the States. Truce with France. Renewal of the war. Battle of St. Quentin. Reduction of Calais by the Duke of Guise. Battle of Gravelingues. Peace. Philip solicits the erection of new Bishopricks from the Pops. Unpopularity of the Measure. Other causes of Dissatisfaction among the Netherlanders. Philip's intended departure for Spain, Appointment of Margaret, Duchess of Parma, as Governess of the Netherlands. Philip sets sail from Flushing. Council of State. Authority possessed by the Cardinal of Granvelle. Discontents of the Nobles and People. Gravelle retires. Affaire conducted by the Prince of Orange and his Adherents. Evils of their Administration. Egmond's Embassy to Spain. Decrees of the Council of Trent enforced. Inquisition and penal Edicts. Ferment in the Netherlands. Confederacy of the Nobles. The "Gueux." Scheme for moderating the penal Edicts. Embassy of Bergen and Montigny to Spain* Public Preachings of the Reformers. Iconoclasts. Effect of their Oatrages on the Mind of the Governess, and of the King. Margaret temporizes. Intercepted letters to her. Meeting of the discontented Nobles. Their difference of Opinion. Margaret makes use of it to dissolve the Confederacy. Her Success. Renewal of Severities against the Reformers. Margaret takes up Arms, Siege of Valenciennes, Decline of the popular Party. Division between Orange and Egmond. Defeat of the confederate Troops at Oosterwel. Surrender of Valenciennes. Rumour of the Duke of Alva's March into the Netherlands. Abolition of the Reformed Worship. Flight of the Prince of Orange. Alva embarks from Spain. Death of the Marquis of Bergen. General Desertion of the Netherlands.

PHILIP III.

1555 Whatever forboding suspicions the Dutch might have entertained of the ultimate designs of their young sovereign—whatever secret mistrust of the rectitude of his principles of government, they allowed none of these feelings to appear. An assembly of the states being held soon after his accession, by Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy, whom he had appointed Governor-general of the Netherlands, the demand of 200,000 guilders, which in the early part of the year had been met with so many complaints of poverty and distress, was renewed; and although the same difficulties continued unabated, and that it appeared necessary in order to raise the required sum, to impose a daty upon nearly every article of raw produce exported from Holland, the deputies readily consented to the Whole sum asked of them 1.

  1. Adrian van der Goes, Regist. op'tjaar 1555, bl. 69—87. From the list of articles to be taxed, it appears that Holland was in the habit of exporting turf, butter, cheese, horses, kine, salt, fresh and dried fish, rabbits, fowl, and crayons. Idem, 61,62.

491

A fresh demand made on the part of the king in the next year, first aroused the spirit of opposition against him. It was proposed to the states, that a 1556 hundredth should be paid on immoveable property, and a fiftietssh of merchants profits. The deputies of the states of Holland, having ascertained that those of Flanders and Brabant had determined to resist the Imposition of a similar tax, declared that it would be impossible to carry it into effect in Holland, as well on account of the expense of collection, as the probability there was that men would take false oaths as to the amount of their incomes, and the oppression it would cause to the poorer classes. Finding them obstinate in their refusal, the king agreed to accept a petition of 300,000 guilders in lieu of the hundredth and fiftietssh 1.

There appeared the less occasion for these extras-ordinary burdens, as a truce with the King of Prance was concluded in the beginning of this year, under the mediation of Cardinal Pole, ambassador from England to that court. It was again broken, however, at the end of a few months, by the interference of Pope Paul IV., who, aggrieved that Henry should have treated without making him a party to the negotiations, and yet not venturing openly to avow his discontent» sent the Cardinal Caraffa as his legate to France, for the purpose of effecting its rupture.

  1. Adrian ran der Goes, 1556, bl. 8—11, 23—59.

492

By flattering Henry with the present of the consecrated sword, as Defender of the Catholic Church, and by exciting his fears lest Spain, now that she was secure on the side of France, should employ the whole force of her arms in the conquest of Italy, the cardinal succeeded in persuading him to violate his engagements; and accordingly, without any previous declaration of war, the 1557 king sent the Duke of Guise with a powerful army into Piedmont, while hostilities were commenced in the Netherlands by an unsuccessful attempt to surprise Douay 1.

Philip was no sooner aware of the designs of France, than he repaired to England, where he prevailed upon the queen, over whose actions her fondness for his person gave him entire control, to declare war against Henry. He likewise assembled in the Netherlands a body of 35,000 foot and 12,000 horse, whom he placed under the command of Emmanuel of Savoy, governor-general of the Netherlands; and taking advantage of the circumstance, that France, by the expedition to Italy, was left destitute of the greater portion of her veteran troops, he ordered his general to carry the war into the enemy's boundary, by laying siege to St Quentin, where his army was joined by 3000 English, under the Count of Pembroke, and the Lords Clinton and Grey. The town being slenderly, garrisoned Coligny, admiral of France, succeeded with some difficulty in effecting an entry with a small reinforcement of troops, which enabled it to sustain the siege, until the Constable Montmorenci could advance to its relief at the head of fifteen regiments of French and twenty-two of German infantry.

  1. Thuanus, lib. xvii., cap. 4, 7 ; lib. xviii., cap. 1, 2.

493

 1557 Montmorenci, on his approach, found that the Netherland commander had drawn out his forces before the walls of St. Quentin, in readiness to give him battle, 2000 of his troops having taken their post at a mill somewhat in advance of the main army. The engagement commencing with these, they were driven back with considerable slaughter, when Lamoral, Count of Egmond, at the head of the Netherland horse, made a sudden attack on the enemy's flank, which caused them to waver; perceiving this, the Counts of Mansfeldt, Hoogstradt, and Lalain assaulted them in front with such impetuosity, that their ranks were speedily broken: the flight, begun by the servants of the camp, soon became universal among the cavalry; the infantry, however, continued the fight during nearly four hours longer, but were at length nearly all disabled: 2500 of the French were killed, among whom were John of Bourbon, brother of the Prince of Condé, and several others of the most illustrious nobility; and the whole of the artillery and baggage, together with an immense number of prisoners taken 1.

Amazement and consternation spread through the French court at the news of this fatal defeat. An immediate advance upon Paris was regarded as its inevitable consequence, and Henry began to make hasty preparations for the expected siege; but happily for France, and perhaps, in the result, for himself also, Philip was satisfied to follow up his victory by the capture of St. Quentin, Ham, and Chastelet, which gave the king time to recall the Duke of Guise, with 2000 choice troops, from Italy.

  1. Thuanus, lib. xix., cap. 9, 10.

494

After his departure, Pope Paul, deserting the ally who had involved himself in the war solely at his instigation, concluded a separate peace with Philip, of which the renunciation of the alliance with Henry was made the principal condition 1. Guise, on his return to France, was made lieutenant-general of the kingdom in the room of Montmorenci, who had been taken prisoner at the battle of St Quentin, and to the remnant of the army placed under his command were added besides a new levy of 4000 Swiss, a number of German mercenaries, whose tem of service with the King of Spain having expired, went over to the French camp.

Despairing of being able to recover the places lately captured, which had been carefully fortified and provisioned under the personal inspection of Philip, Guise marched toward Calais which he mastered after a siege of only seven days 2. Gaines, also, another town possessed by the English, capitulated upon the firing of a few shots. Having restored courage to the French soldiers by these successes, he invaded the duchy of Luxemburg, and took possession of Thionville 3.

Meanwhile, the Sieur de Thermes, whom he had left in command of Calais, marched with a force of about 14,000 strong into Flanders, and passing by Gravelingues, surprised and plundered Dunkirk. Here he halted, expecting to be joined by the main army for the purpose of pursuing the conquest of Flanders. Guise, however, remaining unnaCountably inactive in Luxemburg, during a period of seventeen days after the capture of Thionville, gave the Count of Egmond time to collect troops out of the different garrisons to the number of 12,000 infantry, and 8000 cavalry.

  1. Thuanus, lib.xix., cap. 11, J3. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust, lib. xv, cap. 3.
  2. It is said that a great number of persons within the walls, being corrupted by French gold, he had been informed that but slight resistance would be offered. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aast., lib, xv., cap. 4.
  3. Thuanus, lib. xix., cap. 13,14 ; lib. xx., cap. 2,12.

495

1558 With these ha advanced by rapid marches towards Dunkirk, when Thermes retreated to Gravelingues, intending to return if possible to Calais. Being overtaken by Egmond, who had left his artillery behind, that the celerity of his movements might not be impended, he perceived that no resource was left to him but to come to a regular engagement. He therefore took up an advantageous position near Gravelingues with the river Aa on his right, and the sea in his rear; and placing the baggage and waggons on his left, with the artillery in front, awaited the attack of Egmond's troops, The van of the French army was occupied by some regiments of Gascons, who steadily withstood the assault of the Netherlanders, and even threw them into some embarrassment by the fire of the artillery, the general's horse being killed under him.

Undaunted at this reception, and confident in his somewhat superior numbers, Egmond commanded his soldiers to close with the enemy, himself leading the charge. They fought hand to hand for several hours, the Netherlanders animated by the example and exhortations of their leader; the French conscious that in victory lay-their only hope of safety, and the issue of the contest appeared still doubtful, when ten English vessels, having by a mere chance entered the river Aa, attacked the latter on the right flank, where they deemed themselves secure. The cavalry was instantly thrown into utter confusion, which soon extended itself to the infantry; 1500 were slain; numbers perished in their flight by the hands of the peasants, or were drowned in the Aa; about 3000 were made prisoners, and 200 taken by the English, and carried home as trophies of the victory 1.

  1. Thuanus, lib. xx., cap. 14.

496

1558 Upon intelligence of this disaster, Guise repaired in all haste to Pierrepoint, a town situated on the confines of Picardy and Champagne, convenient alike for collecting his forces, and for holding himself prepared to meet the attack of the enemy, in whatever direction it might be made. The King of France afterwards taking the command of the army in person, Philip likewise placed himself at the head of his troops, and the two armies encamped within a short distance of each other on the banks of the river Auth. Both being strongly entrenched, neither ventured to risk an assault on the enemy's camp, and the presence of these two powerful monarchs in the field was signalized by nothing further than a few unimportant skirmishes. Their vicinity, however, gave occasion to mutual overtures for an accommodation 1.

The negotiations, opened at Sercamp by the ambassadors of France, Spain, and England 2, were delayed for some time, first by the determination of the English to insist upon the restoration of Calais as an indispensable condition, and afterwards by the death of their queen, Mary. Her successor, Elizabeth, having made 1559 a separate treaty with France, whereby Calais was to remain in the hands of the king for eight years, after which he was either to restore it, or pay England 500,000 crowns, no further obstacle remained to a peace between the Kings of France and Spain, which was therefore concluded on the 3rd of April. It was agreed, that both parties should restore all the conguests they had made since the year 1551; that Philip should marry Elizabeth, eldest daughter of the king of France, and that Margaret, sister of Henry, should be given in marriage to Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy 3.

  1. Thuanus, lib. xx., cap, 17.
  2. On the part of France there appeared the Cardinal of Lorraine sat the Constable Montmorenci; from Philip, the Duke of Alva and the Prince of Orange; and from the court of England were sent, Thorlby, bishop of Ely, Lord Howard of Effingham, and Wotton, archbishop of York.
  3. Thuanus, lib. xx., cap. 20, 21. Rymer's Foedera, torn, xv., p. 107. Recueil des Traites de Leonard, torn, ii., p. 535.

497

This peace was less acceptable to the Netherlanders than it would otherwise have been, since the report was generally believed, and not without foundation, that it had been brought about by the intervention of the Cardinal of Lorraine, and Anthony Perrenot de Granvelle, bishop of Arras, in order that both sovereigns might be left at liberty to employ their whole power against the Reformers.

The King of France himself, indeed, had incautiously discovered to the Prince of Orange (ambassador on the part of Philip), on an occasion while hunting, that it was the intention of the King of Spain to unite his arms with those of France, if necessary, to extirpate the heretical sects in their respective dominions 1. If the opinion, that the ultimate design of the two monarchs was the destruction of the reformed religion, wanted confirmation, it was given by the first step which Philip took after the conclusion of the treaty. This was to solicit from the Pope, Paul IV., the erection of fourteen new bishoprics in the Netherlands, to provide, as he alleged, for the spiritual wants of an increased population, and to arrest the progress of heresy. Paul, anxious at once to gratify Philip, and to strengthen the hands of the church against the heretics, readily granted a bull to this effect, which was afterwards confirmed by his successor Pius IV. But although the king declared that Philip the Good had, more than a hundred years before,

  1. Thuanus, lib. xxii., cap. 6.

498

1559 entertained the design of increasing the number of bishops from a conviction of its necessity, and had recommended it on his deathbed to his son Charles, who was only prevented from executing it by the multiplicity of his other affairs—and that the emperor, his own father, had made it the most especial of his admonitions to him on his resignation—he found it impossible to reconcile the minds of any class of persons to the measure 1.

It was odious to the clergy, since the revenues of the new sees were to be created by alienating the funds of the old foundations and abbeys; to the nobles, in those provinces where the clergy formed an estate, because as the bishops would be summoned to the assemblies of the states in place of the abbots, their superior power and dignity would tend to lessen their own authority, and being appointed by the king, they would form a body wholly subservient to Spanish interests; while the people held a firm conviction, that the sole purpose for which the new bishops were instituted, was to increase and support the power of the inquisition; a conviction rendered still stronger by the fact, that each bishop was empowered to appoint nine prebendaries in his cathedral to assist the inquisition in the execution of its duties, two of their number being themselves inquisitors 2.

The very name of this tribunal had now become an object of horror and loathing to men of all ranks and opinions, Catholic as well as Protestant. No less than 50,000 industrious and peaceful citizens had perished in the Netherlands alone, from the effects of it, in conjunction with the penal edicts during the last reign 3;

  1. Strada de Bello Belgico, dec. i., lib. i., p. 22, 23. Minn Dip, torn, in., p. 523.
  2. Strada de Bel. Belg., dec. L, lib. il., p. 37. Mederen Nederl* Hist. boek ii., fol. 31.
  3. Dor's Oorsprong, begin und vervolgh der Nederlandsche Oorlogen, boek i., bl. 18. Autthentike Stukken. Idem, deel. i., bl. 6.

499

and its activity continued rather to increase 1559 than abate, although its officers were for the most part obliged to seize on suspected persons secretly, and by night, for fear of exciting tumults; and the execution of its judgments was attended by extreme difficulty and danger; since the people usually accompanied the victims in formidable numbers to the stake, singing psalms, exhorting, and consoling them; and not unfrequently rescued them by force from the hands of the executioners, or aided them in effecting their escape 1, The persistance in religious persecution was not the only cause of estrangement which had arisen between Philip and his subjects in the course of his four years residence among them.

Notwithstanding that the year 1557 was one of excessive dearth, insomuch, that had it not been for the arrival in Holland of 200 ships laden with grain from Denmark, the people must have suffered from the effects of famine to a fatal extent, the king reiterated his demand of a hundredth upon immoveable property, and a tenth and fifth upon the value of the salt, cloths, and various staple articles of export from Holland 2. This the states peremptorily refused, though they softened their denial by a loan of 100,000 guilders in the following year. Soon after, the states-general of the Netherlands consented to a petition of 800,000 guilders a year for nine years, but provided only that the administration of these funds should remain in their hands for the payment of the garrisons and regular troops; a condition at which the king conceived the deepest 1559 umbrage, as derogatory to his authority and insulting to his dignity.

  1. Meteren Nederl. Hist., boek ii., fol. 32. Brandt, Hist, der Ref., boek iv., bl. 227.
  2. Bor, Oorsprong, &c, boek i., bl. 16. Res. der Holl. Staaten op'tjaar 1567, bl. 105,110.

500

The comparison between Philip and his father was, moreover, by no means advantageous to the former. Charles, although he detested the popular institutions and despised the tolerant religious spirit of his Netherland subjects, had always borne them a strong personal attachment; he conformed to their customs, spoke their language, and treated them on all occasions with that freedom and familiarity to which they bad been accustomed from their sovereigns. He promoted the nobles to the highest offices in his government, and constantly distinguished them by marks of his peculiar favour; the Prince of Orange, especially, whom from his early youth he admitted to his most intimate confidence, and regarded with paternal affection.

The austere temper and suspicious disposition of Philip, on the contrary, was peculiarly distasteful to the frank and jovial character of the Netherlanders. He spoke no language but the Spanish, affected on all occasions the Spanish dress and manner, and took little notice of any but the Spanish nobles, by whom he was constantly surrounded, and who, from their pride, insolence, and ignorance, were viewed by the Netherlanders with mingled jealousy and contempt 1.

To these grounds of dissatisfaction was added the report, that the Spanish soldiers, instead of being disbanded, or returning to their own Country now that peace was restored, were to be put in possession of the strongest fortresses in the Netherlands, and that 8000 troops of that nation were shortly to be added to the 4000 already quartered in the Country.

  1. Resol. Holl., 1558, bl. 26. Meterai Nederl. Hist, b. L, fid. 16,17.
  2. Mem. de Du Maurier, p. 4—8. Strada De Bell. Belg., dec. L, lib. ii-, p. 47,48.

501

This excited deep murmurs, not only among the people, 1559 who declared that it was done with the design of bringing them under the yoke of the Spaniards, and of upholding by force the inquisition and the introduction of the new bishops, but likewise among the nobles and governments of the towns, who regarded it as a flagrant violation of the ancient privileges of the land 1.

Such was the state of men's minds when Philip signified his intention of quitting the Netherlands to return to Spain, and the important question came to be decided, into whose hands the government of the provinces should be consigned during his absence. Among the Netherland nobility, those who appeared from their character, station, and circumstances the most eligible to this office, were the Prince of Orange and the Count of Egmond. The eyes of the whole nation were, at this juncture, fixed upon these two nobles, formed no less by their different dispositions than by their relative situation to be rivals, and whom their common interest and their common discontents alone united in the bonds of a friendship, never, it is said, free from the existence of a lurking jealousy.

William, prince of Orange, a descendant from the ancient and powerful family of Nassau, of which a member, Adolphus of Nassau had, above two centuries before, borne the imperial crown, was of a character well fitted to sustain and augment the lustre of his house. Ere he had scarce reached the age of adolescence, (he was at this time no more than twenty-six,) the opinion entertained by the Emperor Charles V. of his wisdom and capacity was so exalted, that he was accustomed to permit him, and frequently him alone of all his court, to be present at the private audiences of foreign ambassadors, and to take part in all the most 1559 secret affairs of state;

  1. Bor. Oorsp., &c, boek i., bl. 18,19.

502

nor did he disdain to acknowledge that ideas and reflections, which had escaped his more experienced judgment, were often suggested by his youthful counsellor, who, on no one occasions was found to betray or abuse the trust thus reposed in hint Prudent and reserved, his thoughts were impenetrable, even to those admitted to his most intimate friendship; neither the blandishments of affection, nor the subtlety of envy, ever surprised him for a moment off his guard, or tempted him to disclose that which he wished to conceal; his power of gaining the good-will and confidence of those to whom he addressed himself was unbounded; not that he ever descended to any affectation of extraordinary courtesy, or to the base arts of flattery, but that he found means to inspire his hearers with the idea that they were peculiarly the objects of his esteem, and that he was prepared to evince by his actions that friendship which he forbore to express in words.

Lamoral, Count of Egraond, though a genuine Dutchman, his ancestors having possessed the territory of that name in Holland before its erection into a County, was of a disposition more resembling the South Netherlander, being wholly destitute of that firmness of character and tenacity of purpose by which the Dutch are distinguished above all other nations. Frank, credulous, and confiding, his kindly and affable manners rendered him the idol, as his brilliant warlike achievements had made him the hero of the people; superior to the Prince of Orange in military skill and enterprise, he was immeasurably below him in talent, education, and political sagacity, and, though twelve years his senior, in discretion.

503

Both were ambitious; but the ambition of Egmond made him desirous of honours and distinctions, to become thereby an object of wonder and admiration to his Countrymen, while Orange cared 1559 little for the outward show of power, provided he possessed the reality; the ardour of Egmond's character prompted him to engage in his schemes with eagerness, while his inconstancy exposed him to be dlscouraged at the first obstacle; Orange, on the other hand, with a foresight of dangers almost amounting to timidity, could never be deterred by them from pursuing a resolution which he had once adopted; the temper of the one was hasty and somewhat irascible, of the other, bland and imperturbable; the hospitality constantly practised by Orange was a means judiciously employed to gain friends and to maintain his credit with the populace; that of Egmond, the natural indulgence of his joyous and social disposition.

The personal appearance of these two great rivals in popular favour was no less opposite than their manners and character. The Countenance of Orange, pale, thin, and haggard, gave token of the thoughtful and unquietss spirit which lurked within; that of Egmond, full and florid, wore the sunny unclouded expression which is seldom observed to survive the freshness of early youth. Orange was best fitted to inspire veneration; Egmond was formed to be loved 1.

Besides these, another candidate for the government was Christina, duchess of Lorraine, niece of Charles V., who had given a distinguished proof of her abilities in the negotiation of the peace of Chateau Cambresis. She was strongly supported by William of Orange, who hoped, in the event of his own exclusion, still to retain an influence in public affairs by a marriage with her daughter; and towards her, next to Orange and Egmond, the wishes of the Netherlander were directed—suflicient reasons, perhaps, to induce Philip 1559 to set aside her claims in favour of his natural sister, Margaret, wife of Octavius Farnese, Duke of Parma, whom he accordingly summoned from Italy 2.

  1. Strada De Bell. Belg., dec. i., lib, i., p. 24, 57, 87.
  2. Strada De Bell. Belg., dec. i., lib. i., p. 25.

504

On her arrival, the king meeting her at the confines of the Netherlands, conducted her with great magnificence to Ghent, where the states-general were assembled; and in an audience of leave held soon after, declared, that, out of his paternal care and anxietssy for the welfare of his states, he had appointed the Duchess of Parma to the government, as being born and bred among the Netherland people, conversant with their laws and language, and because of the strong attachment she had always entertained for them.

The close of his address, however, neutralized entirely the effect of the flattering terms he had used at its commencement; he admonished not only the duchess, but every member of the government, to the diligent execution of the edicts lately made and renewed against the heretics, a charge which at once convinced the deputies that the odious religious persecutions were to be carried on with renewed vigour, and that the Spanish troops were left in the Netherlands with no other view than that of strengthening the hands of government for this purpose.

They therefore presented to the king a petition, praying that the foreign soldiers might either be disbanded or removed, the defence of the boundaries being left, as heretofore, to the native troops; and, secondly, that the Country might be governed by a council composed solely of Netherlanders, to the exclusion of foreigners.

Philip, taken somewhat by surprise at these demands, observed in answer, that he had no desire to thrust strangers into public offices in the Netherlands, as his appointment of the governess sufficiently testified, and promised that the Spanish troops should be 1559 withdrawn, within a period of four months at the farthest 1.

  1. Bor, Oorsp., &c, boek i., bl. 20—22.

505

If anything were wanting to render this petition more unpalatable to the sovereign, it was the circumstance of its being signed by the Prince of Orange and the Counts of Egmond and Hoorn, whom he bad appointed to the command of the troops, in order, if possible, to reconcile the people to their presence; and to this source is generally ascribed those bitter feelings of hatred with which Philip ever afterwards regarded his Netherland subjects, and these nobles in particular.

He was able, however, to dissemble for the time, except upon one occasion, when an ebullition burst forth, in spite of his efforts to retain it. Just as he was on the point of departure from Flushing, the Prince of Orange, having come with a number of the principal nobility to bid him adieu, Philip reproached him, with an angry Countenance, that, by his secret machinations, he had impeded the execution of his measures. The prince replied, with great humility, that it was the act of the states alone. "Non los estados!" exclaimed the king, seizing his wrist, and shaking it violently; "mas vos, vos, vos!" (Not the states, but you, you, you!) repeating three times the " vos," a term of contempt among the Spaniards 1.

Margaret, duchess of Parma, into whose hands Philip now entrusted the government of the Netherlands, was a natural daughter of Charles V., born in the year 1522, and married, first to Alexander de Medici, and secondly, to Octavius Farnese, Duke of Parma. Of a strong understanding, masculine courage, and ambitious spirit, her love of power was so inordinate, that she could not endure to share it even with her husband. 1559

  1. Bor, Oorsp., &c, boek i., Mem. de Du Marnier, p. 9.

506

She had been bred up from her infancy by Margaret, duchess of Savoy, and after her death, by the late governess, Mary, who fostered her natural quickness of intellect by a careful and comprehensive education; from the latter she imbibed the passion for field sports, remarkable in all the princesses of this family. She pursued the chase (of the stag in particular) with an avidity and perseverance rarely to be met with even in the other sex, the generality of whom she surpassed in capability of enduring fatigue, and in vigour of constitution, occasional fits of the gout being the only infirmity to which she was subject; while her tall and large stature contributed with her gestures, and something of a beard on the upper lip and chin, to give her the appearance of a man in female apparel.

To Counterbalance these not very agreeable attributes, she possessed a fund of natural kindness and benevolence, a mild temper, and affable manners. But neither the qualities of her mind nor heart had recommended her to the favour of Philip so much as the circumstance of her having been, from the time of her first marriage, a pupil and penitent of Ignatius Loyola, to whom she was in the habit of confessing herself even more frequently than the custom of the time warranted; and the mode in which she manifested her pietssy, by washing every year the feet of twelve poor women, whom she afterwards attended herself at table 1.

Three councils were appointed to assist her in the conduct of affairs. A privy council, empowered to grant letters of freedom and pardon, and to watch over law and order; a council of finance to administer the public revenues, and the domains of the sovereign; and a council of state, to advise in matters relating to peace and war, and the higher affairs of government.

  1. Strada, dec. i., lib. 1* p. 27, 30.

507

1559 Of this latter council were nominated, Anthony Perrenot de Granvelle, bishop of Arras, William, prince of Orange, Lamoral, Count of Egmond, Charles, Count of Barlaimont, superintendent of the finances, the doctor Viglius van Zuichem, president of the privy council, Philip de Montmorency, Count of Hoorn, and Charles de Croye, lord of Aarschot; the Knights of the Golden Fleece! and the members of the privy council and council of finance, were likewise to have admittance when summoned by the governess 1.

The members of this council received from the king a private instruction to the effect, that, though they might hear and examine, they should decide no question without the advice of the Bishop of Arras, the Prince of Orange, the Count of Barlaimont, and Viglius van Zuichem; and, in order, probably, to shield individual members from the odium of any obnoxious measures they might pursue, they were required to take an oath, that they would support in public whatever opinion prevailed in the council, notwithstanding their inclinations might be strongly opposed to it 2,3.

Separate Stadtholder s were also placed over all the provinces, except Brabant, in which the governess herself resided. The Prince of Orange was made Stadtholder of Holland, Zealand, and Utrecht; John de Ligny, Count of Aremberg, of Friesland, Overyssel, and Groningen; and Charles de Brimen, Count of Megen, of Guelderland and Zutphen. The Stadtholder ship of Flanders was bestowed on Lamoral, Count of Egmond 4.

  1. Hooft Nederl. Hist., boek i., bl. 22. .
  2. Meieren Nederl. Hist., boek i., fol. 25, Strata de Bell. Belg., p. 32.
  3. This is denied by Hooft (bl. 23) 5 but as it is positively asserted by Strada, who had ample means of information, and is very unlikely to have wilfully misrepresented the fact, there appears no reason to disbelieve it.
  4. Strada, dec. i., lib. i., p. 21.

508

Having thus arranged matters for his departure, Philip set sail from Flushing on the 26th of August 1559, in a fleet of fifty large and forty smaller vessels. He had scarcely arrived before the port of Laredo, when he was overtaken by so violent a tempest, that the ship in which he sailed foundered, the whole of his baggage and jewels were lost, and he himself with difficulty reached the land in a small boat. He ascribed his preservation to a miraculous interposition of Providence, that he might live to extirpate heresy; and to testify his gratitude, immediately upon his landing in Spain, assisted at the burning of a number of heretics in Seville, on which occasion no less than fourteen noble ladies suffered death at the stake 1.

It soon appeared that the council of state in the Netherlands was a mere phantom, created to give the sanction of its name to the measures pursued by the governess, under the dictation of Anthony Perrenot de Granvelle, in whose hands the whole authority of the government lay; a man whose powerful mind, undaunted courage, and iron constitution, well fitted him to press down the yoke upon the necks of a free people with a firm and steady hand. Deeply skilled in affairs, learned, eloquent, and accomplished, he spoke seven languages with grace and fluency, and was able to dictate, at the same time, to five amanuenses; patient of labour, he was often absorbed in business for days and nights together without sleep or food. He had at an early age succeeded his father, Nicholas de Granvelle, who, during twenty years, the most intimate friend and counsellor of the Emperor Charles V., had died in his service, in the favour and confidence of that monarch, and thus initiated from his childhood into all the secrets of state, added vast experience to his natural capacity.

  1. Hooft, Nederl. Hist, b. i., bl. 20.

509

On the death of the emperor, he obtained an equally high place in the esteem of Pliilip, by affecting a great regard for the interests of religion, and during his stay in the Netherlands, the king took no step either in foreign or domestic matters without first consulting him. At his departure he recommended him to the especial favour of Margaret, whom indeed Granvelle had been chiefly instrumental in elevating to the government, in opposition to Christina of Lorraine 1.

The first act of Granvelle's administration was the 1560 publication of the bull of Pope Pius IV., confirmatory of that of his predecessor, creating fourteen new bishoprics, in addition to the four already existing in the Netherlands, of which, Mechlin, Cambray, and Utrecht were to be archbishoprics 2; the nomination to the new sees was vested in the king, to be confirmed by the Pope. Granvelle himself was made Archbishop of Mechlin, and received a cardinal's hat, a circumstance which increased, if possible, the aversion of the people to this innovation 3.

The apprehension of the states also, that the foreign soldiers were left in the Country to uphold both the bishops and the inquisition by force of arms, appeared but too truly realized, when it was found that their removal, which the king had explicitly promised should take place within four months, was delayed under various pretexts, which Philip, following the advice of Granvelle, desired the governess to invent, rather than allow them to depart.

  1. Strada, dec. L, lib. ii., p. 50. v
  2. The remaining new sees were Antwerp, Ruremonde, Boifi-le-Duc, Haarlem, Deventer, Leeuwarden, Groningen, Middleburg, Namur, St. Omer, Ypres, Ghent, and Bruges.
  3. Miraei Dip. Belg., torn, i., p. 156.

510

It was only on the earnest representations of Margaret, of the dangers that would ensue from their longer stay, that Philip "rather hastily than willingly" consented to withdraw them. 1561 The dreaded lest the towns of the Netherlands should unanimously shut their gates against them, since the states of all the provinces had refused to contribute any further funds for their support; and the Zealanders had declared their determination to leave the dikes unrepaired, since they would rather their land were swallowed up by the ocean, than preserve it to be overrun by a foreign soldiery; a resolution which, as she well knew, they would not hesitate to abide by 1.

The new bishops, who it is said the king took care should be "learned men famed as authors, approved of by the Council of Trent 2, and such as the people should be ashamed to refuse" 3, were received in Mechlin, and some other sees, though not without great opposition and tumult; but in the remainder, the threats of the populace that they would put them to death if they attempted to enter the towns, were found of sufficient force to deter the government from insisting for the present upon their introduction. In this difficulty, the council of state, with the consent of the governess, despatched the Lord of Montigny, brother of the Count of Hoorn, to Spain, to lay 1562 before the king the actual condition of the Netherland provinces, and to represent the discontents excited among the people by the establishment of the bishops and the inquisition.

  1. Strada, dec. i., lib. i., p. 33; lib. ill., p. 62—64.
  2. Five of them had been deputies to the council, and it was probably to their services there, that they owed their present elevation; they were, Gerard van Hamericourt, bishop of St. Omer, John Mahusius of Deventer, Martin Ryhoven of Ypres, Cornelius Jansen of Ghent, and Francis Sonnoy, bishop of Bois-le-Duc, and afterwards of Antwerp.— Miraei Dip. Belg., torn, iii., p. 465, 460. -
  3. Strada, dec i., lib. i., p. 23.

511

But as his mission had been anticipated by a private letter from Margaret, alleging that the discontents were fomented entirely by the nobles, who were jealous of the influence of Granvelle, it produced no other effect than a recommendation to her from Philip to aim at dissolving their union, by sowing dissensions between the Count of Egmond and the Prince of Orange, and to watch carefully all the movements of the latter 1.

Meanwhile, the unpopularity of Granvelle among all ranks of men constantly increased. The people cast on him the blame of all the obnoxious measures, and of the persecution which was daily becoming more merciless and violent against the Reformers. Among the nobles, Orange, Egmond, and the Count of Hoorn, had private causes of enmity against him. Besides the share he had taken in the exclusion of either of the two former from the office of governor, he had successfully used his influence to prevent the marriage of the Prince of Orange with the daughter of the Duchess of Lorraine; and had added to his offence against Ëgmond, the obtaining for one of his own followers, the gift of the Abbey of St. Truye, which he had solicited the Pope for his son; while Hoorn, who, by his refusal to give his sister in marriage to the brother of the cardinal, had excited the anger of the latter against him, had been in his turn aggrieved, by Granvelle's preventing an advantageous sale of some 1562 estates which he had made to the citizens of Antwerp 2.

  1. Bor, Ooxsp., &c, boek. i., bl. 27. Strada, dec. i>, lib. iii., p. 86. .
  2. Hooft Nederl. Hist., boek i., bl. 25. Strada, deel. i., Ub. ii., p. 52L " Justification of the Count of Hoorn. Bof, Autthen. Stukken, deel. i., bl. 61.

512

The remainder were disgusted by his haughty bearing, and the contempt in which he affected to hold them, and dissatisfied that they were seldom called to the council of state, and even on these few occasions enjoyed none of the confidence of their sovereign; Granvelle being accustomed to discuss all the despatches from Spain with the governess alone, and then to hand  them to Viglius and Barlaimont, to read such parts only to the council as he had not marked private 1.

Thus impelled at once by motives of public discontent and private pique, the Prince of Orange, in conjunction with the Counts of Egmond and Hoorn, 1563 addressed a letter to the king, representing that the cardinal had excited so general a hatred amongst all classes of persons, that the utter ruin of the Country must inevitably ensue, unless he were removed from the administration of affairs; and praying that, if the king were determined upon his continuance, he would be pleased to excuse them from further attendance in the council. Philip replied that, although he was convinced of the zeal and affection of the three nobles for his service, he was not accustomed to dismiss any of his ministers without a cause. Having addressed a second letter to the king, couched in still more earnest! terms, and presented a petition to the same effect to the governess, Orange, Egmond, and Hoorn absented themselves entirely from the deliberations of the council of state, protesting that their attendance, so long as the cardinal remained, tended in nothing to the king's service, but solely to their own dishonour 2.

  1. Strada, dec. i., lib. iii., p. 84.
  2. Bor, b. i., bl. 29. Autth. Stuk., bl. 79. Strada, dec. i., lib. iv., p. 91.

513

As there appeared but little chance of removing 1563 Granvelle from his office by any legitimate means, the disaffected nobles next applied themselves to undermine his authority by bringing him into contempt with the whole nation, or to render his situation so irksome that weariness and disgust should at length oblige him to retire. They induced such as were opposed to his government to assume the party badge of a fool's cap sewed on the sleeve of their garments, and to dress their servants in black livery, in order to mark their numbers.

They afterwards, indeed, complied so far with the remonstrances of the governess, as to relinquish the former, which was interpreted as an irreverent allusion to the cardinal's hat, but substituted in its stead a bundle of arrows, signifying, as they affirmed, their union in the service of the king; while the friends of the cardinal maintained, on the other hand, that it was a token of the conspiracy they had formed against him. The provinces teemed with lampoons» pasquinades, and caricatures 1, the authors of which the governess received commands from the king to discover and to punish. She, however, promptly desisted from the search, since she found that it would be a work of too much hazard to attempt to apply remedies to these abuses 2.

At length, Margaret, finding that all her efforts to induce the seceding nobles to resume their sittings in the council were fruitless, and beginning to grow weary of the contest, and perhaps of the overbearing temper of the cardinal himself, sent her secretary, Armenteros, to Spain, to solicit his recall.

  1. The cardinal had, one day, thrust into his hand a picture of himself sitting on a nest of eggs, from which bishops were hatching; over his head was a devil, saying, " This is my beloved son, hear ye him."
  2. Hooft Nederl. Hist., b. L, bl. 38—42. Strada, dec. i., lib. iv., p. 95.

514

The consent of the king, however, to part with his ancient and long-trusted servant was not easily obtained; Armenteros returned without any decisive answer, when Granvelle, who perceived the favour of the governess towards him daily declining, and the seal of his friends growing cold, and fearing, it may be, lest the detestation in which he was held might assume the form of a conspiracy against his life, made some family affairs a pretext for retiring to his native Country of Burgundy 1. 1564

His departure tended but little at first to allay the general discontents, still further increased by a season of scarcity and some misunderstandings with England, by which the Netherlanders were deprived of the accustomed trade with that Country. Men said, that although the cardinal was absent in person, he was present in spirit, since Viglius and Barliamont, his creatures, possessed the whole authority both of the privy council (of which the former was president) and of the council of finance; rumours were constantly afloat of his speedy return, and that the decrees lately issued by the Council of Trent, upholding the inquisition and the authority of the bishops were to be strictly enforced 2.

In a short time, however, as the expectation of Granvelle's return died away, matters began to assume a more favourable aspect. The discontented nobles resumed their attendance in the council of state, and applied themselves to the despatch of business with unexampled industry and zeal; and while, on the one hand, they conciliated the good will of Margaret by their vehement professions of obedience and devotion to her service, they left no method untried to gain the 1564 confidence of the nobility and deputies of the states.

  1. Strada, dec. L, lib. ir., bl. 97.
  2. Meteren, b. ii., fol. 33, 34. Bor, Oowp., &c, b. L, M. SO. Strada dec. i., lib. iv., p. 100.

515

The cardinalists, as the friends of Granvelle were called, soon fell wholly into discredit, and the governess, instead of holding private consultations on every subject with Viglius and Barlaimont, as heretofore, appeared to be guided wholly by the opinions of the "patriot" party, which appellation Orange, Egmond, and their adherents, appropriated to themselves. The effect of this change was soon felt in the cessation of religious persecution; the inquisition, unsupported by the civil power, began to exercise its functions but with langour and timidity; and the governments of most of the towns eagerly availing themselves of the opportunity to render the penal edicts a mere dead letter 1, the people began to enjoy a virtual security and liberty of conscience, as new as it was welcome.

  1. The efforts of the magistrates to shield their fellow-citizens of the reformed religion from the effects of these edicts were various and unceasing. Sometimes they induced them to attend mass once or twice for appearance sake, and then appealed to the circumstance as a proof of their being good Catholics; often, when they knew an accusation was likely to he Drought against them, they gave them timely warning, or provided them with a place of concealment. The method adopted on one occasion by the magistrates of Hoorn was rather curious. The government of that town being accused before the council of Holland by one Dirk, a hot-headed meddling priest, of remissness in the punishment of heretics, a commissioner, named Charles Smyter, was sent to inquire into the matter. On his arrival at Hoorn, he was received with great courtesy by the burgomasters and principal members of the government, who took it by turns to entertain him, which they did so effectually, that the only movement he was able to make was " from bad to table, and from table to bed.' The answers, therefore, to all such as came to give information concerning heretics, was either that the commissioner was engaged at meals, or that he was asleep. Having spent a week in this manner, and hearing no accusation, he returned to the Hague, lauding to the skies the religious disposition of the good citizens of Hoorn, against whom, he said, he had not heard the slightest complaint of heresy during the whole time he had been there. The chief burgomaster had not forgotten to recommend his hospitalities still further, by a liberal present of money. Velius Hoorn, b. iii., bl. 155.

516

1564 But to Counterbalance the real benefit which the nobles thus conferred on their Countrymen, they are accused of having caused evils in the administration of civil affairs, far greater than any they could complain of under Granvelle. The course of justice was impeded by their refusal to permit the execution of any judgments of the provincial courts that were not confirmed by the council of state, and the authority of the courts themselves was thus brought into contempt; persons condemned by them were either delivered or protected by the council; criminalsof every degree ransomed themselves by sums of money paid, as it was said, either to the members of the council, or their servants; public offices were set to sale; places of trust conferred, from motives of private interest, on unworthy and incapable persons; the taint of bribery was allowed to creep into every department of the state; and the moralsof the people were corrupted by the establishment of lotteries 1.

Though these heavy charges of malversation against the patriot party are to be received with caution, as resting principally on the evidence of their rancorous opponents, yet it is certain that they used means, unjustifiable alike in themselves and in their object, to undermine, or wholly annihilate, the authority of the privy council and council of finance, by which all their measures for modifying the severity of the inquisition and the penal edicts were constantly opposed. Matters which of right belonged solely to the cognizance of these two councils, were brought forward by the governess at their suggestion to be discussed and decided in the council of state; and they endeavoured, moreover, to persuade her to place the disbursement of the public funds at their disposal.

  1. Joachim Hopperus, De Initiis Tumultuum Belgicornm, lib. ii., cap* 2, p. 37—39.

517

The Prince of Orange, indeed, 1565 openly declared that no remedy was to be expected for the evils of the state until ten or twelve of the most esteemed among the nobility were added to this council, and authority were given to it over both the others, It was with the view, probably, of bringing about some change of this nature, that they proposed to Margaret the appointment of an ambassador to the king, to represent to him the condition of the provinces, from the increase of heresy, the defective administration of justice, and the exhaustion of the finances; and to solicit a mitigation of the penal edicts and the severity of the inquisition: and some modification with respect to the establishment of the new bishops. The choice fell on the Count of Egmond, who, having some private favours to ask of Philip, readily accepted the charge 1.

His reception at the court of Spain was such as was due to the captain of so many victories; the king and his courtiers vied with each other in testimonies of courtesy and esteem; all his personal requests were granted, and he was dismissed with fair promises as regarded the object of his embassy. On his return to the Netherlands, Egmond gave his Countrymen hopes that the king would shortly transmit despatches from Spain, modifying both the edicts and the inquisition, for which purpose a council meanwhile was to be formed, of three bishops, three professors of theology, three doctors of civil and three of canon law 2.

The despatches soon after arrived, but proved wholly contrary to what Egmond had been led himself, and had led others, to expect. The Council of Trent, which had resumed its sittings in 1562, 1565 after a suspension of ten years, was now terminated, having wholly failed in the objects for which it was assembled, the reform, namely, of the Catholic church, and the healing of religious dissensions.

  1. Hopper., De Initiis, &c, lib. ii., cap. 3, p. 30—42.
  2. Strada, dec. i., lib. iv., p. 110. Bor, boek L, bl. 31.

518

That any concession should have been made to the reformed churches, or the slightest approximation towards a reconciliation of their different doctrines, was scarcely to be expected from the composition of the assembly; but it might have been supposed that prudence or policy would have led to the purifying of those corruptions most glaring in the eyes of the generality of mankind, and offensive to the most devoted members of the Catholic church itself; and that some of those dogmas and ceremonies, odious and burdensome alike to the enlightened and unlearned, and neither necessary to the discipline of the church, nor conducive to her stability, might have been abolished or modified.

Such were the least of the advantages to which the nations of Europe looked forward from its deliberations, of which, however, the results wholly frustrated their anticipations. Each obsolete pretension, each antiquated abuse, was recognised and confirmed by the sanction of its decisions, and became henceforth a vital principle of faith; the most absurd tenets of the Catholic church, the veneration of relics, the worship of saints, and the sale of indulgences, were insisted on with as much vehemence as the most important, and a similar punishment awarded for their violation. But, however defective or mischievous the decrees of the council, the strong arm with which they furnished the hierarchy for the extirpation of heresy, rendered them highly acceptable to Philip.

Accordingly, the governess now received a stringent command to cause the decrees to be immediately published throughout the Netherlands, and enforced to their full extent. She was enjoined, at the same time, to support the inquisition with the 1566 whole authority of the government, and to renew the rigorous execution of the penal edicts, both of this and the last reign; Philip declaring, that he never meant to permit any other modification of the punishment of death for heresy than that, to avoid tumult, the executions should be secret instead of public 1.

  1. Bor, boek i., bl. 32. Strada, dec. i., lib. iv., p. 119.

519

The question of the publication of the king's mandates excited animated and stormy debates, both in the privy council and council of state; Viglius urged the necessity of keeping them secret until an ambassador could be sent to explain to Philip the state of men's minds, and the opposition that was likely to arise; offering to take upon himself the responsibility of the delay.

His opinion was supported by many of the members of both councils; but Orange and his partisans, on the other hand, insisted that the king's pleasure should be immediately made known to the courts of justice and the governments of the towns; with the view, as it was but too justly imputed to them, of exciting those very murmurs, and of fomenting those disturbances, which they affected to dread. The advice thus insidiously given, was unfortunately followed 1.

Margaret despatched forthwith to the Stadtholder s of all the provinces, an edict containing an extract from the king's letter, to which she required them to yield a punctual and ready obedience, and commanded that they should instruct all the public officers and magistrates of the towns to aid and assist the inquisitors to the utmost of their power 2. The consequences of the measure were exactly such' 1565 as all parties had anticipated.

  1. Hopper, lib. ii., cap. 7, p, 58. Strada, dec. i., lib. ir., p. 120.
  2. Vide Note I at the end of the volume.

520

No sooner was the edict published in the provinces, than the ferment became violent and universal. Inflammatory and seditious pamphlets - and placards were scattered abroad, and posted up on the walls of the towns, declaring that the hope which had been excited of a mitigation of the edicts was a mere fraud; that the ill advisers of the king were determined upon the destruction of the Netherlands; and exhorting the people to defend themselves bravely against the inquisition, and the tyranny which the Spaniards would force upon them. Notwithstanding the severe decrees against printing or publishing unlicensed works, all efforts to discover and punish their authors proved unavailing 1.

The nobles, perceiving that the people were on the eve of an insurrection, of which the first effects would most probably be the plunder and destruction of their defenceless Country houses, in order to provide for their own security by union, and to engage the forbearance of the people by making common cause with them, formed among themselves the celebrated confederacy, which was fraught with such important consequences to their Country.

By this bond of alliance, usually called the " Compromise," which was signed at first by eleven only, and afterwards by some hundreds of the nobility and principal merchants, they engaged themselves by oath " to resist to the utmost of their power the establishment of the inquisition, under what name or pretext soever; to support and assist each other as faithful friends and brothers; and if any one of them were disquietssed or molested on account of this alliance, to devote their lives and properties to his protection 2.

  1. Meteren, boek ii., fol. 40. Bor, boek iL, U. 61.
  2. Bop, boek ii., bl. 53.

521

Neither the Prince of Orange nor the Count of Egtnond signed this document, but, on the contrary, 1566 gave information of the league to the governess 1, whether to exculpate themselves from the suspicion of any share in it, or, by exciting her alarm, to bend her the more readily to their purposes. It is most probable they were impelled by the latter motive, since, although informed of its existence, she was left in ignorance of its real nature and extent (with which Orange must have been well acquainted, since his brother, Louis of Nassau, was one of the principal devisers and promoters of it); and thus, prone to believe all the sinister rumours which were rapidly in circulation, as to the number and designs of the confederates; some alleging that the whole body of the nobility was in a state of revolt, and that they were coming to the court in arms; and others, that they had invited foreign soldiers, both horse and foot, to their aid 2.

The governess having summoned in haste to the council of state the Knights of the Golden Fleece, and such of the Stadtholder s as were not at court, the confederate nobles took occasion from hence to assemble at Brussels, for the purpose of presenting her in full council, with a remonstrance upon the present state of affairs. Accordingly, on the 5th of April 1566, they proceeded to the court, between 300 and 400 in number, walking slowly in ranks of four abreast, the procession being closed by the Lord of Brederode and Count Louis of Nassau, as chiefs of the confederacy. On their appearance before the governess, Brederode delivered an address, disowning and deprecating the malicious insinuations of their enemies, that they designed to pave the way for sedition and revolt, and that they held secret communication with the commanders of the reformed troops in France and Germany, and professing their zeal for the service of the king; after which he presented a petition, praying that she would send a fit and capable person to Spain, to represent to the king the misery and rain which threatened his Netherland dominions, and which the abolition of the inquisition, the abrogation of the penal edicts, and a new ordinance concerning religion, framed with the advice and consent of the states-general, were the only means of averting; and, like-Wise, that she would cause the inquisition and edicts to be suspended till an answer should arrive from the king.

  1. See her Letter to the King in Bor's Autthent. Stuk., deel i., hl. 84.
  2. Bor, hoek ii., bl. 55.

522

To these demands the governess replied, that she had already advised with the privy council upon the question of laying before the king a proposal for moderating the edicts, but that she had no authority to suspend either them or the inquisition; she would, nevertheless, she said, issue commands to the inquisitors to proceed with mildness and discretion in the execution of their office 1.

The confederates, to avoid assembling a crowd, or exciting tumults, had, on this occasion, gone to court on foot, plainly dressed, and unarmed, which led the Count of Barlaimont to remark to the governess, on their approach, that " she had no cause of fear, since they were only a troop of beggars (gueux)." The taunt was but too truly applied; many of the most illustrious families had, from so distant a period as the reign of Philip the Good, been accustomed to squander their incomes in attendance on a luxurious and expensive court; and a great portion of the nobility wore now accused of being prompted by their embarrassed circumstances to seek a change in affairs 2. The blot, therefore, thus cast upon them remained; but liberty 1566 Shed her halo round it, and it appeared a star of honour on their breasts.

  1. Bor, Oonp., &c, boek ii., bl. 55—60.
  2. Hooft, Nederl. Hist., boek L, bl. 26.

523

At a feast given the same evening by the Lord of Brederode, in the house of Cuilembourg, where nearly three hundred guests were present, the expression being repeated, was eagerly caught up, and handed from mouth to mouth: " It was no shame," they said, "to be beggars for their Country's good." ''Live the gueux!" resounded from all sides of the apartment. Brederode appearing shortly after, with a wooden vessel such as pilgrims and mendicant monks were wont to carry, pledged the whole company to the health of the "Gueux! the cup went round; Orange, Egmond, and the Count of Hoorn, whom the noise of the banquet had attracted thither, were forced by a gentle coercion to join in the pledge, and mirth and wine crowned the birth of that name, which was, ere long, to be the watchword of strife and bloodshed.

Sober reflection confirmed what levity had suggested; the value of a party-name and a party-badge (a standard which men are often ashamed to desert, when they have failed of every object for which they raised it), was acknowledged; the appellation of "gueux* was adopted alike by those of the reformed religion, and such as were hostile to the measures of the government; they dressed themselves and their families in the beggars' costume of grey cloth, with a small wooden porringer, or cup, fastened to their caps, and wore about their necks medalsof gold or silver, whereon was engraven, on the one side the image of the king, on the other a beggar's wallet and two hands joined, with the motto "Fidèles au roy—jusqu'a la besace "1.

  1. " Faithful to the king, even to the wallet."—Strada, dec. i., lib. v., p. 135. Du Maurier, p. 25.

524

1566 As the answer of the governess appeared scarcely satisfactory to the petitioners, they presented a second remonstrance, professing their desire to submit to whatever the king, with the advice of the states-general, should ordain, for the preservation of the ancient religion; and praying that, to silence the malevolence of their enemies, she would cause their last petition to be printed, word for word, without change or interpolation; and that she would command the inquisitors to suspend for the present the execution of their office.

Margaret, fearful of allowing them to separate in discontent, promised, that until the king's answer arrived, the inquisitors should not proceed against any one on account of religion, except in case of sedition, or open scandal. She refused, however, to comply with a requisition they made, that she should declare what they had done to be for the service of God and the king. Upon the faith of her promise! the confederate nobles dispersed, having first appointed deputies in each province to watch over its performance 1.

To deprecate the anger of Philip, which Margaret well knew would be excited to the highest pitch by these proceedings on the part of the nobles, it was determined in the council of state to despatch ambassadors to Spain, as well for this purpose, as to obtain the king's consent to the project of a moderation of the penal edicts, which the governess had framed with the assistance of the privy council. They were instructed, likewise, to solicit the abolition of the inquisition, and a general indemnity in favour of the confederate nobles. This difficult and delicate commission was entrusted to John, marquis of Bergen, and Florence de Montmorenci, lord of Montigny, (brother of the Count of Hoorn), both knights of the Golden Fleece, and men of discretion and talent.

  1. Meteren, boek ii., fol. 41.

525

They were received with apparent complacency by Philip, who showed himself inclined to suspend the inquisition on condition that the bishops should first be inducted and confirmed in their sees, and to permit the council of state to modify the penal edicts, provided his sanction were obtained to the proposed alterations, before they were promulgated in the Netherlands. The ambassadors soon found, however, that measures were taken to prevent their transmitting any private intelligence to their friends, and that various pretexts were used to detain them at the court of Spain, whence they never returned 1.

The joy caused by the relaxation of persecution consequent on the orders of the governess, soon gave way to renewed fear and suspicion. When the moderation (or as the populace called it, "murderation") devised by her and the privy council became known, it was found to be such as to excite the indignation of many, and the contempt of all. Priests, teachers, and those who exercised any office among the Reformers, the composers, printers, or sellers of any pamphlet, song, or pasquinade, were to be hanged instead of burnt alive; the punishment of death being changed to banishment, in favour of the common people only 2.

The assembly of the states-general also, which men had been led to expect, was evaded in a manner equally unprecedented and unconstitutional. The petition which they had presented in 1559, for the removal of the foreign soldiers, had planted such deep resentment in the breast of Philip, that he had strictly forbidden 1566 the governess ever to assemble them more 3.

  1. Meteren, fol. 42. Strode, dec. L, lib. v., p. 149.
  2. Meteren, b. ii^ fol. 41. Bor., b. ii., bl. 64, 6$.
  3. Strada, dec. i., lib. iii., p. 80.

526

Accordingly, instead of summoning the states of all the provinces together, as had been, since their union under one sovereign, the invariable custom, when any matter of general concernment was to be considered, she sent the scheme of the moderation to the states of some of the provinces only, with strict injunctions to keep it secret; while in Holland, Zealand, Friesland, Guelderland, and Overyssel, whose privileges were more extensive, and more strenuously asserted than those of the other provinces, they were left unsummoned 1.

The answer from the king to the subject of Bergen and Montigny's embassy, was delayed from time to time. Meanwhile the sentiments both of Philip and the governess were supposed to be sufficiently discovered, by the treatment of the confederate nobles, who were looked upon at court with a coldness almost amounting to disdain. The mistrust of the people was still further excited by the equipment of ships of war in various ports of the Netherlands, and by the purchase of an immense quantity of arms and ammunition on the part of some Spanish agents at Antwerp, and in Zealand 2.

The Reformers, despairing on the one hand of obtaining any more favourable terms from Spain, and encouraged on the other by the sympathy and protection which the nobles had manifested towards their cause, began to declare themselves more boldly. Instead of meeting a few together, in woods and bye-places, as had hitherto been their custom, they now began to assemble in the plains and open fields in great numbers; to show, they said, " how many the inquisition would have to burn, slay, and banish." In the commencement they were unarmed; but after being threatened or disturbed, they provided themselves with pistols and rapiers, and finally went fully armed with clubs, pikes, and muskets.

  1. Bor, b. ii., bl. 62.
  2. Idem, 63, 66.

527

The first of these assemblies was held near Oudenarde, where the people, on the summons of one Herman Stryker, the reformed preacher of the town, flocked together to hear him, 7000 in number. One Cornelius Kroeser, schout of a neighbouring village, undertook alone to disperse the multitude, and with this intent, rushed in among them on horseback, holding in one hand a musket, in the other a drawn sword, and directed his course straight towards the preacher.

The people, as yet unarmed, poured upon him a shower of stones from all quarters; when, receiving a severe wound in the head, he threw down his weapons and fled, but with difficulty escaped death. The next time the Reformers went fully prepared with arms, fortified the circuit of the wide plain in which they assembled with waggons, and stationed guards at all the entrances. Some remained outside the encampment, and in the roads leading to it, offering the forbidden books for sale, and inviting the passers by to go in and hear the sermon. A pulpit was raised by means of planks placed across a waggon; nearest to it stood the women and children, the men forming a circle round them. A deep and stern silence prevailed, broken only by the voice of the preacher as it floated on the wind. When he had made an end, the whole congregation sung a psalm, and afterwards returned in the same military order they came, dispersing at the gates of the town 1.

At Antwerp, a preaching was held on St. John's day, within a quarter of a mile of the city, which was attended by 5000 persons, four separate stations of armed men being placed to secure them from molestation.

  1. Meteren, b. ii., fol. 42, Brandt, His, der Ref., b. tL, U. 305, 325.

528

A report being spread, that the burgher guards were coming to disperse them, they quietssly continued their occupation, observing, " that if they came, they would find men to stand against them 1." As another! sermon was announced for the Saturday following; the senate sent to inform the governess of the fact, and to ask what means they were to adopt for arresting these disorders.

She recommended that the burgomaster should employ the schuttery to prevent the meeting as was usual in such cases; but from this they excused themselves, on the plea that it was impossible the schuttery could act with any effect against so vast a number of persons, provided with arms, and ready to defend themselves. On receiving this answer, Margaret usually calm and self-possessed, for the first time lost her temper, and in the moment of irritation, incautiously betrayed her real feelings towards the confederates, by exclaiming that it was the petition of the nobles which made these fellows so bold; adding, that such heretics only sought other men's lives and goods, and that their conduct would end in some fatal excesses 2.

The second-preaching was held as appointed, notwithstanding the efforts of the government of Antwerp to prevent it; and a decree, prohibiting all persons from attending any heretical meeting, was followed by a petition from the Reformers, to be allowed to build a place of worship within the town. This request was referred to the governess, but the only answer they obtained, was the adoption of still stricter measures to prevent the assemblies, and a proclamation issued by the council of state, directing the immediate seizure and punishment both of the preachers and their hearers.

A second petition was, however, attended with somewhat better success, since the senate granted permission for one minister of the Augsburg confession 1566 to preach just without the walls.

  1. Hooft, Nederl. Hist, b. iii., bl. 84.
  2. Idem.

529

The government of Antwerp had repeatedly solicited Margaret to repair thither, in order by her presence to put an end to the disturbances; this she refused to do, unless attended by a garrison to ensure her safety, which the citizens would by no means allow. She therefore sent the Prince of Orange, as governor of the city, whose popularity would, she trusted, enable him to bring affairs to an amicable arrangement. The measures he adopted to restore confidence between the different classes of the citizens, were attended with considerable success, since no further disorders took place so long as he remained 1.

Following the example of Oudenarde and Antwerp, the Reformers of nearly all the towns in Holland began to hold public meetings without the walls; sometimes beyond the jurisdiction of the municipal magistrates, sometimes in defiance of their prohibition, armed, and in such numbers as to preclude all hope of dispersing them by force 2.

Happy would it have been for the government, had it possessed sufficient prudence and temper to concede with a good grace that which it was impossible to avoid! Had it permitted the preaching of the Reformers, it might, together with its sanction, have imposed restrictions calculated to prevent the occurrence of such excesses as the populace, finding from the futile attempts made to put a stop to their assemblies how loosely the restraints of authority hung upon them, were now tempted to indulge in.

It happened that as a number of the Reformers at Ypres were proceeding armed to attend a sermon near the town, a sudden accession of zeal prompted them 1566 to throw down and destroy the images of saints they met with on their road.

  1. Bor, boek ii., bl. 71—75. Meteren, boek ii., fol. 42.
  2. Brandt, Hist, der Ref., boek vi., passim.

530

Hence they proceeded to do the same with those in the churches and chapels in the neighbourhood; and from this slight impulse the movement spread with electric rapidity through Flanders, and all the other provinces of the Netherlands.

The churches in nearly every town and village woe attacked; the images and statues pulled down and broken to pieces; the altars overthrown; the monuments, and even the coffins of the dead, defaced; the mass-books-torn; and the gold and silver ornaments plundered, except where the governments had anticipated the intentions of the rioters by removing them to a place of security. Neither did the superb carved work, the pictures, nor the exquisite painted glass of the windows, the unrivalled beauty of which was the wonder and admiration of Europe, escape the ravage of these barbarians. More than four hundred churches, among which were those of the Hague, Amsterdam, Leyden, Middleburgh, and Schoonhoven, were thus despoiled within the short space of three days. A great portion of the booty, however, was afterwards restored to the municipal authorities 1.

The governess received the intelligence of the sudden and unexpected burst of popular fury with feelings of mingled terror, grief, and rage. She instantly made preparations for a hasty flight to Mons, and was only dissuaded from her purpose by the entreaties of Viglius, and some others of her most confidential advisers, and the remonstrances of the burghers, who expressed their determination to shut the gates, in order to prevent her departure. She bewailed her unhappy fate, that under her government, such contumely should be offered to God and the king; and in the bitterness of her heart wrote to her brother, 1566 saying, that she "was betrayed by the Prince of Orange and the Counts of Egmond, Hoorn, and Hochstradt, and if it were not for the hopes of his coming, her sorrowful life would end; for that grief was in her heart, and a blush on her cheek 2."

  1. Meteren, boek ii., fol. 43. Hooft, boek iiï., bl. 98, 99.
  2. Bor, boek ii., bl. 85. Strada, dec. i., lib. v., p. 160.

531

These melancholy and disgraceful outrages seem, indeed, to have annihilated the small remains of tolerance in the breast of Margaret towards the Reformers; for, though fear afterwards induced her to grant them some concessions, she never entertained for them other feelings than those of implacable hostility.

It may be readily imagined that the effect of these transactions on the mind of Philip was still more intense than on that of his sister. Though confined to his bed by severe sickness, he insisted that all the deliberations of his council on the subject should be held in his presence. Here it was decided, that the mob who had pillaged the churches, the heretics who paid them, the nobles who protected and incited them, and the friends and servants of the nobles, were all links of the same chain, and as such, all equally liable to punishment; and letters were despatched to the governess, desiring her to hasten the equipment of three thousand horse and ten thousand foot, which the king had before commissioned Duke Eric of Brunswick to levy for his service in the Netherlands.

To an offer of mediation made by the Emperor Maximilian II. at this crisis, Philip replied, that " matters had now arrived at such a pitch, that they could only be arranged by arms 1." In this disposition of mind, he was less than ever inclined to give a favourable reception to a petition transmitted to him by the Reformers of Antwerp, in the name of their brethren of the Netherlands, expressive of their detestation of the late outrages, which they affirmed were committed by the lowest of the people, women, and boys 2.

  1. Strada, dec. i., lib. v., p. 163,164.
  2. This was not quite the fact At Antwerp, where the fury was the most violent, a number of persons of respectable appearance, with pistols and short muskets under their cloaks, stood in the corners and bye-ways to protect the rioters; and attacked and scattered some of the burgher guards who attempted to seize them. Bor, boek ii., bl. 84.

532

They besought the king to permit them the free exercise of their religion in such places as the government should appoint; offering, in return for this favour, to contribute 3,000,000 of guilders to redeem the charges on the sovereign domains. The latter clause in particular gave deep offence, being interpreted as a lure to draw the German princes to their service. It is, indeed, not improbable, that they may have designed, under cover of raising this sum, to collect funds for the purpose of hiring troops in ease of need 1.

However embittered the spirit of Margaret might be, the necessity of her affairs, and the perilous position in which she stood, on the brink of a general revolt, obliged her to temporise. She consented to allow the preachings to be continued in places where they had already been held; and having received a well-timed answer from Spain to the requisitions sent through Bergen and Montigny, she declared to the confederate nobles the pleasure of the king, that the inquisition should cease, and a new edict against heresy be framed, but whether by the states general or not he had not decided; and that she was empowered to give them any security they desired, that they should not be vexed or disquietssed on account of the compromise, provided they would dissolve the confederacy, and use their utmost efforts to prevent tumult and disorder, and to bring the perpetrators of the late sacrilegious acts to punishment 2.

  1. Strada, dec. i., lib. 5, p. 165,166.
  2. Bor, boek ii., bl. 95, 96.

533

But the governess meant nothing less than to adhere to this agreement, any longer than circumstances obliged her to do so. She told some of her courtiers, with whom she was on terms of familiarity, that she had, against her will, and to avoid greater evils, permitted the heretics to hold their preachings, but she did not intend thereby to lessen her authority, or to neglect any means of lawful resistance against them. Unsuspicious of any double dealing, however, the frank-hearted Netherlander received the boon with joy and gratitude; "thanking God that they were allowed to worship him according to their conscience, without fear of the inquisition, bishops, or edicts." They built themselves churches with incredible diligence and rapidity, in which they attended their public service unarmed, and with the greatest order and decorum; and although some attempts were made to renew the image breaking, the seditious were forthwith seized and punished 1.

The first circumstance which roused their suspicions was an embassy from the Prince de Condé and the Admiral Coligny, the heads of the Reformers in France, to the confederate nobles, advising them to make no agreement whatever with the governess, for they would surely find themselves deceived. They promised at the same time, that if the confederates required their assistance, 4000 volunteers of cavalry should be ready to enter the Netherlands within a month. Their offer was thankfully refused 2.

  1. Meteren, boek ii., fol. 46.
  2. Bor, boek ii., bl. 98.

534

1566 The warning thus received was confirmed by some letters which a friend of the Prince of Orange had intercepted, written to the governess by Don Francis d'Alava, the ambassador of the King of Spain at the French court; wherein he recommended her to show a favourable Countenance to the Prince of Orange and the Counts of Egmond and Hoorn, until an opportunity should occur for treating them, the authors of all the mischief, as they deserved; he encouraged her to hope, that from the present unpromising state of affairs, the good effect would result to the king, of bringing the Netherlands to such a condition of obedience and submission, as none of his ancestors had as yet been able to do; for which purpose Philip himself would repair thither ere long, at the head of a powerful army, composed of the veteran troops of Italy.

The Lord of Montigny likewise wrote to his brother, the Count of Hoorn, from Spain, informing him of the excessive anger of the king at the outrages of the conoclasts, and urging that some means might be devised to appease him before his departure for the Netherlands. At this doubtful crisis, Orange, Egmond, and Hoorn, met together at Dendermonde, with Louis of Nassau and the Count of Hochstradt, to consider of their present situation, and the course of conduct now to be pursued, when each gave a different opinion, suitable to his character.

Louis of Nassau, bold, ardent, and enterprising, recommended the adoption of prompt and determined measures for their defence. Orange, prudent and cautious thought the wiser plan would be to retire from the Country; while Egmond, already weary of the turmoil in which he had involved himself, and sickening at the loss of court favour, advised that, without taking alarm at the letters of d'Alava, they should strive to convince the king of their zeal for his service, by their efforts to preserve the peace, and their entire submission to his ordinances.

535

His decision, unhappily for himself and his friends, prevailed, which, indeed, as he possessed unbounded influence with the troops, it was vain to oppose 1. He undertook to demand an explanation of the letters from the governess, when she either denied all knowledge of the matters alluded to in them, or put an entirely opposite interpretation on such parts as she was unable to disown. With her excuses, such as they were, Egmond allowed himself to be pacified. The Count of Hoorn, shortly after, had drawn up a full justification of his conduct in his government of Tournay, retired to his house at Weert; and the Prince of Orange, whose presence had been repeatedly solicited by the Hollanders, obtained permission of the governess to visit his Stadtholder ate.

Soon after his arrival, the states of Holland proposed to confer on him a gift of 55,000 guilders, which he refused, observing, that the public money might be better applied in these calamitous times. He made regulations for the performance of the reformed service, both Calvinist and Lutheran, under certain restrictions, and endeavoured, but without success, to induce the Reformers to be satisfied with churches outside the walls of the towns 2.

The difference of opinion between the heads of the popular party was an effective auxiliary to Margaret, in following the advice given her by Philip, to aim at the breaking up of the confederacy, by sowing mistrust and dissensions among its members. With this view, she held out to those of the Catholic religion promises of the king's speedy arrival, and of the clemency and favour he would show towards them in particular.

  1. Bor, boek ii., bl. 108—112. Verantwoordinge voor den Grave van Hoorn. Meteren, boek ii., lol. 48.
  2. Resol. Holl., 1566, bl. 58, 60. Hooft, Nederl. Hist., boek iii., bl. 118.

536

1566 Philip, likewise, wrote to several among them in the most gracious terms, especially the Prince of Orange, to whom he addressed a letter in his own hand, containing expressions of entire confidence and affection, and begging him (in answer to a request he had made some time before, to be dismissed from his employments) not to desert his service in this difficult „ crisis, but to cease for a while his intimacy with his brother, Louis, whose loyalty was suspected.

In consequence of the blandishments and solicitations of Philip and the governess, above a third part of the confederate nobles, among whom was the Count of Egmond, were induced to abandon the common cause 1. The important preliminary of dissolving the confederacy being thus accomplished, Margaret, under pretext of punishing the seditious and image-breakers, gave orders for levying, besides the German soldiers under Eric of Brunswick, two more regiments, under Count Philip of Oversteyn, with five of native troops of which two were Walloons 2. Thus supported, she felt it no longer necessary to disguise her real intentions. She placed troops at the disposal of the Stadtholder s of the provinces, with commands to seize and punish all those concerned in the late disorders, and to distribute garrisons in the principal towns of their governments. On the refusal of the citizens of Valenciennes to admit the soldiers within their walls, pleading that it was a violation of their privileges, she ordered Philip de St. Aldegonde, lord of Noircarmes, to lay siege to the town, and publicly proclaimed them traitors.

  1. Strada, dec. i., lib. v., p. 173. Meteren, boek ii., fol. 47. Autthen Stuk., bl. 17.
  2. The name of Walloon provinces is generally given to Hainaut, Artois, and French Flanders, where the French language is spoken.

537

The performance of the reformed services was forbidden in most of the provinces, and the ministers seized and imprisoned. To a remonstrance of the confederate nobles on the subject, Margaret replied, that she had, with great reluctance, granted the heretics liberty to preach, but she did not understand that they were to, perform the ceremony of marriage and other rites appertaining only to the true church 1.

The next measure adopted by the governess was to 1567 propose a new oath to all the members of the council of state, to the effect, that they should use their utmost endeavours to uphold the Catholic church, to punish the sacrilegious, and extirpate heresy; and that they should treat as enemies all those whom she declared such in the king's name. It was determined that all who refused to take this oath should be deprived of their offices; by which means, such as did not take it, were removed from affairs, while the governess secured the co-operation of those who did.

Egmond and most of the other nobles readily accepted it; the Prince of Orange, Brederode, Hoorn, and Hochstradt, declined, and the latter was in consequence commanded to surrender his government of Mechlin. To the prince Margaret sent a private ambassador, urging and even entreating him to conform to her wishes on this point; he, however, steadily refused. A similar oath, he objected, had never been imposed on any Stadtholder , and his accepting it would appear like an acknowledgment that he had previously failed in his duty; ho had sworn to preserve the privileges of his provinces, and if any thing were commanded by the king detrimental to them, he should be embarrassed by two oaths of a contrary nature; it was incompatible, also, with the feudal allegiance he owed to the Emperor of Germany; and, lastly, in swearing to prosecute heretics, he should bind himself to denounce his own wife and her family, who were Lutherans 2. He accompanied his refusal with a request that another Stadtholder might be appointed in his room. The office was afterwards conferred on Maximilian, Count of Bossn 3.

  1. Bor, boek ii., bl. 144—150. Meteren, boek ii., fol. 47.
  2. Strada, dec. i., lib. vL, p. 190,101.
  3. He had married, about two years before, Anne, daughter of Maurice, elector of Saxony.

536

1567  The popular party had been daily losing the ground thus gained by the court. The outrages committed on the churches, though disowned and deprecated by the better class of Reformers, cast, nevertheless a stigma on the whole body, and had alienated from them the minds of their Catholic allies, of whom many were now inclined to admit, that a necessity existed for the inquisition and the penal edicts. On the other hand, the activity which the principal among the confederates had shown in chastising the rioters, had rather excited against them the hatred of the populace, who conceived that the punishment of their excesses argued a desertion of their cause, than reassured the Catholics.

The Reformers, moreover, divided amongst themselves, could not be induced to act heartily together for the purpose of averting the common danger. They were generally considered as forming three principal sects, of which the Anabaptist was composed chiefly of the lower ranks of people, and, except in Friesland, comparatively small in number. The Lutherans, or as they were generally called, Protestants of the Augsburg confession, were the most influential from their station and property; while the 1567 Calvinists, by far the most numerous, active, and zealous, were proportionally detested by the court and Catholic clergy.

539

Each of these sects viewed the others with no less hatred and mistrust than they did the Catholics, whom the Lutherans, in fact, sometimes supported against their brother Reformers, in the civil broils of the towns. Neither was this feeling confined to the Reformers of the Netherlands, since the German Protestant princes refused to comply with their solicitations for aid, unless the Calvinists would first subscribe to the Augsburg confession; a condition which, it may be readily supposed, was rejected 1,2.

Added to these causes of division among the members of the popular party, was the entire separation which had now taken place between its leaders, the Prince of Orange and the Count of Egmond. The former had the advantage of the latter, inasmuch as he possessed a knowledge of the real views and designs of the Spanish court, by means of a spy he entertained there, in the person of one John of Castile, clerk to Andreas de las Layas, the king's secretary, who, for a pension of 300 crowns, betrayed to the prince all the secrets of his master; and as nearly the whole of the Netherland affairs in Spain were entrusted to the hands of this minister, the traitor had ample means of communicating to the prince all the information he desired 3.

  1. Hooft, boek iii., M. 112,122,123. Bor, boek iii., bL 168.
  2. The Duke of Wirtemberg, one of the heads of the Augsburg confession, had even gone so far as to promise the Duke of Guise, the bitter persecutor of the Reformers in France, to unite with the Catholics in preventing the spread of the Calvinistic doctrines, provided the work of purifying the Romish Church were not neglected, and that the punishments and proscriptions of the Lutherans should cease.—Thuanus, lib. xxix., cap. 9.
  3. Bor, boek xvi., bl. 288.

540

1567 Orange, therefore, knew full well that no safety remained for him except in flight, or in arms; but professing the Catholic religion, and dreading lest he should appear to Countenance the excesses of the Reformers, he pursued a vacillating course of policy, at one time joining in preparations for active resistance to the government, at another zealously obeying its orders, and assisting in the suppression of disturbances 1.

Ëgmond, in impoverished circumstances, and dependent for support on the emoluments of his offices, either felt or feigned implicit reliance on the promises of the king, whose merciful and benevolent disposition he made the constant theme of his discourse. At this time he seemed to have nothing so much at heart as to expiate his former offences by his present devotion to the service of the court, displaying the greatest activity in abolishing the reformed worship, punishing heretics, and forcing the towns throughout his government of Flanders to receive garrisons.

Henry van Brederode, more perhaps from necessity than inclination, remained faithful to the cause he had espoused. A direct descendant in the male line from the ancient Counts of Holland 2, his title to the sovereignty of the County, was considered by many to be preferable to that of the reigning prince, and he was accused by his enemies of directing his views to the seat of his forefathers; he had been the promoter, and most active member of the confederacy 3: was a sincere and zealous Protestant; and from his illustrious descent, joined to his brave and generous disposition, was as much beloved 1567 by the people, if less reverenced, than Orange and Egmond.

  1. Bor, boek iii., bl. 145. Meteren, bock ii., fol. 48.
  2. His ancestor was Siward, or Sigefrid, younger son of Arnold, third Count of Holland.—See Part I., chap.1.
  3. Vide p. 620.

541

For these reasons he was peculiarly obnoxious at court, and finding himself shut out from all hopes of a reconciliation, he made active preparations for hostilities. He fortified the town of Vianen, a part of his patrimonial demesnes, provided it with heavy artillery, supplied to him for the purpose from Utrecht by the Prince of Orange, and placed within it a garrison of 3000 men 1.

Troops were also levied by the Lord of Tholen, and a few other confederate nobles, who made an attempt to possess themselves of Flushing, which being unsuccessful, they retired to Oosterwel near Antwerp, Here they were attacked by some companies under Philip de Lannoy, lord of Beauvais, and the Count of Egmond, defeated, and dispersed, Tholen himself being slain.

A similar fete befel a band of 3000 Reformers, who marched from Tournay with the purpose of throwing succours into Valenciennes. This city, which had been besieged since the November of the previous year, now surrendered at discretion when 200 of the inhabitants were put to death by command of the Lord of Noircarmes 2. To add to the consternation occasioned by these disasters, a report was universally spread through the Netherlands, that the king being unable to visit them in person, was about to send thither the Duke of Alva at the head of a large army of Spaniards and Italians. Taking advantage of the general terror, the governess adroitly gave the Stadtholder s and the magistrates of the towns to understand, that the king's wrath would be appeased, and the army withheld, if the heretics were finally put to silence. In consequence of this hint, the reformed service was rapidly abolished through the whole Country; the churches everywhere broken down, and not unfrequently gibbets made of the materials.

  1. Bor, boek iii., bl. 147.
  2. Meteren, boek ii., fol. 60.

542

1567 Such was the state of affairs, when an interview was once more brought about between the Prince of Orange and the Count of Egmond at Willebroeck. Here the prince represented to Egmond, in urgent and forcible terms, the destruction that would ensue to them from the invasion of the Spanish army, and besought him either to enter into a general league with the nobles to oppose their coming, or to seek for safety in flight. But in spite of his prayers and entreaties, Egmond obstinately rejected both these measures, observing, that from the active part he had taken in the punishment of the image-breakers and heretics, he had everything to hope from the mercy of the king. " Your hope then is fallacious," replied Orange, in a tone of melancholy prophecy, " you will but serve as the bridge for the Spaniards to pass over into the Netherlands, which as soon as they have passed, they will destroy 1,2. The two nobles separated with mutual tears and embraces, and shortly after, the prince retired to his territory of Nassau in Germany, leaving his son Philip, Count of Buuren, at the university of Louvain. Brederode, then at Amsterdam, being warned of the approaching danger, took refuge in Cleves, where he died the following year. After his departure, Vianen, and the rest of his demesnes, were occupied and pillaged by the troops of Count Eric of Brunswick 3

  1. Strada, dec. i., lib. vi., p. 206.
  2. The popular story that Egmond took leave of the prince in then terms "Adieu prince sans terre!" and that Orange replied, "Adietss comte sans t��te!" rests solely on the authority of Aubery du Maurier, the account of their separation being given by the contemporary historians as in the text. The character of both, indeed, renders it highly improbable that they should have indulged in such coarse and cruel irony, on so mournful an occasion.
  3. Bor, boek iii., bl. 160.

543

The governess having thus obtained the full gratification of her wishes in the punishment of the heretics and the abolition of their worship, earnestly besought the king to grant her full powers to proclaim * general pardon*, and that be would abandon his purpose of sending an army into the Netherlands; a measure which had now, she said, become wholly unnecessary, since all the principal towns had received garrisons, the seditious were punished, and - the reformed churches everywhere destroyed 1.

Far different, however, were the resolutions which prevailed in the Spanish council. Of this body three members alone, Roderic Gomez di Suva, the Duke di Fern, and the Cardinal Fresnada, advocated the cause of mercy; the remainder, among whom the most influential were Alvarez di Toledo, Duke of Alva, and the Cardinal of Granvelle, used their utmost endeavours in urging on Philip to those severities, to which he was already but too well inclined. In compliance with their exhortations, supported by those of the Pope, he declared his intention of marching in person at the bead of his army, to chastise the rebels in the Netherlands, and he even made some preparations for his journey; but the affairs of Spain were not at this time in a condition to admit of his absence. The disaffected in that Country only waited for a leader to break out out into open revolt, and he feared lest, if he left his eldest son, Don Carlos, behind him, they would immediately adopt him as such; while, as he had been heard to express sympathy for the misfortunes of the Netherlanders, his presence among them was equally hazardous 2.

  1. Strada, dec. i., lib. vi., p. 201, 208.
  2. Strada, dec. i., lib. vi., p. 202.

644

J567 In this perplexity Philip came to the fatal determination of entrusting the command of the forces, with almost unlimited power, into the hands of the Duke of Alva, a man who, as he had been foremost in advising, was well fitted for executing measures of harshness and severity. An able and experienced general, a devoted and unscrupulous servant of his sovereign, and a stern bigot in religion, he was one to whom the quality of mercy was unknown.

The king commanded the governors of Sicily, Sardinia and Milan, to place all the veteran troops stationed in the fortresses there at his disposal; the clergy and members of the inquisition advanced contributions, as for a holy war; and the Spanish nobles, eager at once to extirpate the heretics, and to enrich themselves with their spoils, volunteered in numbers to accompany the expedition. The Duke, embarking for Italy with two of his sons, Don Frederic and Don Ferdinand de Toledo, arrived at Genoa on the 17th of May 1567 1. Shortly after his departure the Marquis of Bergen, who had been sent with the Lord de Montigny as ambassador to Spain, died suddenly, either from grief at the unhappy condition of his Country, or, as it was believed, from poison administered by an order of the king 2.

Dread and despair seized the Netherlanders at the news of Alva's approach. Nobles, merchants, labourers and partizans were mingled in one general and precipitate flight; vessels of all nations in the ports were crowded with exiles hurrying from their native shores; -and a prohibition issued by the governess, to prevent all persons, under pain of confiscation of their goods from quitting their homes without permission of the 1567 authorities of the place where they resided, served but to increase the evil.

  1. Meteren, boek iii., fol. 63.
  2. This, however, is strenuously denied by the friends of the court. Strada, lib. vi., p. 209.

545

Men fled with the greater haste and secrecy, often leaving their wives and families and the whole of their property to the mercy of their persecutors. Thousands sought refuge in England, Germany, and Denmark; the name of "beggars," a name given in scorn, and borne in pride, became but too true an appellation; the high-born, the wealthy, and the learned, were beheld wandering about in foreign lands and begging their bread. They still wore the dress and retained the badge of " Gueux," in token of their devotion to the cause for which they suffered, and the hope they cherished of being one day restored to their beloved Country 1.

The utter annihilation of the popular party at this period, proves how erroneous is the assertion of the Jesuit, Strada and others, who state that the revolt of the Netherlands was to be attributed, not to the inquisition or the introduction of the new bishops, but solely to the machinations of some impoverished and disappointed nobles 2. In the first formation of the confederacy the nobles rather obeyed than excited the popular impulse which, instead of contributing to sustain, they, by their vacillation and dissensions served but to divide and weaken. So far as they were concerned, the movement was now entirely at an end; and it is to their selfishness, treachery, or inconstancy, that the temporary ruin of the people's cause is to be ascribed.

  1. Bor, boek iii., bl. 172,176. Meteren, boek ii., fol. 51.
  2. Strada, dec. L, lib. ii., p. 47.

Part 2, Chapter 6

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Part 2

CHAPTER VI

449

Standing Army established in the Netherlands. Scheme of Incorporating the Netherlands with the Empire. Death of Maximilian van Egmond. Acknowledgment of Philip. Settlement of the Succession. Oaths of Acknowledgment. Edicts against Heretics. Attempt to establish the Inquisition. Opposition of Antwerp. Treaty with Scotland. With France. Council of Trent. Removed to Bologna. Interim published by the Emperor. Council resumes its sittings at Trent. Netherland Prelates sent thither. Termination of its Deliberations. War between the Emperor and the Protestant Princes of Germany. War with France. Treaty of Passau. Towns captured in Lorraine. Protection of Navigation. Debates on Subsidies. Terouanne and Hesdin besieged and destroyed. Marriage of Philip with the Queen of England. Invasion of Hainaut and Artois. Naval Engagement. Demand of Subsidies. Violation of Privileges. Attempt to gain possession of the National Charters. Fresh Demands. Resignation of the Emperor. Observations on Holland.

The termination of the German war had created 1548 in the Netherlander a hope that they should now be freed from the burden of maintaining mercenary soldiers, which they had borne with somewhat of impatience for several years. They were not a little amazed, therefore, when the emperor declared his intention of keeping a force of 4000 horse constantly on the boundaries of the Netherlands, who should take the oath of allegiance to him alone 1. They had, until the time of Maximilian, been accustomed to consider their burgher guards, who swore allegiance to the governments of the cities to which they belonged, as sufficient for their defence in time of peace, though the princes of the house of Burgundy and Austria had always industriously sought pretexts for maintaining a standing army in these states.

  1. Rep. der Plak., bl. 57.

450

About this time (1548) a plan was formed for incorporating the Netherlands with the body of the Germanic empire, under the name of the circle of Burgundy, and rendering them liable to contribute their quota to its burdens in the same manner as the other circles. The question whether or not Holland was to be considered as a fief of the empire has given rise to vehement debates among her historians. As the County was partly indebted for its existence 1 to the grants made at different times by the emperors, it seems reasonable to conclude, that the Counts always owed allegiance to them; and from the retention of the impost called "hunslade," in that made by Otho III. to Count Theodore Il. 2, it appears that the homage due was originally a full, or liege homage; if so, it afterwards (probably on the decline of the imperial power under the princes of the house of Hohenstauffen in the twelfth century dwindled into nothing more than a simple homage (homagium planum), or mere acknowledgment of feudal superiority 3; the Counts were styled "liberi vassalli* of the empire 4, a term not precisely explained in Du Cange's Glossary, but which I take to mean such vassals as were bound to no other service than that expressed in the grant of the fiefs they held.

  1. I say partly, because however widely we may fix the bow uncertain limits of the grants made by the emperors, they will by no means suffice to account for the whole of the territories of which we find the Counts of Holland in possession; even supposing that by the "forest of Wasda* granted to Gerolf, Count in Friesland in 889, the island of Walcheren is meant, the remainder of Zealand, and the whole of West Friesland is nowhere mentioned in such of the imperial charters as remain to us; the conjecture therefore of later historians is very probable, that a portion of the County was conquered by the predecessors of Theodore I. from the Danes; it is most likely too that they governed their conquests as independent sovereigns.
  2. Vid. chap. 1.
  3. Vid. Du Cange in " Homagium."
  4. Beka, p. 77.

451

Accordingly, we 1548 find that the suzerainty of the emperor over Holland gave him no right to interfere in its internal government, as was the case with the King of France in respect of Flanders, nor did an appeal lie from the court of Holland to the court of the empire as in Utrecht 1. Neither did the Counts of Holland assist the emperors in the wars of the empire of necessity, and as Vassalsof the empire, but only when induced to do so by circumstances of family connection, or political interest. It is true that the emperors conferred the County more than once on different princes as an escheated fief 2; but the possession never followed the grant, except in the case of Margaret, wife of the Emperor Louis VII., and she would have inherited the County without any such grant, as next heir to William IV., Count of Holland, who died without issue 3.

That the Counts of Holland owed allegiance at all times to the emperors, in so far as regarded the bare acknowledgment of feudal superiority, there are innumerable documents to prove; but it seems no less clear that they were free and independent sovereigns in their sates, or, as it is expressed by a writer of the fourteenth century, "the Count of Holland is emperor in his County 4,5"

  1. Grotius de Ant. Reip. Bat., p. 59,
  2. Thes. Mart et Durand, torn, i., cap. 1153, 1154. Beka in Wil-helmo, p. 102. Ghemeene Chronyck, divis. xxviii., deel. 9.
  3. Beka in Johan., 4to», p. 119.
  4. Phil, a Leid. de cure Reip. Grotius de Ant. Reip. Bat., p. 60.
  5. On the demand made by Louis XI., king of France, that Philip I. should deliver up Rubempré, who was a prisoner in Holland, the Duke replied, that he was sovereign of Holland both by sea and land, without acknowledging any other lord but God. Monstrelet, vol. x., chap. 30, p. 179.

452

With regard to Utrecht and Guelderland, the question was far less difficult to decide; 1548 they were undoubtedly fiefs of the empire, although by virtue of their peculiar privileges, they claimed exemption from any share in its burdens. The matter long discussed between the princes of the dietss and the Netherlands, was at length submitted to the emperor, who decided that the hereditary states of the Netherlands, with the duchy of Guelderland, and County of Zutphen, and the lordships of Friesland, Utrecht, Overyssel, and Groningen, should form a circle of the empire, called the circle of the "Burgundiun hereditary states," and should furnish contingents of men and money equal to two electoral princes, except in case of a general war against the Turks, when they were to contribute as much as three; that they, on their part, should enjoy the protection and support of the empire, reserving all their remaining rights, jurisdictions, and privileges; the emperor, and his heirs, should be summoned to the diets of the empire, and vote as ArchDukes of Austria. If the provinces failed to bear their part in the burdens of the empire, they should for this cause, and for no other whatever, be summoned to the imperial council at Spires 1.

This agreement was ratified by all the states of the Netherlands; but not without considerable difficulty on the part of the Hollanders, who desired to make it a condition that their share of the contingent to be furnished to the empire, should be taken out of the petitions granted by the states. At length, induced by the example of the other provinces, they accepted and ratified the agreement simply, adding that as a request, which they at first were inclined to insist on as a condition 2.

  1. Meteren, fol. 11. Sleidan, lib. xx., p. 466. Thuanus, lib. v., cap. 7, p. 177. Dumont, Corps Dip., torn, ft., p. 2, pa. 340.
  2. Regist. van Adrian van der Goes op'tjaar, 1549, bl. 21.

453

1548 Charles at this time entertained a project of substituting his son Philip in the place of his brother, as King of the Romans, and rendering the imperial crown hereditary in the person of the former; but finding himself unable to carry it into effect, in consequence of the firm refusal of Ferdinand to dispossess himself of his dignity, he became shortly after, as anxious to separate the Netherlands again from the empire, as he had before been to incorporate them with it. This agreement, therefore, was unattended with any results to the provinces, nor was the claim to them as part of the empire subsequently put forward by the Emperor Rodolph II., and founded upon it, acknowledged either by Spain or the Netherlands 1.

Towards the end of this year, died Maximilian van Egmond, Count of Buuren, an able and experienced commander, for many years captain-general of the Netherlands. He left his lordships of Buuren, Leerdam, Ysselstein, &c, to his only child Anna, who, by her marriage with the young Prince of Orange in 1551, brought these estates into the family of Nassau-Orange 2.

During the emperor's visit to the Netherlands, 1549 after the conclusion of the civil war in Germany, he summoned thither his son Philip, for the purpose of obtaining his acknowledgment by the states as their ''future sovereign lord, and natural prince." There was only one precedent afforded by his predecessors, the Counts of Holland, for such an act; and that was in the case of William VI. (1417), who, fearing that his brother, John of Bavaria, might seek to deprive his daughter Jacoba of her inheritance, induced the nobles and towns to swear allegiance to her as future sovereign before his death.

  1. Thuanus, lib. v., cap. 9; lib. vii., cap. 1.
  2. Idem, lib. v., cap. 17.

454

But, however unusual such a proceeding might have been, or however uncalled for it may have appeared in the present case, where no dispute concerning the hereditary sucession could possibly arise, more than one reason prompted Charles to its adoption. His son, born in Spain, and totally ignorant of either the Flemish or Dutch languages, was regarded with but little affection by the Netherlanders; added to this, he had already obtained a sinister reputation for severity in matters of religion, to which, not only the people at large, but likewise the governments of the towns, were becoming daily more averse; while on the other hand, there were many of the native nobility who stood high in the public favour.

Among these was conspicuous, Reynold, lord of Brederode, a nobleman esteemed alike for his personal qualifications, and valued for his descent from the ancient Counts of Holland 1, whose memory was still fondly cherished by the people; and it appeared not unlikely that after the death of Charles, in case of the continued absence of Philip, he would be raised by the popular voice to the seat of his forefathers. He had some years before drawn upon himself the heavy displeasure of the emperor, by assuming the arms of Holland 2. Charles had besides, as it soon became evident, determined to cause the edicts against heresy to be executed to the utmost extent of rigour, wherein he judged that the assistance of Philip might be highly useful to him.

On the arrival of Philip at Brussels, the states of Holland sent deputies to welcome him, and, under the name of a gratuity, consented to the demand of 50,000 1549 Philip's guilders (5625 P), made by the Stadtholder on his behalf; similar presents were likewise made him by all the other states 3.

  1. His ancestor was Sigefrid, youngest son of Arnold, the third Count of Holland.
  2. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. xl* cap. 16,270
  3. Magna quoque pecunia prestationis gratuite nomine exacta. Thuanus, lib. vi., cap. 2.

455

He was acknowledged first in Brussels and Louvain as future Duke of Brabant, and afterwards in the principal towns of the Counties of Flanders, Hainaut, and Artois; having been received in Mechlin as heir to that lordship, he passed over into Zealand, where, in order to save him the fatigues of a longer voyage, the states took the oath of allegiance at Reimerswale, instead of at Middleburg and Zierikzee, according to the ancient custom, with reservation, however, of the privileges of these towns for the future. After visiting all the great towns of Holland, Philip proceeded to the newly-acquired provinces of Utrecht, Overyssel, and Guelderland, the latter of which presented him with 13,000 lis d'or. The Count of Aremberg, in the name of the prince, received the homage of Groningen and Friesland, in the beginning of the following year 1.

At the same time that Charles signified his desire that the states should swear allegiance to his son, he declared that, since in some of the Netherlands the right of representative and collateral succession was not in use 2, and considering of how much importance 1549 it was to their welfare, that they should remain naked under one sovereign, he had resolved, with the consent and approbation of the states, to place the succession to the provinces on an uniform footing, by admitting in all of them the right of representative and collateral inheritance 3.

  1. Register van Adrian van der Goes, 1549, bl. 24—27. Heut. Rer. Aust, lib. xiii., cap. 2.
  2. The right of inheritance from a father who had never been seised of the estate, appears to have been by no means generally admitted in Europe during the earlier ages, either in regard to private property or the succession to the crown. Edward III. of England, before his intended departure for Guienne, in 1346, obtained an acknowledgment from the barons of the former Country, that, in case Edward, the Black Prince, died before his father, his son, Richard, should succeed as King of England, after the death of his grandfather. And subsequently to the death of the Black Prince, the king caused Richard to be acknowledged as his successor by all his children, as well as the earls, prelates, and knights of England.—Froissart, vol. iv., chap. ,43, p. 200; chap. #» p. 279.
  3. Boxhorn op Reigersberg, deel. ii., bl. 495.

456

The cause of the emperor's anxietssy on this paint was to secure the whole of the provinces to his grand- | son, Charles, the infant child of Philip, by his wife; Mary, daughter of John, king of Portugal, who died a short time after its birth. In the event of Philip"s decease before his father, a portion of Holland and Utrecht, where representative succession was not admitted, would not have descended to his son; while in Friesland and Guelderland, females were excluded from the right of succession, which Charles, by thus fixing it on a regular and uniform footing, secured to his daughters, Mary and Joanna, in case of the death both of Philip and his son, or to his sisters, on the failure of lineal heirs.

The states of all the provinces consented unanimously to his desire, at which proof of their complaisance he was so highly gratified, that he allowed them to make the oath administered to Philip on his acknowledgment as ample and as binding as they thought fit. According to the terms, therefore, in which it was conceived, the prince bound himself to "preserve to all the nobles, towns, commons, and subjects, whether lay or clerical, their ancient immunities and privileges, such as his ancestors, the Counts and Countesses of Holland 1, had granted them, as well 1550 as all their customs, usages, rights, and prescriptions, other general or particular."

  1. Thus expressly admitting the great Charter of Mary of Burgundy (1478).

457

In Zealand, he swore to "maintain all the customs and prescriptions which had been in use until the death of King Philip, and under the government of the emperor, Charles, 1". The nobles and six great towns of Holland, on their side, took an oath of allegiance to Philip, binding themselves "to support his rights and dignity; to obey and assist his officers in the proper execution of their duty; to be true, faithful, and serviceable in defending his person and state, as they are in justice and reason bound to be." The prelates, nobles, and towns of Zealand, swore to obey the prince as true and faithful subjects ought to do, according to the rights and privileges of the land 2.

After Philip's acknowledgment, the emperor, with the consent of the states, proclaimed the Netherlands to be from henceforward permanently united under the government of one sovereign. It is supposed that his design was to consolidate all the provinces into a kingdom, but that he was obliged to abandon it, because the peculiar customs and privileges, to which the inhabitants were devotedly attached, rendered it impossible to establish in them any regular and uniform system of government 3.

  1. It does not appear what reason there was for this exclusion of the fast years of the government of Margaret of Savoy.
  2. Groot Flakaat., deel. ir., bl. 35. Boxhorn op Reigersberg, deel. ii., bl. 498, 499.
  3. Grotius Annul. Belg., lib. i., p. 8, duod.

458

The Queen of Hungary, who had requested her dismissal upon the occasion of Philip's coming, was 1549 again confirmed in the government; but the emperor did not think it advisable to entrust to her alone the issuing of new and more harsh decrees against the heretics, since, according to his opinion, they had sot hitherto been treated with sufficient severity, which, indeed, the disposition of the people, and the gentleness of their municipal governments, hardly permitted 1. In the November of this year, he promulgated an edict, confirming all the former penal enactments against heretics, and ordaining that the estates of condemned heretics should be forfeited, notwithstanding all rights, customs, or privileges, to the contrary; he likewise commanded all the fugitive Jews from Portugal, whom fear of the inquisition had driven to take refuge in Holland, to quit the Country, upon pain of forfeiture of life and property.

This was only the step to still more bitter persecution, and to the introduction of the inquisition into the Netherlands, a tribunal formidable to every nation, but tending to the utter destruction of Holland, where the most entire toleration in religion, together with a large portion of civil liberty, is a matter of vital necessity for the happiness and security of the vast number of individualsof different nations, religions, and habits, whom her commerce draws to her shores 2.

A grand inquisitor of the Netherlands was now appointed by Pope Paul III., in the person of Ruard Tapper, of Enkhuyzen, who had obtained an ominous notorietssy as having sat in judgment on the first heretic ever condemned to death in Holland; and lest he should not be sufficiently inclined to persecution, he was specially exhorted to acquit himself well of his duty.

  1. Heretics were executed " not without deep commiseration among the burghers and even the greater part of the governments, who we* so disinclined to this work, that they vexed people on account of their religious opinions as little as they could possibly help, and the edict was received with great dismay, not only by those who were likely to feel its effects, but by the magistrates themselves, who were much dissatisfied with this great and excessive tyranny."—Veliua Hoorn, bl. 137,14&
  2. Brandt's Hist, der Bef., boek iii., bL 167.

459

Not long after the edict above mentioned, the emperor published another, commanding all who filled public offices to assist the inquisitors in bringing suspected persons to justice. Any one who informed 1550 against a heretic was to have half his property if he were condemned; and he who gave notice of any conventicle should also have half the property of those found guilty of attending it, provided he himself had not been there, or could satisfactorily prove himself to be a Catholic 1.

Its publication was, however, flatly refused by the citizens of Antwerp, then the most flourishing commercial town of the Netherlands, or even of Europe 2. The mere rumour that it was likely to be issued, had caused many substantial merchants to make preparations for quitting it ; trade was entirely at a stand; the rents of houses fell; and the workmen were thrown out of employ. The principal burghers and merchants, therefore, supported by the council of Brabant, presented a strong petition and remonstrance, in writing, to the governess, setting forth, that, by their privileges, they were exempt not only from the inquisition, but from spiritual jurisdiction altogether. Mary, averse, from her natural disposition, to all religious persecution, repaired in person to the emperor's court at Augsburg, where she represented to him so forcibly the evils that must result from the establishment of 1560 the inquisition at Antwerp, that at length she succeeded in persuading him to modify it in some degree with regard to foreign merchants.

  1. Sleidan, Hb. xxii., p. 497, 498. Brandt's Hist, der Kef., bl. 159.
  2. De Thou says of the whole Christian world, " Supra omnia orbis Christian emporia magnitudinem excreverat."—lib. vi„ cap. 17, p. 229; likewise Sleidan, lib. xxii., p. 501.

460

In the new edict published for that purpose, the name of inquisition, already odious in the Netherlands, was omitted, and that of spiritual judges given to the same persons. This pacified the discontents for a time, and Antwerp published the decree, though accompanied by a written protest, that it was in nowise to be understood as derogating from the privileges and customs of die town, which should be preserved entire 1.

The last war between the emperor and King of France had been the occasion of hostilities between the Netherlander and the Scotch, the zealous friends and allies of the French king. They had now for some years done considerable injury to the commerce and fishery of Holland by their privateering, which they still continued, even after the conclusion of the peace of Crespi between the two monarchs. To puts stop to the repeated capture of Holland merchant ships, the emperor had in the last year proposed to the states to equip twenty-five men-of-war, and for this purpose induced them to consent to a duty of five-pence an awn upon Rhenish wines. But though the import was strictly levied, the emperor forgot to apply the produce to the use for which it was intended, and no preparations were made until this year, when, as the Scots persisted in their aggressions, the court equipped eight of the twenty-five vessels promised, and for the expenses of these, a duty of a guilder upon every "last" of herrings 2 was demanded, which the Hollanders found themselves obliged to grant, since the 1550 Zealanders had offered three, or even four, guilders a last, provided they were permitted to enjoy the exclusive liberty of fishing.

  1. Brandt's Hist der Ref., boek iii., b). 160—162. Sleidan, lib. xxii, p. 501.
  2. The "last" contains fourteen barrels.

461

The small number of the Dutch fleet prevented their effecting anything more than the capture of a few prizes, which they brought into the ports of Zealand; but peace having been concluded between France and England, the Scots became unwilling to carry on the war alone, and towards the end of the summer a truce was made between them and the Netherlanders, followed by a treaty of peace, to the effect that all injuries committed on both sides were to be buried in oblivion; piracies were forbidden, and compensation was to be given for the hostilities committed during the time of truce 1.

A commercial treaty was likewise concluded about the same time, between the Netherlanders and Henry II., successor of Francis I. on the throne of France. The king had some time before commanded that the discovery of contraband wares in Netherland vessels should be followed by the forfeiture of the whole cargo; and the emperor had thereupon issued a similar order against the ships of France. It was now agreed that no other than contraband and enemies' goods should be declared liable to forfeiture 2.

It was not until this period that the Netherland ecclesiastics began to take any part in the general council of the Church summoned by Pope Paul III. in 1545, which continued to sit at Trent till 1547, when the successes of the emperor against the Protestant princes of Germany created alarm in the breast of the 1550 Pope, lest the vast increase of power he obtained by their subjugation should enable him to become sols arbiter of the decisions of an assembly held in the territories of the King of the Romans, his brother and subject.

  1. Aert van der Goes, op'tjaar 1550, bl. 41—45. Groot Plakaat., 4 deel., bl. 260.
  2. Dumont Corps Dip., torn, iv., p. 3, pa. 3.

462

Upon the pretext, therefore, of an infectious disorder having made its appearance in Trent, Paul transferred the council from thence to Bologna, not, withstanding the vehement protestations of the emperor, who forbad the German and Spanish prelates to leave Trent. The bishops of the empire also, m obedience to his desire, addressed a letter to the Pope on the subject, couched in strong and earnest terns of remonstrance. Nevertheless, such of the cardinals and prelates as had removed to Bologna, being entirely subservient to the holy see, refused to return to Trent; upon which Charles sent ambassadors, both to Bologna and to Rome, to protest against the translation of the council, as frivolous and unlawful 1.

Meanwhile, in order to heal the dissensions in religion, the emperor caused to be prepared his celebrated interim, with the purpose of reconciling the doctrines of the two churches. As it was framed by two catholic prelates, Julius Pflug, bishop of Narimberg, and Michael Sidonio, and one Protestant, John Agricola of Isleben, the catholic doctrines were, as may be supposed, but slightly modified. The interim met with the fate of all measures of the like nature particularly when applied to religious matters; it was satisfactory to neither party; and although Charles obtained from the dietss of Augsburg a decree to enforce its adoption, it was by no means so generally received as to obviate the necessity for another oecumenic council, whose decisions, from the infallibility with which he might profess to regard them as invested, he would be justified in carrying into effect, by any means, 1551 however violent.

  1. Sleidan, lib. xix., p. 425, 440, 447.

463

Soon after the accession of Julius III., therefore, he induced him to issue a bull, summoning the council to meet at Trent in the May of 1551 1. The emperor, besides the German prelates, among whom were the Archbishops of Metz, Treves, and Cologne, commissioned Anthony Perrenot, bishop of Arras, to select some of the best qualified of the Netherland ecclesiastics to support the emperor's interests, and to assist in reconciling the differences in religion, at the council of Trent. Viglius van Zuichem, president of the council, whom the bishop consulted on the subject, declared that he felt shame when he reflected how few capable persons were now to be found in the Netherlands, which formerly abounded with men of learning; and that he hardly knew where to find one who was fit to undertake the business of the court at Trent 2. He nevertheless named Francis Sonoy, canon of Utrecht, with two others; and recommended that they should be accompanied by two doctors, a canonist of the university of Louvain, and some monks; and that of the former, one should be Ruard Tapper, the grand inquisitor 3.

  1. Sleidan, lib. xx., p. 454—161; lib. xxii., p. 503.
  2. This accusation, a highly improbable one, against a Country which so short a time before had boasted of an Erasmus and an Agricola, is contradicted by the testimony of Vargas, a Spanish prelate, not likely to form a partial judgment in favour of the Netherlanders: he says that " the doctors of Louvain are excellent men, and of great modesty, distinguished for their learning, and the purity of their morals, and such theologians as the council should have gone to the ends of the world to leek; their dean (Ruard Tapper) is no less remarkable for knowledge than dignity." Let. et Mém. de Vargas, p. 173,188, 235, 236. The sweeping censure of the president would induce us to suppose that the Most learned and able were either not sufficiently subservient to the views of the emperor, or were suspected of heretical opinions.
  3. Vide his Letter, in Dip. Miraei, torn, iii., p. 463—465.

464

1551 The Protestants refused to attend the assembly, unless the safe conduct which the emperor had granted them in the most ample terms, were confirmed by the council, which the Pope's legate, who dreaded their appearance there, took every means to prevent. Meanwhile, the ecclesiastics already assembled, to the number of about sixty, decided upon many important points of dispute respecting confession, penance, and extreme unction. Events, however, occurred in the next year, which on a sudden broke off their deliberations 1.

The Prince Maurice of Saxony, nephew of the elector, although professing the reformed religion, had, from motives of vanity and self-interest, forsaken the cause of the confederates of Smalkalde; and either believing, or affecting to believe, the assertion of the emperor, that he had taken up arms in support of the laws and dignity of the empire, and not from religious causes, had been mainly instrumental in the war of 1546, to the ruin of his fellow Protestants.

For his services in that war, the emperor had recompensed him with the dominions and electoral dignity of his uncle. Now, however, whether disgusted at the discovery of the insincerity of Charles's professions, or because wider schemes of ambition opened to his view (for it is difficult to decide which of these motives to ascribe to him,—perhaps both had a share in influencing his conduct), he began to concert measures with the remaining Protestant princes, to secure the Protestant religion, and the liberties of Germany, against the power of the emperor, and to obtain the release of the Landgrave of Hesse; such, at least, were the reasons for taking up arms, which he professed to them and to foreign powers 2.

  1. Lett, et Mem. de Vargas, p. 117,128,168, 254» 385, 401. Sleidan, lib. xxiii., p. 530.
  2. Sleidan, lib. xvii., p. 880—410. Lett, de PEmpéreur aux trois Electèurs Ecclfoiastiqnes, in Lett, et Mem. de Vargas, p. 881 Thuauus, lib. viii. cap. 6 ; lib. ix., cap. 13.

465

His plans were formed with so much secrecy, and executed with such celerity, that before the emperor had time to prepare for his defence, he had possessed himself of some of the strongest places of the empire, and Charles with difficulty escaped being taken prisoner at Inspruck, where he was then residing, in order to be nearer to the Council at Trent.

Maurice had likewise gained over Henry II. of France to an alliance with; the Reformers, and the emperor, embarrassed at once in a war with that Country and with his own subjects, was reduced to accept of the peace of Passau, on terms 1552 the most favourable to the Protestants; by it he engaged to allow entire liberty of religion throughout Germany, to deliver the Landgrave of Hesse from his imprisonment, and to admit the members of the Augsburg confession to the imperial council.

The emperor had voluntarily released the Elector of Saxony before his flight from Inspruck, in order that he might embarrass Prince Maurice by claiming the restoration of the electorate. The prelates at the Council of Trent, on hearing of the advance of Maurice, took flight in different directions, and the council was not resumed until the year 1563, when its resolutions were attended with important and lasting effects to Holland 1.

The proceedings of Maurice in Germany had been anticipated by the seizure of the Netherland merchant vessels on the part of the French king in the year before, which led to a formal declaration of war between France and the emperor; 1552 but, as during the first campaign, nearly the whole force of both belligerents was concentrated in Italy, the events in the Netherlands were few and unimportant.

  1. Sleidan, lib, xxiv., p. 547, 550—55G. Lett, et Mém. de Vargas, p. 188. Thoanus, lib. x., cap. 4, 5,13.

466

Nearly at the same time that Maurice began hostilities against the emperor in Germany, Henry IL, in pursuance of the terms of the treaty, sent a powerful army into Lorraine, under the constable Anne de Montmorency, who took possession of Metz, Toul, and Verdun.

The king invaded Alsace in person; Haguenau and Weissemburg opened their gates to him. While in that province, he received intelligence of the pacifiction of Passau, which, although one of its articles was to the effect that the Protestant princes should renounce the alliance of France, did not prevent his marching into Luxemburg, where several strong places fell into his bands. On the side of the imperialists Marten van Rossem made an irruption into Champagne and Picardy, where he cruelly devastated the Country according to his usual custom.

The emperor, as soon as the peace of Passau left him at liberty to pursue the war against France without interruption, sent the Duke of Alva, at the head of the Spanish army and some troops he had drawn from Italy, assisted by Lamoral, Count of Egmond, and the Lord of Bossn with a body of Netherland forces to attempt the recovery of Metz, whither he himself repaired shortly after in person. The perpetual sallies and the destructive fire kept up by the garrison, prevented his making any progress in the siege, which the rigour of the season forced him to raise in the January of the next year. The campaigns in Picardy and Italy were equally unpropitious to the imperial arms, while at sea the French succeeded in capturing a large and rich fleet of Netherland merchant ships returning from 1552 Spain 1.

  1. Thuanus, lib. x., cap. 6, 7, 8,9,10 11,12. Heut. Rer. Aust, lib. xiii, cap. 12,14,17. Meteren, fol. xii.

467

The states of Holland haying voted a supply of 200,000 guilders for the support of the war, were anxious to find means of protecting the herring fishery, which had been almost stopped during the last autumn, from fear lest the "busses" should be captured by the French ships of war. Holland and Zealand were strongly inclined to exchange safe conducts with France, for the mutual security of this branch of trade; while Flanders and the governess thought it more advisable to provide a naval force sufficient to defend the boats from aggression.

As she refused to make any agreement with the French king for the safe conduct, declaring plainly that she could not trust him, the maritime towns of Holland interested in the fishery were obliged, if they would not lose it altogether, to equip on their own account eight men-of-war. Delft, Rotterdam, and Enkhuyzen, provided two each, Schiedam, together with several smaller towns, the remaining two between them. In spite of their precautions, however, they lost fifty boats.

The westward fleet fared better, for having put to sea under a strong convoy, they made a safe and profitable voyage to Spain. For the equipment of this convoy, an impost of two per cent had been laid on all commodities carried to or from the west; which some of the deputies of the states considered an infraction of the privilege of exemption from toll that they had obtained from the emperor in 1531; others judged that the duty, being levied at the desire of the merchants, for the protection of their trade, and not applied to the profit of the emperor, could not be considered as a toll.

408

They at length agreed to present a petition to the governess that it might be abolished, and to press still more earnestly for its removal upon the cessation or abatement of the present war. It was remitted in 1554 1.

The campaign was scarcely ended, when the emperor, finding himself in extreme want of funds, from the delay which had occurred in the arrival of specie from America, demanded another subsidy of the Netherlands: of Brabant 600,000 caroluses, and of the other provinces in proportion. The share of Holland was 300,000 guilders. The states, according to their custom, made difficulties about granting so large a sum; the nobles observing that the province had paid the emperor 700,000 guilders within the year. They endeavoured to obtain an abatement of 50,000 guilders, and to make several conditions, among which the principal were, the abolition of the two hundredth penny on exports; a free trade to the west; that the herring fishery should be placed under safe conduct; and that no office, except that of Stadtholder , should be given to foreigners.

To the last of these requisitions the governess coldly replied, that she had given but few offices to foreigners, and those only to such as were better qualified to serve them than the natives who were candidates at the same time; the remainder she refused either to comply with, or even to transmit to the emperor; declaring that the consequences of his heavy displeasure would fall upon the states, unless they proceeded to the immediate and unconditional grant of the whole subsidy. Alarmed by her threats, the nobles, Delft, and Dordrecht, and finally the other four great towns, consented to the entire sum of 300,000 guilders, to be levied by the tax of a tenth on immoveable property, and on the profits of the herring fishery 2.

  1. Regist. van Adrian van der Goes, 1552, bl. 41—61.
  2. Regist. van A. van der Goes, op'tjaar 1553, bl. 5—18.

469

The custom 1553 of summoning the small towns on questions of supply, had gradually fallen into disuse. As the great towns only were sufliciently wealthy to raise loans for the service of the sovereign, or anticipate the payment of the subsidies already voted, the government had been in the habit of summoning them alone, whenever a measure of this kind was found necessary 1. Hence the transition to the entire neglect of the small towns upon all questions of supply was easy; in the year 1538 they had presented a remonstrance on this subject, declaring that they did not consider themselves bound by the votes of the great towns, and obtained from the Stadtholder a promise, that they should always be summoned and consulted before the consent of the states to any subsidy was taken 2.

This promise, however, was not adhered to; the small towns were seldom summoned after 1542, never after 1548, nor could they recover the privilege of being present, as of old, in the states, so long as Holland remained under the government of sovereigns whose interest it was to render the states more tractable, by diminishing the number of deputies, and narrowing as much as possible the basis of popular representation.

The exaction of the two hundredth penny on exports was slightly modified by a proclamation from the emperor, who, in order to obtain provisions for his camp, declared that all articles brought thither should be exempt from the duty, Having by this means secured an abundant supply of every necessary, he commanded the Count of Roueulx to undertake the siege of Terouanne in Artois.

  1. Regist. van A. van der Goes, op'tjaar 1553, bl. 48, 95,140, 334, and passim.
  2. Idem, op'tjaar 1538, bl. 290.

470

This ancient city being 1553 taken by storm, was razed to the ground by order of the emperor, and has never since been rebuilt; Hesdin shortly after shared the same fate. A portion of the imperial army, under Lamoral, Count of Egmond, having advanced as far as Amiens, a sharp engagement took place between them and the French, under the Count de Montmorenci, in which neither party was decidedly victorious 1.

While Charles was thus carrying the war into the boundaries of France, he was engaged in forming an alliance which proved a source of no small disquietssude to Henry. On the death of Edward VI., Mary, the daughter of his aunt, Catherine of Arragon, had ascended the English throne; immediately after which event, he proposed to his son Philip a marriage with the new queen. Philip gave a ready consent, although Mary had before been contracted to his father 2, was now past thirty-eight, and totally destitute of personal attractions. The negotiations were carried on as covertly as possible, owing to the general unpopularity of the match with the English nation; and Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, who negotiated on the part of the queen the secret and preliminary treaty, made use of this feeling, and the eagerness of Charles for the conclusion of the marriage, to obtain such conditions as he thought proper. Matters being put in train, Lamoral, Count of Egmond, was sent at the head of 1554 a public and solemn embassy, to demand the hand of the queen, and in a few days the articles of the treaty were agreed upon.

  1. Thuanus, lib. xii., cap. 6, 7, 8. Meteren, fol. xv.
  2. Vid. part n., chap. 5.

471

1554 Philip was to be associated with the queen in the government of England, but the disposal of offices should rest solely with the latter; the dowry of the queen, amounting to 60,000 pounds 1 (of forty groots) yearly, was to be levied, 40,000 on Spain, and 20,000 on the Netherlands; the first-born son of the marriage was to have, besides England, Burgundy and the Netherlands; Charles, the son of Philip by his former wife, inheriting only Spain, Naples, Sicily, and the states in Italy; in case of no male issue, the eldest daughter should succeed to England, Burgundy, and the Netherlands, provided she married a native of either, or a foreigner with the consent of Charles, her brother; but if she married a foreigner without such consent, then the right of succession to the latter states was to return to Charles, who should settle a portion on her out of the revenues of Spain and the Netherlands: if prince Charles died without issue, the eldest son of Philip and Mary, or, in default of sons, the eldest daughter, should inherit all his dominions; the ancient laws, rights, customs, and privileges of both nations, were to be preserved, and the public offices conferred only on the natives of each respectively 2.

The marriage concluded on this footing was even less acceptable, if possible, to the Netherlanders, than to the English; they beheld their future sovereign, whose character for bigotry and severity they had already begun to dread, united to a princess who, if report spoke true, closely resembled him in these qualities;

  1. £5000 sterling. Hume (vol. ir., p. 387) has put down the jointure of Mazy at £60,000 sterling; but the sum specified in Rymer is 00,000 ponds "of forty groots," or halfpence. The "pond groot" was a coin common in the Netherlands, and is to be distinguished from the "pond vlaamsch," which was worth nearly ten shillings.
  2. Thuanus, lib. xiii., cap. 3. Heut. Rer. Aast., lib. xiii., cap. 20. Rym, Feed., torn, xv., p. 377.

472

in case of male issue, they foresaw that they 1554 would sink into a mere province of England; and in the event of a female succession, there was great probability that they would become once more the subjects of a foreign prince, a stranger to their laws and customs, the bitter fruits of which they had already fully experienced since the accession of the house of Burgundy.

The circumstances of this union, therefore, gave satisfaction to none except the merchants, who obtained on the occasion some important advantages. The privileges of the company of German and Netherland merchants in London, called the Stillyard, bad been abolished in 1552, on a representation to the king by the English clothiers, that it monopolised the whole trade, to the prejudice of the natives 1.

Since that time, in spite of the repeated efforts of the governess to obtain the restoration of the company's privileges, it had only been allowed to trade under payment of a heavy duty both on exports and imports; but during the negotiations for the marriage, the Hanse towns sent ambassadors to solicit their restoration which the queen granted, and likewise gave permission for the exportation of a certain sort of cloth that had hitherto been forbidden.

In the next year she farther fevoured the Netherland commerce, by re-opening the wool-staple at Calais, which the King of France had induced Henry VIII. to close in the year 1530 2.

The solemnization of the marriage was held at Winchester on the 25th of July 1554, after which Philip remained during a whole year in England.

  1. They complained that in the year 1551 the company had exported 44,000 pieces of cloth, while all the English merchants together had not sold more than 1,100 pieces in foreign Countries.
  2. Rym. Feed., torn, xv., p. 864,413.

473

During that time he became convinced that there could be no hope of an heir; when the principal advantages he expected to reap from the alliance being thus frustrated, and the English nation not affecting to conceal the dislike and contempt they entertained for him, he began to view them, and even his wife, notwithstanding her devoted attachment to him, with the utmost aversion.

The attention of Charles had been so engrossed by his favourite scheme, that he neglected in some degree the timely preparations necessary for the ensuing campaign. Henry II., who was himself not ready before June, forestalled the emperor by invading the Netherlands with three separate armies. The Prince de la Roche sur Yon, overran the open Country of Artois, while the Duke of Nevers possessed himself of some strong places in the Luxemburg, and the Constable de Montmorenci, with the main body, marched into Hainaut, where having taken Chimay, he laid siege to Mariemburg, a fort which the governess had strengthened with immense labour and expense, and named after herself.

It surrendered before the end of a month, and Bouvines, besieged by Henry in person, was carried by assault a few days after; Dinant also capitulated. Having mastered Bavoi and Binche in Hainaut, the king marched into Artois, where he sat down before Renti. At length the imperial forces were brought into a state of preparation, and under the command of Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy, the emperor himself being present in the camp, advanced to meet the French under the walls of Renti. The two armies came to a general engagement, in which the victory was claimed by the latter, but declared by the Netherlander to be doubtful. It most probably was so, since the French suffered so great loss, that 1554 they were obliged to raise the siege, and retire into Picardy 1.

  1. Heut. Rer. Auftt, lib. xiii, cap. 21. Meteren, fol. 15. Thuanus lib. xiii., cap. 10.

474

During this summer hostilities were carried on at sea between the French and Netherlanders with more than usual energy. Two and twenty vessels of war, returning from Spain to the Netherlands laden with merchandise, fell in with nineteen large and six smaller French ships, commanded by Espineville d'Harfleur, near the English coast at Dover. The Netherlanders, anxious to save their wares, sought to avoid the French, who were advancing for the purpose of boarding them; but though they kept up a heavy fire from a distance, they could not prevent the approach of the enemies vessels, fifteen of which closed with the same number of Netherlanders. The fight was continued with great fierceness from nine in the morning until three in the afternoon, when the French proposed a truce, which their opponents, sanguine of the event, refused.

At this time, the combustibles thrown by the Netherlanders, set fire to one of the enemy's vessels; the flames were rapidly communicated to five others, and from them to the Netherland ships; the crews, throwing themselves into the sea, swam to the nearest vessels that had escaped the conflagration, whether friend or enemy. This circumstance secured the victory to the French in an unlooked for manner. The Netherlanders rescued so great a number of their enemies, that the latter found themselves sufficiently strong to surprise and capture the crews of five of the vessels into which they had been taken, and bring them into the port of Dieppe. Besides these, the Netherlanders had six ships burnt; of the French the same number were burnt, and one sunk. The French writers say that 1000 of the Netherlanders were killed, and 400 of their own Countrymen; while the Netherlanders, though without much appearance of probability, place the larger number to the account of their opponents. Among the slain was the French admiral, Espineville 1.

  1. Thuanus, lib. xvi., cap. 9. Velius Hoorn, bl. 147,148. Heut. Rer. Aust.. lib. xiii., cap. 23.

475

To supply the expenses of this war, the states granted the sum of 200,000 guilders, of which 100,000 was raised by the sale of life annuities at sixteen and two-thirds per cent., and redeemable annuities at eight and a quarter per cent. They obtained in return for this subsidy, the abolition of the two hundredth penny on exports, and a bonus of 10,000 guilders for the protection of the fisheries.

A second demand of 200,000 guilders brought forward by the court, was more unwillingly complied with; the nobles remonstrated, that the Country was already burdened with 47,000 guilders of annuities, the principal amounting to 480,000, and several of the towns objected to be taxed according to the assessments, preferring rather to pay the tenth penny, while others insisted upon the ordinary methods of assessment, and the sale of annuities. This difference of opinion was occasioned by the great change which had taken place in the relative condition of the towns since the valuation had been made in the year 1518. Some had considerably increased in wealth and population, and consequently their share in the assessment no longer bore a due proportion to that of those towns which remained stationary. In the former situation were Dordrecht and Amsterdam, which were always desirous of being taxed by the assessment (schildtalen), while Leyden and Gouda, whose real property was of less value than that of the former towns, found their advantage in 1554 paying the tenth penny.

476

The perpetual demands for subsidies, which, to avoid tediousness, have only been noticed when accompanied by an attempt on the put of the Netherlander to secure their privileges in return, or by some other remarkable circumstance, afford strong evidence of the increase of wealth in the Netherlands.

Notwithstanding that the unceasing wars in which they were involved, sometimes entirely prevented their fisheries, and greatly embarrassed their commerce, the merchants contrived, by means of safe conducts and various other expedients, to carry on an advantageous traffic, even in the enemy's states; as an instance of which, may be cited one Melchior Schets, who in this year had procured from France 14,000 bales of wood, although a contraband article. The great increase of trade, and consequently of wealth and population, occasioned an augmented consumption of wine, beer, and other articles of excise; and this tax proved often so productive, that while the states incurred new debts to furnish the sums paid to the court, they were in a condition to redeem a large portion of the old.

They had done so to some extent immediately after the grant of 300,000 guilders in the last year; but these transactions they always industriously kept concealed from the court, and disguised, under heavy complaints of increasing poverty, lest they might give a suspicion of how much more taxes they were able to bear. Their precautions were not, however, always successful, and the discovery was sure to be followed by a fresh petition, or "proposition,' as the courtiers chose rather to call it; the old term of petition having fallen into bad odour, as expressive of too much dependence on the part of the sovereign, and too much power in the states to withhold it.

477

It was become so customary for the states to receive all petitions with murmurs, that the court manifested 1554 little disquietssude on that head, and indeed would have been rather astonished had they been suffered to pass in silence 1. A little grumbling apart, however, the people may be considered to have given their sovereign a liberal and generous support throughout the whole of the reign of Charles. Unfortunately, the sovereign did not return it by a just sense of what was due to the people. The privilege "de non evocando" was now perpetually violated, and the persevering endeavours of the states to put a stop to this abuse were of no avail.

The government insisted that accusations of treason were to be tried, not in the constitutional manner by the supreme court of Holland, but before a special tribunal appointed by the emperor; and we have seen sufficient proofs in the history of our own Country, how widely the law of treason might be interpreted. In Holland it was held, not only to include all manner of crimes against the emperor, but also against God, more especially heresy; and in consequence of this unwarrantable wresting of the meaning of terms, a cruel persecution was carried on by the court against the followers of the new doctrines; many pious and learned men, who would have been protected in their own Country, being dragged before a foreign tribunal, and condemned to death.

Among the most lamented was Engel Merula, an aged and beloved pastor of Heenvlietss, who, after being detained two years in the prison of Louvain, was condemned to the flames at Mons. Happily, he died as he was uttering his last prayer before the stake, and thus escaped the cruelty of his persecutors 2.

  1. Regist. van Adrian van der Goes, 1554, bl. 24—36.
  2. Brandt's Hist, der Re£, deel. i., bl. 212. Aert van der Goes, bl. 267. Adrian van der Goes, op'tjaar 1544, bl. 7; 1545, bl. 18, 51; jaar 1546, bl.9; 1554, bl. 36.

478

1554 Not content with trampling the privileges of the people under foot, the court made strenuous efforts to obtain possession of the ancient charters by which they had been confirmed. Until within a few years of this time, the principal of these documents were most unaccountably not in the possession of the states, bat scattered about in the different towns; the very important one "de non evocando" for instance, was kept by the government of Delft; some were in the custody of the advocate; others in the registry of the court of Holland; while there were some remaining even in the muniment chamber of the emperor in Brabant.

The states in the year 1545 had commanded the advocate of Holland, and the pensionaries of Delft and Leyden, to search for, and collect all the charters of privilege throughout the County, and had placed them in the Dominican monastery at the Hague. On one occasion William Snoekaart, a commissioner sent by the emperor for the ostensible purpose of examining the charters, endeavoured to persuade the prior of the monastery to open for him the chest which contained them; but not being able to prevail with him to do so, he commanded him from the emperor to keep the apartment constantly closed, and to let no one enter, threatening that himself and the whole cloister should feel the consequences of the sovereign's displeasure if he disobeyed.

The injunction was but little heeded; and some of the towns having been afterwards commanded to deliver their charters into the hands of the procuror-general, the states passed an unanimous resolution, that they would never entrust the court with the original charters of the Country, but, when occasion required, attested copies of them only should be given; and ordered the advocate of Holland to see that they were carefully preserved in a strong chest with six 1555 locks 1.

  1. Regist. van Adrian van der Goea, op'tjaar 1545, bl. 35; 1546, bl. 5, 1548 , bl.3,7,22.

479

The war with France, which had now continued for some years, had so exhausted the resources of both the belligerent powers, that hostilities were but slackly curried on during this campaign; and the plague breaking out in the emperor's camp, obliged him to retire early into winter quarters. Among the victims to the disease perished the celebrated Martin van Rossem, who, since the surrender of Guelderland by the Duke of Juliers, had constantly remained in the service of the emperor 1.

The subsidies demanded of the states were just as heavy as if the war had been pursued with the greatest vigour. Two extraordinary petitions were proposed, one payable in March of 200,000 guilders, and another of the same amount in September. The first was readily granted, but no small difficulty was found in pleasing the deputies as to the mode of levying the latter. Hearth money, they said, pressed too heavily on the poorer classes: a land tax could not be laid on by reason of the bad crops, and the small quantity of turf which had been cut during the last wet summer; while the cessation of trade, particularly of weaving, the clearness of provisions, and the losses sustained by the herring fishery, rendered the payment of a house assessment impossible.

They concluded with an entreaty to be spared further petitions in this miserable year; but the whole subsidy was insisted on, and they gained nothing by their debates but a delay of three months in its delivery. 1555 The nobles and deputies of the towns at this time judged it expedient to put the imposts in general upon a new and uniform footing.

  1. Heut. Rer, Aust., lib. xiii., cap. 23.

480

They had hitherto been received by one or more collectors in each town, in whose accounts many irregularities occurred: the duties on wine and beer, for instance, had, during the past year, yielded no more than 20,008 ponds (of forty groots). The states considered, therefore, that the taxes would be much more accurately levied, and at a smaller expense to the County if they were publicly let out to farm. From henceforward this method was universally adopted, and followed until so late a period as 1748 1.

In the autumn of this year (1555) the world was astonished by the declaration of the emperor's intention to resign all his vast dominions, and spend the remainder of his days in a cloister. Historians have bestowed infinite pains in searching for the motives of this apparently extraordinary resolution; and yet, perhaps, it is rather from the rarity than the improbability of such an act that it excites our surprise.

With respect to Charles especially, it is not difficult to suppose that, in a helpless condition of body, (from unceasing attacks of the gout,) and with a mind enfeebled by long diseases, embarrassed at once by a war with France, by exhausted finances, and by the increasing power of the Protestants in Germany, he should be desirous that the sceptre dropping from his now relaxed and nerveless hand should be held with a firm and vigorous grasp. Added to all the weighty political reasons which are generally supposed to influence him, may have been one more simple and natural.

He had, very many years before been struck with the situation of the monastery of St Justus, near Placentia in Spain, and it is not impossible that the image of repose presented by the peaceful beauty of that retreat may have often recurred to his mind in after years of turmoil and anxietssy; and, joined to that love of particular places, which in some minds amounts almost to a passion, may have produced a longing desire to return there once more, as to a haven of rest in his latter days.

  1. Regist. van Adrian van der Goes, op'tjaar 1655, bL 39—43; 1556, bl. 12.

481

It is certain that as early as the year 1542, long before the existence of any of the causes usually adduced for his abdication, he had declared to Don Francis de Borgia, Duke of Gandia, his intention to abandon the world as soon as his son Philip should be fit to govern 1.

The rumour of his intention excited no small dismay in the Netherlands, where men dreaded the resignation of the governess, to whose rule they had, in the course of five and twenty years become accustomed, and the accession of a stranger, ignorant alike of their language, habits, and constitution. To such an extent was this feeling carried in Holland, that the states commanded the deputies whom they sent to the assembly of the states general at Brussels to keep back their full powers until those of the other provinces had been produced, so that they might be able to support any one of them who appeared inclined to withhold their consent to the emperor's abdication 2.

On the 25th of October 3, the day appointed for the ceremony, the knights of the Golden Fleece, and the deputies of all the states of the Netherlands assembled at Brussels. The governess Mary, queen dowager of 1555 Hungary, Mary, daughter of the emperor, and Maximilian, his nephew, were likewise present on this solemn occasion, Philibert of Brussels, a member of the council of state of the Netherlands, having opened the business of the day, by declaring the purpose for which they were assembled, and the reasons which had prompted the emperor to adopt this resolution, the emperor rose, supported on the shoulder of the Prince of Orange, and holding a paper to assist his memory, took a review of his past life; of the campaigns he had conducted, the voyages he had undertaken, and the labours and fatigues he had endured for the service of his subjects; for the sake of whose welfare, he said, he now substituted a brave and active prince in the place of a feeble old man, sinking fast into the grave.

  1. Strada de Bello Belg., lib. i., p. 12,13.
  2. The surrender was made on the 25th, but the oaths to the new sovereign were not taken by the states of the several provinces until the 26th and following days, which may account for the discrepancy of authors as to the precise time of the resignation; some dating it from the day of the surrender, others from that of taking the oaths. Regist. van Adrian van der Goes op'tjaar 1555, bl. 54, 65.
  3. Regist. van Ad. van der Goes, op'tjaar 1555, bl. 51.

482

After the conclusion of his address to the states, he exhorted his son to repay the debt of gratitude he owed him for thus surrendering of his own free will so rich an empire, and which he himself had greatly augmented, by testifying so much the more tenderness and care towards his subjects, and to justify the confidence he had this day shown in him, by his zeal for the laws, rights, and privileges of the people, and for the maintenance of the Catholic faith.

Philip, bending on one knee, first asked and received his father's blessing: then turning towards the states, besought them, on account of his inability to express himself in the French language, to permit the Bishop of Arras to address them in his name. The bishop accordingly, in an eloquent discourse, expatiated upon the king's gratitude to his father and affection for his subjects. In conclusion, the Governess Mary, resigning the administration of the Netherlands which she had now held for twenty-five years, took leave of the states in a speech replete with modesty and good feeling.

483

She had often, she said, during the long course of her 1556 government, besought her brother to take off her shoulders a burden so unsuited to her feeble sex and inferior understanding; but that he had sought to provide a remedy for her defects, by placing around her men of sound judgment and veil skilled in public affairs. Her faults were to be attributed to the weakness of her nature, not to the perversion of her will; but had her ability equalled her love towards her people, she should have amply satisfied the emperor, and the Netherlands would have been better governed than any other nation of the earth; the little good she had been permitted to do was to be attributed to the able and wise men who had assisted her. She finished by exhorting them to peace and unanimity, and to obedience towards God, the Church, and their prince; declaring that, to the end of her life, she should be always ready to devote herself to the advantage of the Netherlanders, either generally or individually. Her address was answered by Jacob van der Maas, pensionary of Amsterdam, on the part of the states 1.

On the day after the emperor's resignation the mutual oaths were taken by Philip and the states of Holland; the former swore to maintain all the privileges which they now enjoyed, including those granted or confirmed at his installation as heir in 1549. He afterwards renewed the promise made by Charles in the month of May preceding, that no office in Holland, except that of Stadtholder , should be given to foreigners or to Netherlanders of those provinces in which Hollanders were excluded from offices. In the January of the next year the emperor resigned the crown of Spain 1556 to his son, reserving only an annuity of 100,000 crowns, and on the 7th of September 1556 following, having  proceeded to Zealand to join the fleet destined to carry him to Spain, he surrendered the imperial dignity to his brother Ferdinand.

  1. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. xiv., cap, 1, 2, 3.

484

The Prince of Orange was commissioned to bear the crown and sceptre to the King of the Romans, an office which he executed with extreme reluctance 1. Before his departure, Charles once more exhorted his son to maintain the Catholic religion in its purity, and earnestly besought him not to allow the Netherlanders to be oppressed by foreigners, if he would not plunge the Country into all the miseries of a civil war. He set sail on the 15th of September from Zeeburg, or Rammekens in Zealand, accompanied by his sisters Mary, and Eleanor, queen-dowager of France, and after a short and prosperous voyage landed at Laredo in Biscay. Thence he proceeded to Burgos; where he was delayed for some time by want of money, and took up his final abode in the cloister of St, Just, near Piacenza. In this retreat he spent his time chiefly in prayer, reading, and religious exercises, passing his hours of recreation in making watches and other mechanical works, in planting, and riding. In this manner he lived about two years, when a fever carried him to the grave on the 21st of August, 1558. His death was followed by that of his sister Mary, the late governess, three weeks after, at Genoa, on her way to the Netherlands 2.

The emperor had, for a quarter of a century, borne so little personal share in the government of the Netherlands, that his abdication was to them of little more importance than that it entailed the resignation of the„ Governess Mary. When he did mingle in their affairs it was, in general, not greatly to their advantage; his severe 1556 edicts against the Reformers were no less repugnant to the tolerant spirit of the people than his perpetual wars were to their industrious and frugal habits; on a few. occasions he did, indeed, remedy some grievances peculiarly obnoxious, and restore some privileges on which the popular mind was firmly bent; but this was done rarely and unwillingly, and. only, in return for liberty, to extort enormous subsidies. By the addition, however, of Utrecht, Friesland, and Guelderland, during his reign, the Netherlands increased much in strength and consideration.

  1. Regist van Adrian van der Goes, bl. 54,65. Heut. Rer. Aust, lib, xiv., cap. 6. Bor. Autthen. Stukken, deel ii., bl. 71.
  2. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. xiv., cap. 6. Strada de Bello Belgico, dec. i, lib. i., p. 7.

485

The governess, Mary, to whom he entrusted the care of this part of his dominions, during so long a period, was a princess of considerable address, talent, and spirit. She wanted neither judgment to discern, nor inclination to protect, the commercial interests of the people she governed, though she sometimes lost sight of them in her eagerness to fill her own and the emperor's coffers. An enemy to religious persecution, die never heartily concurred in carrying the penal edicts into effect. We have seen that, by her influence, the emperor was induced to mitigate the rigour of the inquisition at Antwerp, and she manifested, at all times, so much tolerance towards the Reformers, that she was accused by Pope Paul III., to the emperor, of favouring, and even holding a secret understanding with them 1. On the other hand, she was inclined to strain the sovereign prerogative far beyond its utmost limits, and to treat the privileges of the people with levity and indifference. Yet the comparison of her government with the misrule, tyranny, and sufferings of after years, caused the Netherlander to look back to her memory with regret and affection.

  1. Brandt's Hist, der Ref., boek iii, bl. 61.

486

1556 Before we enter upon the scene of tumult, bloodshed, and sorrow, prepared for the pen of the historian, it may not be uninteresting to bestow a glance on the Netherlander, as they are depicted by a diligent and enlightened foreigner (Louis Guicciardini), resident for many years among them, whose observations were collected about this time, and published before the commencement of the civil war.

From him we learn, that Holland, within a circumference of sixty leagues, contained twenty-nine strong-walled cities, numerous smaller ones, and 400 villages, under which denomination the Hague is included. "This little corner of the earth," he says, " abounds with people, with fiches and virtue, and everything that the heart of man can desire. Not the most minute portion of the land is without its production; even the sand hills afford food and shelter to vast quantities of rabbits, esteemed for their delicate flavour and on every creek of the sea are to be found incredible numbers of Water-fowl and their eggs, both of which form a valuable article of export to the Belgic provinces 1." The inhabitants are described as brave, active, and industrious; devoted to freedom, but faithful and obedient subjects; not prone either to anger, insolence, or envy humane, benevolent, and affable; lively and facetious, but sometimes rather licentious in their jests; greatly addicted to feasting and drunkenness 2; upright and sincere, but greedy of gain; curious after novelty, and excessively credulous; 1666 rather given to conceit and loquacity; unmindful of benefits, but equally forgetful of injuries, and remarkably placable.

  1. Guicciardini Belg. Des., tom. ii, p. 95.
  2. Before the end of this century, they infected the English unhappily, with the same degrading vice, and the consequence of their pernicious example are felt perhaps even to the present time. Camden, in his History of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth, tells us, that "the English who, of all the northern nations had been the moderatest drinkers and most commended for their sobrietssy, learned in the Netherland wan first to drown themselves with immoderate drinking, and by drinking others healths to impair their own. And ever since the vice of drunkenness hath so diffused itself over the whole nation, that in our days, first it was fain to be restrained by severe laws."—Book iii., p. 263.

487

Fond of learning and the arts, they could boast of a great number of learned and scientific Men among them, and Several authors of celebrity; most of the people were acquainted with the rudiments of grammar, and even the peasants were able to read and write well. Many of the nobles living a retired life, applied themselves wholly to literature; the rest of the inhabitants being chiefly occupied in merchandise, tillage, navigation, and fishing 1. The women» gifted with extraordinary beauty of shape and Countenance, were remarkable for their chastity and purity, but in no degree timid, shy, or reserved; they were Accustomed to enjoy a great share of liberty, and to walk or travel alone, in confidence and security; they mingled in all the active business of life, such as buying and selling, so much so, that the men usually left the Whole management of their property and affairs to their wives, which, as the author observes, With more frankness than gallantry, "must increase their natural love of domineering and grumbling, and, there can be no doubt, makes them imperious and capricious." The dress of both sexes was commodious and elegant; the abundance, beauty, and cleanliness of their furniture, the quantity of silver 2 and brass, of tapestry, paintings, and fine linen, was such as could not be met with in any other Country of the world.

  1. Guicciardini Belg. Des., torn, i., p. 57, 58; torn, ii., p. 140. Erasmus ad Adagium "Auris Batava."
  2. The table service of the wealthy burghers sometimes consisted entirely of silver.—Velius Hoom, bl. ii., p. 142.

488

Guicciardini informs 1556 us further, that the purveyors of the emperor, Charles V., who had opportunities of minute observation in nearly every nation of Europe, told him, that none could he compared with Holland for the excellence of its private houses, inns, warehouses, and shops; for the size and construction of its vessels; and for the skill of the people in the cultivation of their arable and meadow lands 1.

Among the many virtues which distinguished the Netherlander, was a judicious and humane care of their poor, which would seem to belong to a more advanced state of civilization than even that which they then enjoyed. Hospitals, provided with every necessary and comfort, were always open to the sick and aged. Besides these, were establishments ("provenhuysen,") in which old persons, by payment of a certain sum, secured for themselves lodging and subsistence during the remainder of their lives. Persons of wealth and respectability were appointed in each town, whose office was biennial, to receive alms in the churches and principal places of resort, and to administer, according to their discretion, the funds thus collected, added to a small yearly census on the population, and the bequests of the charitable. Under their direction, the poor, not only in the hospitals and eleemosynary institutions, but also at their own houses, were so abundantly supplied, that they were under no necessity to beg, which they were forbidden to do, except during stated hours on saints' days or holydays. The children of such as were too poor to support them, were brought up until a certain age at the public expense, under the inspection of the burgomasters, who bound them apprentices to some trade or manufacture, and they seldom failed to reward the care thus 1556 taken of them by their Country, by becoming worthy and industrious members of societssy.

  1. Guicciard. Belg. Des., torn, i., p. 58, 59; torn, ii., p. 145,146. Lett. of Aloysius Marlianus, quoted in Boxhorn's Theatrum Urb. Holl, p. 49.

489

In times of scarcity, the governments of the towns gave a loaf of bread, generally of about five pounds' weight, weekly, to every one who needed it, whether native or foreigner. Except on such occasions, indeed, the poor requiring alms were principally confined to the sick, maimed, and aged, since the varied and extensive demands for labour, and the industrious and careful habits of the working classes, enabled them generally to support themselves in plenty and independence 1.

Such were the useful and inoffensive people whom oppression goaded to frenzy; such the happy land, whose sons were driven by persecution in thousands from her shores.

  1. Guicciardini, Belg. Des., ton. i, p. 179. Boxhorn, Theat. Urb. HoL, p. 49.

Davies Vol 1, Contents

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Part I

CHAPTER I

Year Event Page
918 Theodore I 23
924 Theodore II 23
963 County made hereditary 24
968 Arnold 24
993 Theodore III 26
1010 Irruption of the Normans 26
  Origin and rise of the Bishopric of Utrecht 26
1015 War between Holland and Utrecht 28
1018 Accommodation 29
1039 Theodore IV 30
  The five Islands of the Scheldt 30
1047 War between the Emperor, the Bishop of Utrecht, and the Count of Holland 31
1048 War with Liege and Cologne 32
1049 Florence 1 32
1060 Alliance of Utrecht against Holland 32
  War and defeat of the allies 33
1061 Florence surprised and killed 33
  Theodore V, Guardianship of his mother 34
1071 War with Flanders and France, and with Utrecht 35
  Godfrey of Lorraine 36
1076 Theodore recovers his states 38
  Friesland granted to the Bishop of Utrecht 38
1091 Florence II 39
  Crusades 39
1106 Alliance with the Empire 40
1121 Death of Florence 41
  Heresy 42
  Theodore VI 43
1125 Alliance with Germany, Grant of Friesland 43
1137 War with Utrecht 44
1151 Colonization from Holland 46
1157 Florence III, Hostilities with Flanders 47
1162 Treaty with Utrecht 48
1165 Imprisonment of Florence 48
1167 Treaty with Flanders 49
  Revolt of the West Frieslanders 50
1170 Flood 50
1191 Crusade, and death of Florence, at Antioch, Theodore VII 51
1195 Wars with Flanders and West Friesland 52
1202 War with Utrecht and Brabant 54
1202 Death of Theodore 56

CHAPTER II
Year Event Page
1206 Accession and marriage of Ada, William proclaimed Count 57
  Alliance of Louis van Loon with Flanders and Utrecht, William deprived of his authority 59
1208 Peace with Utrecht and Flanders 61
1214 Alliance of Holland, with England and Germany, against France, Battle of Bouvines, Alliance with France 62
1216 Count of Holland accompanies Louis of France to England, Peace between France and England 64
1217 Crusade 64
1224 Death of William, Charter of Middleburg 65
  Florence IV 67
1233 Crusade against the Stedingers 67
1235 Tournament at Corbye, and death of Florence 68
  William II 69
1247 William II. chosen Emperor 70
1248 Siege of Aix 70
1253 War with Flanders and with West Friesland 72
1256 Death of William 74
  Canal of Sparendam 75
  Charters granted to the towns 75
  Constitution of Holland 76
     

CHAPTER III
Year Event Page
1256 Florence V 107
  Treaty with Flanders, Revolt of the Kemmerlanders 108
1271 Florence assumes the government  
1272 War with Weet Friesland 110
1281 Alliance with England 111
1287 Subjugation of West Friesland 112
  Revolt of the Zealand nobles 115
1291 Pretensions to the Scottish crown 116
1296 Rupture of the friendship between England and Holland, Treaty with France 117
  Conspiracy of the nobles 118
  Death and character of Florence 123
  Minority of John I 126
1297 War with Utrecht and West Friesland 126
  War with Flanders 127
  Return of Count John from England, Wolferd van Bonelen 128
  Subjugation of West Friesland, Peace with Utrecht 129
1298 Disputes with Dordrecht 131
  Death of Borselen 134
1299 Death of the Count and transfer of the County to the family of Hainaut 136

CHAPTER IV
Year Event Page
  John of Avenues 137
1300 Disaffected nobles of Zealand supported by the Emperor 138
1301 War with Utrecht and death of the bishop 139
1302 War with Flanders 141
1304 Conquest of Zealand and North Holland 143
  Invasion of the Duke of Brabant 146
  Holland freed from the invaders  
  Battle of Zierikzee 147
  Death of John of Avenues, William III 149
1310 Truce with Flanders 160
1316 War renewed 160
1323 Final Peace with Flanders 160
1324 Marriage of the Count's daughters 161
  Affairs of England and Germany 162
  Subjugation of Friesland, Dispute with the Kemmerlanders 166
1337 Death of the Count, William IV, Renewal of alliance with England 168
1338 War between England and France 162
1339 Battle of Sluys, Siege of Tonrnay 162
  Truce  
  War with Utrecht 163
1345 William slain in Friesland  
  Margaret, Claims of the King of England to the County 164
1349 War between Margaret and her son 166
1356 Death of Margaret 168

CHAPTER V
Year Event Page
1356 William V 169
1359 Albert, governor of the County 171
  Parties of the Hooks and Cods 171
  Revolt of the Cod nobles  
1372 Claims of the King of England abandoned 172
1379 Interference of Holland in the affairs of Flanders 173
1385 Matrimonial alliances between Burgundy and Holland 177
1390 Murder of Alice van Poelgeest by the Hooks 180
1394 William, son of Albert, retires to France 182
1396 Expeditions to Friesland 183
1400 Revolt of the Lord of Arkel 185
1404 Death and character of Albert 185
  Renunciation by his widow of her claims on his estate 186
  William VI, Disturbances in the towns 188
1405 Hostilities of the Lord of Arkel 189
1412 Treaty between Holland and Guelderland 190
  Hollanders evacuate Friesland 192
  Marriage of Jacoba 193
1417 Affairs of France, and death of the dauphin Jacoba acknowledged successor to the County 193
  Death of William 194
  Increase of the herring fishery 196

CHAPTER VI
Year Event Page
  Accession of Jacoba 197
  Hostilities with John of Bavaria 198
1418 Marriage with John of Brabant, Loss of Rotterdam and South Holland 200
1419 Compromise, Renewal of hostilities 201
1421 Jacoba retires to England, St-Elisabeth flood 203
  Divorce between Jacoba and John of Brabant 204
1422 Marriage with the Duke of Gloucester 205
1424 Duke of Gloucester goes to Hainaut 206
  Jacoba delivered into the hands of the Duke of Burgundy, Her escape, Siege of Schoonhoven 207
1425 Death of John of Bavaria, Duke of Burgundy declared his heir 208
  Jacobs defeats her enemies 209
1426 Defeat of the English, and loss of Zealand 209
  Jacobs retreats to North Holland, and thence to Gouda 210
  Loss of Zevenbergen 213
1427 Jacobs deserted by the Duke of Gloucester 213
1428 Compromise 214
1429 Fourth marriage, and death of Jacoba 216

Part II

CHAPTER I
Year Event Page
  Philip of Burgundy 219
1430 Institution of the Golden Fleece 220
1436 War with England 223
1437 Truce 224
1438 War with the Hanse towns 225
1444 Renewal of party dissensions In Holland 226
  Riots at Haarlem and Leyden 231
1451 Reform of the Church  
  Revolt of Ghent 235
1455 David of Burgundy made Bishop of Utrecht 240
  Attempt to regain Friesland 242
  Discontents between Philip and the King of France 247
1461 Accession of Louis XI  
1465 War, and treaty of Conflans 249
1466 Reduction of Liege and Dinant 251
  Changes made in Holland by the Count of Charlois 252
  Death of Philip  
  Prodigality of the court 255

CHAPTER II
Year Event Page
  Charles I 259
1468 Marriage with Margaret of York 259
  Alliance against France 260
  Interview at Peronne 261
1470 Revolutions in England 263
  Hostilities with France 267
  Disturbances in Holland 268
1472 War, and trace with France 270
  Affairs of Guelderland 271
  Meeting at Treves for Charles's coronation 273
1474 Siege of Nuys 275
  League with England 275
1475 War with Lorraine and the Swiss 277
1476 Battle of Granson 279
  Battle of Morat 280
1477 Siege of Nancy, and death of Charles 281
  Accession of Mary 283
  King of France takes possession of Burgundy 283
  Assembly of the States of the Netherlands 283
  Great Charter 284
  Ambassadors sent by Mary to France 287
  War with France 288
  Marriage of the Duchess with Maximilian of Austria 280
1478 Dissensions in Holland 291
1480 Alliance with England, War with Utrecht 294
1481 Renewal of disturbances 296
1482 Death and character of Mary 297

CHAPTER III
Year Event Page
  Maximilian acknowledged 298
  Revolt of the Flemings 298
1486 Maximilian elected King of the Romans 300
  War with France  
1488 Second revolt of the Flemings 301
  Imprisonment of Maximilian 302
  Release and conclusion of treaty 304
  Civil war 305
  Invasion of Holland by the Hooks 306
  Pacification of Flanders 308
  Alteration of the coin in Holland 300
1490 Expulsion of the Hooks from Holland 311
1491 "Casembrotspel" or *bread and cheese war" 312
  Pardon of insurgents 316
  Reduction of Sluys 317
  Marriage of Maximilian to Anne of Bretagne 318
  Rupture of the contract 319
  Preparations for war 319
1493 Peace 321
1494 Philip II assumes the Government of the Netherlands 321
1496 Commercial Treaty with England 322
1497 Marriage with Joanna of Spain 324
1500 Friedand conferred on Albert of Saxony 325
  Birth of Charles V 326
1501 Philip takes a journey to Spain 326
1503 Death of Margaret of York 326
  War with Guelderland 327
1505 Truce 329
1506 Philip sets mil for Spain 329
  Detention in England 330
  Assumes the Government of Castile 331
  Renewal of hostilities with Guelderland 332
1507 Death of Philip 333

CHAPTER IV
Year Event Page
1507 Margaret of Savoy Governess 336
  Alliance with England 338
  League of Cambray 339
1510 War between Holland and the Hanse Towns 341
1513 Truce with Guelderland, War between France and the Emperor 346
1514 General Peace 348
  Disturbed by Charles of Guelderland 348
  Groningen and Friesland 349
  Maximilian surrenders the Government 351
  Transfer of Friesland 351
1515 Treaty with France 352
1516 Charles becomes King of Spain 352
  Philip of Burgundy made Bishop of Utrecht 353
  Reformation in Holland 354
1519 Charles elected Emperor 356
1520 Visit to England 357
  Margaret confirmed in the Government 357
  Innovations on the Constitution of Holland 357
1521 Penal Edicts against the Reformers 358
1522 Death of the first Martyr 359
  War with France 359
  Treaty for the protection of Commerce and Fishery 360
  Charles of Guelderland obtains a footing in Overyssel 361
  Friesland submits to the Government of the Count of Holland 362
  Constitution of Friesland 362
  War in Italy 363
  Confederacy against France 364
1525 Battle of Pavia 365
1525 Armistice 366
  Petitions demanded from the States of Holland 368
  Threatened hostilities with Denmark and the Hanse Towns 369
1526 Truce 370
1527 Treaty of Madrid 370
  Marriage of Charles 371
  Alliance of the Pope and King of England with France 372
  War 373
  Charles of Guelderland occupies Utrecht 373
1528 States of Holland refuse the demands of the Governess 377
  Plunder of the Hague by the Guelderlanders 378
  States grant Supplies 379
  Truce with France and England 380
  Utrecht retaken 381
  Union of Utrecht with Holland and Brabant 381
1529 Peace of Cambray 382
  Penal Edicts against Heretics 383
  Death of Margaret of Savoy 384

CHAPTER V
Year Event Page
1530 Charles meets the States at Brussels 386
1531 Debates on the Supplies 387
  Edicts for the regulation of the Government 389
  Mary of Hungary appointed Governess 392
  Proceedings of Christian II., King of Denmark, in Holland 392
  Blockade of the Sound 392
1533 Debates on the Supplies for a Fleet 395
1534 Truce with Denmark and Lubek 395
  Rise of the Anabaptists; their increase in Holland 395
  Missionaries to Munster 397
1535 Conduct of the Anabaptists at Munster and Amsterdam 398
  Rupture of the Truce with Denmark and Lubek 407
1536 Prohibition on the exportation of Corn 408
  League between the King of Denmark and Charles of Guelderland 410
  Invasion of Groningen 411
  Truce with Denmark 412
  Death of Erasmus 412
  War between the Emperor and Franc 414
  Assembly of the States 415
  Attempt to impose an Excise 416
  Proposition for a general taxation of the Netherlands 416
1539 Truce with France 417
  Disturbances at Ghent 419
  Journey of the Emperor from Spain 420
1540 Emperor coines to Holland 423
  Meeting of the States 423
  Union of Holland and Utrecht 424
  Prince of Orange, Stadtholder 424
  Increased severity against Heretics 425
  Debates on the free exportation of Corn 425
  Innovation on the privileges of Holland 427
1541 Expedition of the Emperor against Algiers 428
  War with France 429
  Alliance of France with the Duke of Cleves 429
  Disputes between the Duke and Emperor concerning Guelderland 430
1542 Campaign of 1542 431
  War subsidies 432
  Levy of the Hundredth Penny 432
  Income Tax 432
1543 Invasion of Juliers by the Emperor 435
  Cession of Guelderland 436
  Composition of the States of Guelderland 437
  Siege of Landrecy 438
1544 Alliance with England and Denmark 438
  Conciliation of the German Princes 439
  Invasion of France by the Emperor and King of England 440
  Siege of St Dizier 440
  Death of the Prince of Orange and succession of Prince William 441
  Separate Treaty between Charles and the King of France 441
  Council of Trent 442
1545 Edicts against the Protestants in the Netherlands 444
  Hostile preparations against those of Germany 444
  Subsidies contributed with reluctance by the States of Holland 445
1546 Civil War in Germany 446
  Death of Luther 448

CHAPTER VI
Year Event Page
1548 Standing army in the Netherlands 449
  Scheme of incorporating the Netherlands with the Empire 450
  Death of Maximilian van Egmond 453
1549 Acknowledgment of Philip III 455
  Settlement of the Succession 455
  Oaths of Acknowledgment 456
  Edicts against Heretics 458
  Attempt to establish the Inquisition 458
     
1550 Opposition of Antwerp 459
  Treaty with Scotland 460
1550 Treaty with France 461
  Council of Trent 461
  Removed to Bologna 462
  Interim 462
1551 Council resumes its sittings at Trent 463
  Netherland prelates 463
  Termination of the deliberations of the Council 464
  War between the Emperor and Protestant Princes of Germany 465
  War with France 465
1552 Treaty of Passau 465
  Towns captured in Lorraine 466
  Protection of navigation 467
1553 Debates on subsidies 468
  Terouanne and Hesdin destroyed 469
1554 Marriage of Philip with the Queen of England 470
  Invasion of Hainaut and Artois 473
  Naval engagement 474
  Demand of subsidies 475
  Violation of privileges 477
  Attempt to gain possession of the National Charters 478
1555 Fresh demands 479
  Resignation of the Emperor 480
  Observations on Holland 486

CHAPTER VII
Year Event Page
  Assemblies of the States 490
1556 Truce with France 491
1557 Renewal of the War 492
  Battle of St. Quentin 493
1558 Reduction of Calais 494
  Battle of Gravelingues 495
1559 Peace 496
  New Bishoprics 497
  Dissatisfaction of the Netherlanders 499
  Philip's intended departure for Spain 501
  Appointment of Margaret, duchess of Parma, to the government of the Netherlands 504
  Philip sails from Flushing 508
  Council of State 508
1560 Authority possessed by the Cardinal of Granvelle 606
  Discontents of the nobles and people 609
1563 Granvelle retires 514
1564 Affairs conducted by the Prince of Orange and his adherents 515
  Evils of their administration 516
1565 Esmond's embassy to Spain 517
  Decrees of the Council of Trent enforced 519
  Inquisition and penal edicts 519
  Ferment in the Netherlands 520
1566 Confederacy of the nobles 520
  The Gueux 522
  Scheme for moderating the penal edicts 524
  Embassy of Bergen and Montigny to Spain 524
  Public preachings of the Reformers 526
  Iconoclasts 529
  Effect of their outrages on the mind of the Governess and of the King 530
  Margaret tempomes 532
  Intercepted letters 533
  Meeting of the discontented nobles 534
  Dissolution of the confederacy 535
  Renewal of severities against the Reformers 536
  Margaret takes up arms 536
  Siege of Valenciennes 536
1567 Decline of the popular party 538
  Division between Orange and Egmond 539
  Defeat of the confederate troops at Oosterwel 541
  Surrender of Valenciennes 541
  Rumour of the Duke of Alfa's march into the Netherlands 542
  Abolition of the reformed worship  
  Flight of the Prince of Orange 542
  Alva embarks from Spain 544
  Death of the Marquis of Bergen 544
  General desertion of the Netherlands 544

CHAPTER VIII
Year Event Page
1567 Arrival of the Duke of Alva in the Netherlands 547
  Arrest of the Counts of Egmond and Hoorn 548
  Establishment of the Council of Troubles 549
  Resignation of the Governess Margaret 550
  Severities exercised by the Council 552
  Remonstrance of Holland 554
  Desertion of the Netherlands 554
  Wild Gueux 555
  Outlawry of the Prince of Orange 555
  The Count of Buuren carried prisoner to Spain 556
  Commencement of hostilities 557
  Battle of Heyligerlee 558
  Execution of Egmond and Hoorn 562
  Battle of Jemmingen  
1568 Campaign of the Prince of Orange in the Netherlands 563
1569 Statue of Alva at Antwerp 565
  Alva's arbitrary government 565
  Opposition of Leyden 566
  Animosity of the Queen of England towards Alva 567
  Seizure of the treasure sent to the Netherlands 568
  Alva attempts to levy the tenth 569
  Consents to a substitution 571
  Proceedings of the Prince of Orange 572
1570 Petition of the Netherland exiles to the Dietss at Spires 573
  Amnesty 574
  Flood 575
1572 Gueux expelled the ports of England 576
  Capture of Briel 577
  Second attempt to levy the tenth 578
  Siege of Briel 579
  The Gueux take Flushing 580
  Capture of merchant ships 581
  Duke of Medina Celi arrives in the Netherlands 582
  Louis of Nassau obtains succours from France 583
  Surprises Mons 583
  Revolt of the province of Holland 584
  Assembly of the States (Dordrecht) 586
  Siege and reduction of Mons by Alva 587
  Sack of Mechlin 589
  Siege of Goes raised by the Gueux 590
  Prince of Orange in Holland 590
  Pillage of Zutphen 591
  Massacre of Naarden 593
  Siege of Haarlem 595
  Siege of Alkmaar 604
  Naval victory of the Gueux 605
  Assembly of the States-General 606
  Recall of Alva  
  His character 607
  Cruelties committed by the Spaniards in the Netherlands 606

Part III coming soon


Part 2, Chapter 5

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Part 2

CHAPTER V

386

Charles meets the States at Brussels. Debates on the Supplies. Edicts for the regulation of the Government—and of the Court of Holland* Mary of Hungary appointed Governess. Proceedings of Christian II.) King of Denmark, in Holland. Blockade of the Sound. Debates on the Supplies for a Fleet. Truce with Denmark and Lubek. Rise of the Anabaptists; their increase in Holland. Missionaries to Munster. Conduct of the Anabaptists there, and at Amsterdam. Rupture of the Truce with Denmark and Lubek. Prohibition on the exportation of Corn—abrogated. League between the King of Denmark and Charles of Guelderland. Invasion of Groningen. Groningen acknowledges the Emperor. Truce with Denmark. Death of Erasmus. War between the Emperor and France. Assembly of the States. Attempt to impose m Excise. Proposition for a general taxation of the Netherlands; its failure. Truce with France. Disturbances at Ghent. Journey of the Emperor thither from Spain. Emperor comes to Holland Meeting of the States. Union of Holland and Utrecht. Prince of Orange Stadtholder . Increased severity against Heretics. Debates on the free exportation of Corn* Innovation on the Privileges of Holland. Expedition of the Emperor against Algiers. War with France. Alliance of France with the Duke of Cleves. Disputes between the Duke and the Emperor concerning Guelderland. Campaign of 1542. War Subsidies. Levy of the hundredth Penny. Income Tax. The Emperor invades Julien. Submission of the Duke9 and cession of Guelderland. Composition of the States of Guelderland. Emperor besieges Landrecy— forms Alliances with England and Denmark—conciliates the German Princes. Invasion of France by the Emperor and Ewg of England. Siege of St. Dizier. Death of the Prince of Orange, and succession of Prince William. Separate Treats between Charles and the King of France. Council of Trent. Edict against the Protestants in the Netherlands. Hostile Preparations against those of Germany. Subsidies demanded of the States—contributea with reluctance. Civil War in Germany. Discomfiture of the Protestant Princes. Death of Luther.

387

1530 On receiving intelligence of the death of his aunt, the emperor hastened to the Netherlands, where his presence gave the states of Holland *n opportunity of asserting, fece to face with their sovereign, those privileges, and of demanding a cessation of those grievances, which Margaret had always declared to be beyond her power to restore or redress; and we cannot but admire the courage with which this resolute little; nation vindicated its rights before a sovereign of whom all Europe stood in awe. At an assembly of the states 1531 general of the Netherlands, summoned shortly after his arrival at Brussels, Charles demanded of the states of Holland a grant of 600,000 guilders to be paid in six years. As the states had contributed 880,000 guilders in loans and subsidies since the truce with Prance in 1528, they appeared by no means inclined to consent to so heavy a charge: the nobles, and Dordrecht only, were of opinion that it should be granted on condition that the emperor would redeem the annuities borrowed for him by the states; but the deputies of the other towns refused to listen to any proposalsof lying on new burdens, until the restraints upon the exportation of corn, and other grievances, should be abolished, and the ancient mode of appointing the senates and councils of the towns restored 1.

Deputies being sent from the states to the court of the emperor ith these conditions, he desired that the petition should first be granted, promising to go afterwards into Holland and apply himself to the redress of their grievances 2.

  1. Aert van der Goes, bl. 154-165.
  2. The emperor had already successfully pursued this method of obtaining supplies before the redress of grievances, with the cortez of Castile, after the suppression of the revolts in that Country, in consequence of which the towns gradually lost the influence they possessed in the legislative government. Robertson's Charles V., book iii., p. 239.

388

1531 The states urged, on the other hand, that in consequence of the burdens of which they complained, and the decay of their trade, it would be impossible to pay the petition, even though they should give their consent to it; " their lives and property," they said, " were at the service of his majesty, but they could not engage themselves for more than they were able to fulfil." In reply to this, the emperor promised to excuse those who were unable to pay, and to take such good order for all things, that they should have ample reason to be satisfied, provided his Subjects would only trust him, and not require him to drive a bargain with them 1. With this answer the deputies returned from Brussels to the assembly of the states at the Hague, who manifested no disposition to consent to the emperor's demand.

Shortly after, the deputies were again summoned to Ghent, where they presented to the emperor a lamentable picture of the state of their Country; somewhat highly coloured, nevertheless, to suit the purpose they had to answer. They declared that they had disbursed 1,700,000 guilders in the wars which they had been obliged to sustain against Utrecht and Friesland, since his departure into Spain: that commerce, without which Holland would not be able to defray her own expenses, and which had always been protected and encouraged by her ancient Counts, was now entirely driven away from her shores by the new levies of tolls, and the exaction of permit money upon corn; that cloth weaving had declined; and that the storm, which had occurred in the November of the preceding year, had laid so large a quantity of land under water, and destroyed so much cattle, that many families, both of Holland and Zealand, were reduced from wealth to actual beggary. In conclusion, they consented to a sum of 40,000 guilders less than that demanded, expressing their hope at the same time, that their grievances would be redressed, 1531 otherwise, that the payment of the subsidy granted would be withheld 2.

  1. Aert van der Goes, hl. 157,158.
  2. Regist. van Aert van der Goes, bl. 159,162.

389

The people were thus not wholly worsted in the contest between privilege and prerogative, as the principal causes of complaint were, in fact (owing, perhaps, to the concluding hint of the states), remedied shortly after. The permit money upon the exportation of com was abolished, although, as we shall hereafter observe, the first favourable opportunity was laid hold of for again imposing it; and the breweries in the open Country were forbidden; an evil which had long been complained of by the towns, because, being exempt from the payment of the excise levied in the latter, the Country brewers were able to undersell those of the towns 1. Satisfaction was likewise given in various other particulars.

Numerous abuses had crept into the municipal governments, and into the administration of justice, both in the towns and County: the coin had also suffered a great depreciation of actual value; arid the want of uniformity between the currency of Holland and that of the neighbouring provinces, was highly prejudicial to their internal commerce. To remedy these defects, the emperor, having taken the advice of the states, published, together with a general edict to all the Netherland provinces, one to each in particular: by this, the former severe decrees against heretics were confirmed, with the addition, that any one found 1581 guilty of printing any book whatever,without having obtained permission,is condemned to be exposed on a scaffold,

  1. The towns had scarcely any other means of levying the funds necessary for the repair of their fortifications, and other municipal expenses, from which the open Country was free, than by an excise, since the Counts had taken into their own hands the assessment on houses, and the customs belonged of right to the sovereign.

390

to be branded with a red hot cross, or have one eye put out, or one hand cut off, according to the pleasure of the judge; the emperor declaring that he would be " an enemy to his own father, mother, brother, or sister, if they were Lutheran 1." The magistrates of the several towns were enjoined to reduce into writing the customs of each, in order to prevent the confusion arising from the different interpretation of prescriptive customs: all monopolies were prohibited ; but this useful regulation was Counterbalanced by the mischievous power given to the magistrates, of fixing a price upon provisions; a law highly beneficial in a trading community, was made with respect to fraudulent bankrupts, declaring them deprived, as notorious thieves, of the benefit of sanctuary: the most earnest care is manifested for the support and protection of the poor, sick, and aged, while beggary is strictly forbidden.

Numerous precautions are taken against drunkenness, a vice transmitted to the Netherlanders from their German ancestors 2, and prevalent among them in all ages; among others, a man who in a state of intoxication killed another, was made liable to be punished both for murder and drunkenness. Various sumptuary laws were likewise enacted to prevent the wearing of satin, velvet, and damask, less impolitic, perhaps, than they would be esteemed in the present age, since, at a time when manufactures were earned on only to a limited extent, the general use of these 1531 articles by natives trenched upon a valuable branch of foreign commerce.

  1. Charles had such a dread of the dissemination of heretical works that he made it an article of treaty with Henry VIII. of England, that no hooks printed in England should he sold in his dominions, and now printed in Germany should he sold in England. Rym. Faed*, torn, sir, p. 772,
  2. Tacit, de Mor,, cap. xxiii.

391

The regulation of the coin was provided for by a special ordinance of considerable length 1. The limits of jurisdiction had never been distinctly ascertained between the supreme court of Holland . and the several municipal courts: the former, it is true, possessed, except in special cases, the high jurisdiction, or the power of trying capital crimes, such as murder, sedition, sacrilege, and the like, while the low jurisdiction, or cognizance of minor offences, was left to the sheriff's court in the towns, and the bailiffs court in the open Country. By degrees, however, the supreme court drew to itself many causes in the nature of appeals, which should have been tried without appeal in the local courts: and, in the year 1462, Charles, Count of Charolois, had, in the name of his lather, Philip I., given a new "instruction" to the court, by virtue of which it was empowered to take cognizance of all matters which concerned the Count's dignity, privileges, rights, or domains, his officers, or the coinage, as well as the privileges bestowed on foreigners.

These powers were still further amplified by the instruction which the court now obtained from the emperor. It was enabled henceforward to decide, not Wily upon privileges granted to foreigners, but even upon those enjoyed by native subjects, as well as upon the validity of all customs, prescriptions, and charters; and also to take cognizance of all disputes between the towns and the open Country. As the members of this court were appointed by the Count, and removable at his pleasure, it is easy to perceive how much his authority must 1531 increase by means of its extended jurisdicties, while the privileges of the subject, being made to rest on the decision of a body dependent upon the sovereign, were annihilated the instant it suited his purpose to dispute them.

  1. Brandt's Hist. Ref., boek ii., bl. 106. Groot Plakaat., deel. ii., bl. 413.

392

The emperor then took leave of the states, having appointed his sister Mary, widow of Louis II., king of Hungary, governess of the Netherlands, together with a privy council to assist her in the administration, of which the Archbishop of Palermo was president 1.

At the time of her accession, the Hollanders were again threatened with hostilities from Denmark and the Hanse towns. Since the truce concluded between them in 1526, Christian II., the dethroned King of Denmark, had resided in East Friesland, where he now took a considerable body of forces into his pay, with the view of making a descent upon his former kingdom. Frederic, the reigning monarch, no sooner heard of his preparations, than concluding from the near connection of Christian with the emperor, whose sister he had married, that the subjects of the latter would favour his enterprise, he blockaded the Sound and Belt against all ships coming from Holland.

In this he was assisted by the Lubekkers, always jealous of the Dutch trade in the Baltic, and who now threatened to seize all such vessels as attempted the passage. Christian having collected an army of 10,000 men, and finding himself destitute of vessels to convey them into Denmark, solicited the loan of a fleet from the emperor, who was still in the Netherlands. His request was refused, and a prohibition issued to the Netherlanders in general, against aiding the banished king either with ships or in any other manner.

  1. Groot Plakaat., deel. iii., bl. C40, 706. Aert van der Goes RegnL, bl. 165.

393

By dint of solicitations, however, he afterwards obtained permission to hire 1531 some large vessels in Holland; and the towns of the Waterland were enjoined by the emperor to supply him with such ammunition and provisions as he stood in need of. Christian, finding them somewhat unwilling to obey this order, led his troops into North Holland, apparently for the purpose of embarkation, and permitting them to live there at free quarter, twelve ships were soon provided for his service from Hoorn, Medemblick, and other places; the emperor, moreover, hastened his departure by a gift of 50,000 guilders, as part of his sister's portion 1. In return, he promised the Hollanders a free trade throughout those kingdoms which he never regained. Being driven by a storm on the coast of Norway, he sustained a long siege in Apslo (now Christiana), and, obliged at length to surrender, he was detained in prison during the remainder of his days.

Although the Hollanders had been in a manner constrained to assist Christian, yet the reigning sovereign of Denmark professed himself none the less aggrieved, and directing his vengeance against them in particular, he, with the assistance of the Lubekkers, executed to the full the threat of seizing all their vessels which attempted to pass the Sound, or Belt. The Baltic trade being thus impeded, the price of corn in Holland rose from two pence halfpenny to above 1532 twelve pence a bushel, 400 merchantmen usually navigating that sea, lay idle in the ports, and 10,000 seamen being thrown out of employment, were reduced to a state of miserable poverty 2.

  1. Aert van der Goes, M. 170,171. Velius Hoorn, bl. 128—130. Hist. de Danne. de Mallet, torn, vi., p. 86.
  2. Velius Hoom, bl. 131,132. Aert van der Goes, bl. 180,

394

1532 These circumstances created in Holland an earnest wish for an accommodation. Although, therefore, a considerable fleet, furnished by the maritime towns had already put to sea, the citizens of Amsterdam, the principal corn mart of Holland, sent ambassadors to Copenhagen, where, as Frederic was informed of the active preparations for war making by the Dutch, they found the less difficulty in effecting a peace; the news of which was received with extreme joy in Holland, and occasioned a fall in the price of rye to four pence halfpenny a bushel.

It was, however, of no long duration. The fleet was scarcely unrigged, when the King of Denmark, incited by the Lubekkers, sent an embassy to the governess to demand payment of 300,000 guilders as an indemnification to him for the losses he had experienced in consequence of the assistance afforded by the Hollanders to Christian, which sum he declared, ought therefore to be levied on Holland alone, since he desired to live in peace with Brabant, Flanders, and Zealand, who had not taken part with his enemies against him.

Although the governess replied to the ambassadors that the emperor would consider the cause of the Hollanders as his own, and support them with all the strength of the Netherlands, and even of Spain itself, the insidious distinction made by Frederic was not altogether without effect in retarding preparations for war. Brabant, Flanders, and Zealand being still permitted to carry on their commerce in the north, endeavoured to shift the burden entirely on Holland; and those towns, even of Holland itself, which were not immediately interested in the Baltic trade, were anxious to fix the expenses of equipping the necessary ships of war entirely on the maritime towns, impoverished already by the large sums they had expended in the like preparations a short time before.

395

1533 The debates on this subject were prolonged in several assemblies of the states during the greater part of a year, until at length all the deputies, except those of Leyden, consented to a subsidy of 50,000 guilders, in addition to 30,000 contributed by the emperor, wherewith a fleet was equipped, and placed under the command of Gerard van Merkere, admiral of Holland. Directing its course late in the summer to the Sound, it kept that strait blockaded for some time against all vessels, except such as came from the Netherlands; the commander of the Lubek fleet, Mark Meyer, carefully avoiding an engagement. Meanwhile, Frederic I., king of Denmark, died, and his successor, Christian III., perceiving the great injury inflicted on his subjects by the disagreements with Holland, and that they were likely to lose their trade in corn with that Country, which was now beginning to import largely from Bremen and Hamburg, consented to a 1534 truce for thirty years; and the Lubekkers, unwilling to carry on the war alone, likewise made an accommodation with the Hollanders, permitting them to send as many trading vessels into the Baltic as they thought proper 1.

It appears that the penal edicts against the Protestants, however earnestly recommended by the emperor, had been but slackly executed, since at this time a new sect of Reformers began to excite alarm, as well from their increasing numbers, as from the violence of their language, and the dangerous nature of the tenets they professed. These were the Anabaptists, who differed from the Lutherans in maintaining the necessity of adult baptism; to this harmless, and not irrational opinion, they joined others, which rendered them objects of mistrust and suspicion to all constituted 1534 authorities.

  1. Aert van der Goes, 183—214. Hist, de Donne., torn, vi., p. 105—200. Vellus Hoorn, p. 135.

396

The founder of this sect was said to haw been one Nicholas Stork, a Saxon, who about the year 1522, or earlier, began to teach, "That the world, both temporal and ecclesiastical, had hitherto been governed by evil men; but that better times were drawing near, when God should raise up a holy people in the room of those he had determined to destroy; that it is not lawful for Christians to go to law, to bear any office of magistracy, or to have any property; but that all things should be in common 1.

Acting upon these principles, his disciple, Thomas Muncer, a priest of Saxony, had in the year 1526 headed a dangerous revolt of the peasants in Thuringia, who eagerly embraced his doctrines. After its suppression, many of the fugitives took refuge in Holland, where they rapidly gained proselytes, more especially among the lower ranks of people. The conduct of these zealots, both there and at Munster, during this and the following year, affords a specimen of religious frenzy, as extraordinary perhaps as ever appeared on the page of history; and I shall not hesitate to dwell on it at some length, because it presents human nature to our view, under a remarkable phasis, which it may not be unprofitable, though painful to contemplate.

One of the most striking characteristics observable in the Dutch, is a deeply-seated religious enthusiasm, which, guided by reason and education has prompted them to do, and to suffer more for the cause of conscience than any other nation upon earth, but which reigning in the breasts of the rude and ignorant, has too often degenerated into blind bigotry and senseless fanaticism.

  1. Letter of the Bishop of Munster to Pope Paul III. Apud Minn Dip. Belg., torn, i., p. 608. Sleidan, lib. iii., p. 52; lib. x., p. 190. Brandt's Hist. Ref., boek ii., bl. 100.

397

Among the converts to the new opinions, was one John Matthewson, a baker of Haarlem; a man of high 1534 courage, inordinate ambition, and a heated imagination, joined to no mean share of talent and eloquence. He gave himself out for Enoch; and haying deserted his wife, somewhat stricken in years, eloped to Amsterdam with the young and beautiful daughter of a brewer at Haarlem, whom he had seduced. From this city he despatched his missionaries to various places, appointing two to each place, for the purpose of teaching the Gospel. Bartholomew Bookbinder, and Theodore Cooper, were sent to Friesland; while John Bokelson, taylor of Leyden, and Gerard Bookbinder 1 repaired to Munster.

The Reformation introduced into this city by one Bernard Rotman, had gained ground so rapidly, that the Lutheran service was performed in six of its churches, leaving the cathedral only to the Catholics. Soon after the arrival of the two missionaries from Amsterdam, Rotman became a member of the anabaptist persuasion, and from that time the number of these sectaries increased daily. They sent missionaries to the neighbouring towns and into Holland, inviting all their brethren to Munster, to which they gave the name of the New Sion. Multitudes obeyed their call; and among the rest, Matthewson of Haarlem, Bernard Knipperdolling, Jacob van Kampen, and John van Geelen. The concourse soon became so great, that the Anabaptists, perceiving themselves by far the stronger party, and headed by John Matthewson, raised a violent tumult in the city, running about the 1534 streets with drawn swords, howling, and crying out, "Depart, ye ungodly, or repent and be baptised, for the scourge of God's wrath is at hand."

  1. The generality of the Hollanders who were not noble, had as yet no surnames; some were distinguished by the name of the trade they followed, or sometimes by one given them on account of some quality of mind or body for which they were remarkable, or by that of their birthplace ; while others added son to the Christian name of their father, or one of their ancestors. The nobles took their names from their estates.

398

Terrified at the uproar, nearly the whole of the inhabitants who did not belong to their sect fled, and left the town at the mercy of these reckless fanatics. Immediately on their departure, Matthewson gave orders that the principal houses and the churches should be pillaged, and all the books burnt excepting the Bible.

The wealth collected by the plunder he commanded to be brought into one common purse, and equally distributed by deacons appointed for that purpose 1. In the midst of his frenzy, however, he retained no small share of prudence in worldly matters; he appointed a regular government, consisting of two burgomasters and twelve councillors, strengthened the fortifications, obliged all people of the male sex to do garrison duty, and neglected no preparations for the siege with which he was threatened.

It was, ere long, undertaken by the bishop, Francis, Count of Waldek, who obtained the assistance of some of the German princes, the Duke of Guelderland, and the towns of Deventer, Kampen, and Zwol. The bishop's troops made a violent assault upon the city, which was repulsed with great loss. The next day, Matthewson, elated with his success, sallied out at the head of only thirty men, and attacked the camp of the besiegers. He was soon driven back, and himself with all his followers slain. His death excited the greatest consternation at Munster, the people having imagined that he was under the peculiar protection of God; but the government was instantly assumed by John Bokelson 2.

  1. Hortens. je Tumult. Anabaptist., p. 15,17. Sleidan, Ub. x., p. 192, 194. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib, i., cap. 10,
  2. Heut* Rer. Aust., lib. x., cap. 11.

399

This man was a tailor, of Leyden,who, endowed with some quickness of 1534 intellect and powers of rhetoric, had been accustomed to perform plays with the company of actors at Leyden, when the part of king or prince was generally allotted to him. His fanaticism was by no means so tempered with reason as that of Matthewson. One of his first exploits was to strip himself entirely naked and march through the streets, exclaiming, that "the king was come to Zion." After this, he sat in his house for three days without uttering a word, writing that, " the spirit had sealed up his lips." At last, he suddenly declared that the use of speech was restored to him, and that he was commanded from above to set up twelve judges in Israel. This he accordingly did, giving the office of executioner to Knipperdolling, who put to death all such as offered the slightest opposition to his decrees, or expressed a desire to return to the government of the bishop.

The twelve judges, after they had been a few weeks in authority, were again deposed, and John Duieendschoen, a goldsmith of Warendorp, affirmed that he had a divine mission to proclaim John Bokelson king, not only of the New Zion, but of the whole earth. The people received the intelligence with loud acclamations. The new king appointed ministers and councillors, chose a guard of twelve to be constantly near his person, and assumed a majestic dignity of demeanour, befitting that high station which he had so often filled in the mimic life of the stage. He was clothed in a tunic of purple velvet, with a collar of gold around his neck: on his head he wore a diadem, or golden crown, made in imitation of that of the ancient German sovereigns. When he rode, his feet were adorned with golden spurs: and at the head of his train marched two of his attendants, the one 1534 bearing the Old Testament, the other a drawn sword. Whoever neglected to kneel as he passed was immediately put to death 1.

  1. Hortensiua de Tumul., p. 32—44. Sleidan, lib. x^ p. 194—196. Anton. Corvinus, de miserabili Monast. obs. (orig. edit, unpaged).

400

This assumption of absolute power was soon followed by the most unbridled licentiousness. Besides the widow of John Matthewson, a lovely woman, whom he married while yet pregnant by her former husband, and who alone bore the title of Queen, he had fourteen or fifteen other wives of inferior rank. One of them he publicly beheaded with his own hand, for having ventured to express a doubt of his divine mission 1. His subjects were not slow in following his example of profligacy: every man took as many wives as he thought fit: nuns were dragged from their cloisters; and no female was permitted to remain unmarried after the age of fourteen.

Meanwhile, the Bishop of Munster finding his forces insufficient to carry the city by assault, had turned the siege into a blockade; and as he kept all the approaches strictly guarded, provisions began to fail within the walls. The besieged long cherished the hope of relief from without; but such of them as ventured to leave the town for the purpose of summoning their brethren from Holland and elsewhere to their assistance, were taken, and put to death.

Their 1535 distress, therefore, continued to augment, and the ' famine at length arrived at such a height, that the miserable creatures, after having been forced to feed on the flesh of horses, dogs, and rats, were reduced to devour leather as a means of sustaining life; and, as a climax of horrors, it is even said that the bodies of some children were found half eaten after the capture 1535 of the town.

  1. A. Corv. de mis. ob. Mon. Sleidan, lib. x., p. 199. L. Hortensiua, de Turn. Anabapt., p. 304—307.

401

In the midst of this wretchedness dances were held and plays represented; none made any mention of a surrender, the leaders of the Anabaptists continually assuring the people that God would save the town by the interposition of his miraculous power 1. Their prophecy was not destined to be fulfilled. John Laugenstrat, a deserter to the bishop's camp, having promised to deliver Munster into his hands, was entrusted with the command of a band of 400 men. With these he advanced in the night of the 24th June to one of the gates, and telling the sentinel that he brought a convoy of provisions, was admitted into the town, John Bokelson, too late aware of the danger, placed himself at the head of such of the inhabitants as had hastily snatched up their arms, and succeeded in closing the gates against 500 more Germans, who followed the troop of Langenstrat; a fierce battle then began with those already in the city, which lasted for above an hour, when the Germans would have been entirely defeated, had not their companions outside the town broken down the gates and hastened to their assistance.

Still the Anabaptists defended themselves with undaunted courage, even the women and children taking a part in the fight, until overcome at length by the superior strength and discipline of their foes, they threw down their arms. John Bokelson, their king, and Bernard Knipperdolling were taken prisoners, and for eight days the town became a scene of rapine and carnage 2. Bokelson and Knipperdolling were confined in separate cells for the space of six months, when they were brought to trial and condemned to death. The former, during his imprisonment, modified some of his 1536 doctrines, particularly that permitting a plurality of wives.

  1. A. Cory. de mis. Monast. obs.
  2. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust^ lib. xi., cap. 2.

402

On hearing of his condemnation, he gave signs of repentance, consenting to listen to the exhortation* of the bishop's chaplain, and exclaiming that* "if he had ten lives to lose he should have deserved death ten times." Soon after, however, he declared that, though he had sinned against the government, he had not sinned against God. Knipperdolling remained immoveable in his opinions. They suffered, with unshaken firmness, a death of lingering and cruel torture; the flesh being torn from their bodies with red hot pincers 1.

The actions of the Anabaptists at Amsterdam rivalled in frantic absurdity those committed at Munster. Having met together to the number of twelve seven men and five women, at the house of one John Sybertson, a cloth factor, who was absent in the pursuit of his trade, they remained together until about three hours after midnight, when one of them called Dirk Snyder, (or the tailor) who gave himself out for a prophet,fell forward with his face to the earth, as if in prayer. When he arose, he said, that he had visited hell and heaven, and seen God in his glory. Shortly after the prophet took his helmet and armour, his side arms and even his clothes, and threw them all on the fire saying, that all which came out of the earth must be sacrificed to God* and destroyed by fire. He then commanded the whole of the company present to follow his example. They obeyed him without hesitation, every one throwing their garments on the fire without reserving a morsel to cover them. The woman of the house who wakened by the smell of the burning clothes, came down to ascertain the cause, was forced, in like manner, to strip herself.

  1. A. Corr. d« mis, Monas, obsidione.

403

Dirk then, commanding the rest to follow and cry after him, 1536 rushed out of the house accompanied by the whole troop; they ran like maniacs up and down the streets uttering horrible bowlings and cries of " Woe! woe! woe! the vengeance of God! the vengeance of God! the vengeance of God!" The schuttery having assembled in arms at the tumult seized all except one woman and brought them to the guildhall. Here when they were desired to put on clothes they stoutly refused* asserting that "they being the naked truth and God's image could never be put to shame." It was the middle of the month of February and the cold was intense. The door of the house in which they had left the burning clothes was found to be so firmly fastened, that it was necessary to blow it to pieces; and from this circumstance the magistrates justly conceived that a plot existed to destroy the city. Their suspicions were further confirmed by the arrival of more than 1000 Anabaptists in Amsterdam shortly after the execution of the prisoners which took place within a few days of their arrest 1.

In the same month, also John van Geelen, a leader of the sect, with 300 followers, seized the old monastery near Bolsward in Friesland, drove away the monks and destroyed the images and ornaments of the church. It was soon retaken by the Stadtholder of Friesland, George Schenck, when van Geelen escaped in safety, and, repairing to Brussels, obtained letters of pardon from the governess, by pretending to repent of his errors, and by promising to secure Munster, which had not then surrendered, for the emperor. Thence he went to Amsterdam, where he associated openly with the most respected of the burghers, but held constant and secret communication with the Anabaptists, 1535 and gained over so large a number to the same party, that he resolved upon a nocturnal attempt to make himself master of the city.

  1. Hortens. de Turn. Anabap., p. 53, 56.

404

The conspirators agreed that the ringing of the guildhall bell should be the signal for the onset. The day appointed for the enterprise was the annual festival of the Brothers of the Cross," which was usually attended by the members of the government and the most considerable of the burghers. The burgomasters, however, obtained information of the plot late in the evening, through one Peter Honey, who, to confirm his intelligence, showed them three pieces of small artillery, double loaded, and placed in the theatre, in such a position as to discharge their contents directly into the windows of the guildhall, which stood opposite 1.

While the magistrates, filled with doubt and terror, were hesitating what course to pursue, the Anabaptists marched about forty strong to the guildhall, and slew, or took prisoner the burgher guards who were keeping watch there; the burgomasters only escaped by a hasty flight. Fortunately, a drunken schout's officer, who was lying at the time among the stools and benches, at the first sound of the tumult, concealed, without knowing why he did so, the rope of the guildhall bell, and thus preventing the signal which the rioters had agreed on, in all probability, saved this illustrious city from utter destruction.

The Anabaptists soon became masters of the dam, as well as the guildhall. The burgomasters having put the schuttery under arms, one of them, Johnson Reekalf, resolving not to attack the rioter* before the morning, since it was impossible, in the extreme darkness, to distinguish friends from enemies, commanded that the approaches to the dam should be barricaded with sails, hopsacks, and such other materials as were at hand, behind which, sheltered 1533 from the fire of the Anabaptists, they might await the approach of day.

  1. Lambert. Horten., p. 57—02. Boxhorn in Amst., p. 256,257.

405

But another of the burgomasters, Peter Kolyn, being suspected, from the mildness of his treatment of the Anabaptists, of an inclination towards their doctrines and eager to clear himself of the reproach, hastily advanced to the attack, at the head of his own company only. He was so warmly received by the rioters, that the burgher troops were all driven back or killed, and himself cruelly slaughtered 1. Meanwhile, the burgomaster, Reekalf, collected a company of town soldiers 2,*promising them a month's pay, if, under the conduct of the burgomasters, they should succeed in expelling the Anabaptists from the guildhall and the dam.

The burghers remained quite still during the remainder of the night; the Anabaptists spent it in singing psalms. At break of day, Henry Goedbeleid, whom John van Geelen had associated with himself as leader of the enterprise, finding that their numbers did not increase, began to lose courage, and in a short time the dam was cleared of the rioters, who retreated into the guildhall, some few being slain. The burgher guards having taken possession of the theatre opposite, fired incessantly, from the cannon which the rioters themselves had placed there, into the windows of the guildhall; Reekalf, also, on the recovery of the dam by the burghers, caused two couleuvrines and a piece of heavy artillery to be brought thither, with which they soon levelled the door of the guildhall to the ground.

  1. Boxhorn in Amst., p. 258. Lambert. Horten., p. 62—64.
  2. Inhabitants who did military service in the town upon any emergency, and received regular pay as soldiers: they were called "Waardgelders."

406

1535 The burgher troops then rushed in: the Anabaptists fought witfh the courage of despair; but overpowered by numbers, the greater part, among whom was Goedbeleid himself were killed, and the few remaining made prisoners. Twenty of the burghers fell in the enCounter. John yan Geelen having retreated to the tower of the guildhall, placed himself in front of the fire from the theatre; he was soon struck, and thrown, while yet alive, into the street. The prisoners were afterwards condemned to a painful death 1: 116 men, and 25 women, of the Anabaptists, perished in the affray, and by the hand of justice 2.

Thus the tumult was happily appeased; but there appears little doubt, that if all those who waited in vain for the ringing of the town bell had joined in the attack, the issue must have been fatal to the city; 300 more Anabaptists, who had been invited by John van Geelen to Amsterdam, were on their way thither, when they heard of the failure of their comrades, and two ships filled with them appeared shortly after before the bar, which, on the tidings of the events in the town, sailed to England. The conduct of these sectarians drew upon them the most rigorous edicts; all their prophets, apostles, and bishops, were condemned to the flames, and every one guilty of being rebaptized to be put to the sword if men, and to be buried alive if women; and the magistrates were forbidden to show them the least mercy, * because of their evil designs.*

  1. The barbarities exercised on them are revolting to human nature: their hearts were cut out, while alive, and thrown into their faces; their bodies quartered, and hung upon the town gates, and their heads placed on stakes.—Lambert. Hort., p. 67
  2. Boxhorn in Amst., p. 259, 260. Aantek. op Vat. Hist, deeL ▼., bl. 33. Lambert. Horten., p. S4-r-67.

407

From that time, severe persecution was exercised, not only against the seditious among 1535 the Anabaptists but likewise against that peaceable and well-disposed sect of them who, following the doctrines of Menno Simonson, from whom they were afterwards called Mennonites, held the use of fleshly weapons unlawful 1. These unhappy disorders did calculable injury to the cause of the Reformation, and contributed, in a great degree, to retard its progress; they were not only pointed to by the Catholics as the inevitable consequence of wantonly forsaking that faith which had stood the test of so many ages, but, by justifying measures of severity against the Anabaptists, exasperated that spirit of hatred and bitterness of persecution, which the different sects of Reformers manifested towards each other, in no less a degree than the Catholics towards the Reformers. This disposition, however, was principally conspicuous in Germany and Switzerland; Holland was, for the most part, exempt from it, and it was with slowness and reluctance that the governments of the towns executed, even to the extent they did, the rigorous decrees of their sovereign.

The truce for thirty years, which had been concluded with Lubek and Denmark, lasted little more than one. The Lubekkers, dissatisfied with Christian III., on account of the treaty he had made with Holland, of which they complained as injurious to their trade, had formed an alliance with Christopher, Count of Oldenburg, for the purpose of restoring the captive king, Christian II., to the throne; and, in conjunction with him, they possessed themselves of Copenhagen, which was no-sooner accomplished, than they closed the Sound against all Holland vessels 2.

  1. Lambertas Horten., p. 68. Veliua Hooed., p. 130. Brandt',Hist. for Rtf„ boek ii., bl. 123,124.
  2. Hist, de Danne., torn, vi., p. 203. Velius Hoorn., bL 197.

408

The hindrance of the Baltic trade created, as usual, a scarcity of corn in Holland, of which the governess took advantage to renew the prohibition on its exportation. As the Hollanders were convinced that this was done for no other purpose than that the government might reap the profits of the sale of permits, they unanimously resolved not to publish the decree, and vehemently insisted on its immediate revocation; the deputies of the towns representing, that the prohibition to export, and the exaction of permit-money, by checking the purchase of foreign corn in the Country, prevented its being brought thither, and thus increased the scarcity it was pretended to remedy; and that thirty ships from Bremen, laden with grain, had, in consequence of the bare mention of this measure, passed by Holland and gone with their cargoes to England. By dint of presents. to the courtiers, the towns at length obtained a majority in the privy council, and it was decreed, that 1536 corn should be freely exported as of old, without any demand of permit-money 1.

The private views and interests of the emperor and his family widened still further the breach between Holland and Denmark and Lubek. Isabella, wife of the dethroned monarch and sister of Charles V., had died, leaving two daughters, of whom the eldest, Dorothea, in default of issue male, claimed the inheritance of her father. She had been married by the emperor to Frederic, Count palatine of the Rhine, and this prince now sought to make the commotions raised by the Count of Oldenburg the means of advancing the pretensions of his wife to. the Danish throne. As a first step, he determined upon endeavouring to raise the siege of Copenhagen, then invested by the king's 1530 troops, and for this purpose collected a numerous force, with the assistance of the emperor.

  1. Aert ran der Goes, bl. 234—240.

409

As it was necessary to provide vessels for the transport of the soldiers into Denmark, the governess demanded them in the emperor's name from the states of Holland. The Stadtholder laboured to excite the fears of the deputies by the tidings, that the Lubekkers, suspecting the designs of Frederic, had entered into negotiations for an accommodation with the reigning king, urging the great probability there was that he might be induced, in his present circumstances, to make such a treaty with Lubek as would prove a perpetual hindrance to the Dutch navigation in the Baltic; and that the best means of averting this danger would be, that the emperor should make himself master of the Sound, and if possible put the Count palatine in possession of the throne of Denmark.

He concluded with a requisition for twenty-five men of war, fifteen hoys, double armed and double manned. But the states receiving intelligence that the King of Sweden, Gustavus L, had occupied the Sound with forty ships, were fearful that Holland might be involved alone in a war with the combined powers of the north, and that the whole of their trade would in consequence be engrossed by Zealand, Flanders, and Brabant. They therefore urged that, under present circumstances, the governess should apply to a general assembly of the states of the Netherlands, when Holland would be found willing to con-,sent to a reasonable sum as their share in the support of the war, provided a like proportion were paid by the other states,but not otherwise. They likewise objected, that in case the ships required of them should Be detained, as it was probable, in the Baltic, they 1536 would incur a loss of 400,000 guilders. The governess, finding it impossible to prevail with the states of Holland, took upon herself the equipment of the fleet 1.

  1. Hist, de Danne., torn, vi., p. 289, 292. Aert van der Goes> VL $tf-249.

410

In order to prevent the execution of any plan formed in favour of Frederic, by raising up against the Netherlanders an enemy who should give them sufficient employment on their own frontiers, Christian III. formed a league with the Duke of Guelderlaod by which the latter was bound to assist the king with 3000 men, and eight ships of war. Charles, who entered into this alliance chiefly to obtain a pretext for renewing hostilities against the emperor, lost no time in levying the stipulated number of troops, but instead of waiting to co-operate with the Danish army, he sent them at once into Groningen, under the command of Memard van Ham, a general nominally in the service of the King of Denmark.

Upon his arrival there, Meinard entrenched himself strongly in Appingedam, whence he wrote to the citizens of Amsterdam, that in case the intended preparations at sea were proceeded with, he would lay waste the city, and surrounding Country, with fire and sword. The Amsterdammers were the more alarmed at this threat, because the town of Delft, having been shortly before almost destroyed by a conflagration, was not in a condition to offer any resistance to the passage of the Guelderlanders. They therefore summoned an assembly of the states at the Hague, for the purpose of soliciting the governess to send some troops to their succour. She, however, anticipated their desire, by commanding George Schenck, Stadtholder of Friesland,, a brave and skilful captain, to dislodge Meinard van Ham from 1536 Appingadam, and to employ in this semce the forces destined for the Danish expedition 1.

  1. Hist, de Danne, torn, vi., p. ����10, Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. i., cap. &, P- 256. Aert van der Goes, bl. 263.

411

The people of Groningen, between whom and the Duke of Guelderland many causes of dissatisfaction had for some time existed, being now still further alienated from him by a proposal which he made to erect a citadel within the town, and to surround Appingedam with walls, sent deputies to the governess, offering' to acknowledge the emperor as sovereign, in the quality of Duke of Brabant and Count of Holland, provided she would send them immediately a sufficient number of troops to protect them from the Guelderlanders.

The governess did not hesitate long to accept their proposal, but sent instructions without delay to George Schenck, to receive the homage of Groningen in the emperors name. The siege of Appingadam lasted two months, when it capitulated, the general, Meinard van Ham, remaining a prisoner of war. Coevoerden, some time after, likewise surrendered to Schenck, and before the end of the year, all the fortified places having acknowledged the emperor, he was confirmed in the fall possession of Groningen and Drent 1.

The diversion which the King of Denmark thus caused, though it had proved most unfortunate to the Duke of Guelderderland, entirely answered the purpose for which be himself designed it; since, while the Netherland fleet lay waiting for the soldiers employed at the siege of Appingadam, he obliged Copenhagen to surrender, and this event caused the Count palatine to desist from his intention of invading Denmark.

  1. Pontanus, Hist. Geb*., Hb. xi., p. 781. Heut. Rer. Aust., Mb. xi., cap. 6.

412

1536 Although, in compliance with the solicitations of the states of Holland, the equipment of the fleet had been carried on in Zealand, jet it was a source of great injury and vexation to the former province, as it was stripped of the whole of its artillery to supply the men of-war; and in order to procure seamen, a command was issued for arresting not only the merchant ships going to the north for timber and cod fish, but those also which traded to England, Spain, and Portugal. An embargo likewise was laid in Amsterdam on some vessels coming from the Baltic, which created a fear lest reprisals should be exercised by the nations to which they belonged 1.

At length, by the vigorous efforts of the Hollanders, a truce for three years was concluded with the King of Denmark in the next spring, in spite of the repeated attempts to break off the negotiations made by the ambassadors of the Count palatine at the Netherland court 2,

In this year died the renowned Gerard Gerardson, so well known to posterity under the name of Desiderius Erasmus, in the seventy-first year of his age. His statue still remains at Rotterdam, as a memorial of the just esteem which his fellow citizens cherished of his virtues and attainments.

The truce with Denmark failed in securing to Holland that peace which she so earnestly desired, since she was destined to no inconsiderable share in the evil consequences that resulted from the bitter personal hatred existing between the emperor and Francis L of France, and which brought so many calamities on the subjects of both sovereigns. Hardly was the treaty of Cambray concluded, when Francis began to devise methods of evading its provisions.

  1. Hist, de Danne., torn, vi., p. 318. Aeit van der Goes,bl. 103. 4 Hist, de Donne, torn, vi., p. 364. Vellus Hoorn, bl. 139.

413

Even at the time of its ratification he had, as with the treaty of Madrid, made a secret and solemn protest against it 1; and from that moment was unceasingly employed in forming alliances prejudicial to Charles. In order to seduce the Pope from his interests, he carried his complaisance 1533 so far as to give his second son, Henry, Duke of Orleans, in marriage to Catherine, daughter of Lorenzo di Medici, cousin of Clement VII.; thus allying the royal house of France with the family of a simple Florentine merchant. Henry VIII. of England was sufficiently inclined to share in his feelings of hostility against the emperor, on account of the influence which the latter had used with the Pope, first to retard, and then to prevent entirely, the divorce of his aunt, Catherine of Arragon, which Henry was earnestly bent on accomplishing.

Francis found, therefore, but little 1530 difficulty in inducing him to close the wool staple at Calais, for the purpose of injuring the trade of the Netherlands 2, though he was too much occupied with his domestic affairs to render it probable that he would afford any active assistance in case of a war 3. This, however, Francis was for some time in no condition to undertake; and when the ruin and disasters of the former campaigns had been in some measure repaired by a few years of peace, he found his political relations considerably changed. Clement VIL, whose alliance France had, as it afterwards proved, bought so 1530 dear, dying soon after, was succeeded by Alexander Farnese under the name of Paul III, an implacable enemy of the Medici, and from that cause hostile is the interests of France..

  1. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 869.
  2. Of how great detriment this measure was to the manufactures of the Netherlands may be estimated from the feet, that the question of the substitution of Spanish wools for English, being debated in the states, it *&8 decided that it was impossible for the Netherlander to do without English wool, notwithstanding the superior protection the emperor might be enabled to afford to the importation of those from Spain. Aert van der Goes, op jaar 1534, bl. 221%
  3. Rym. Feed*, torn, xir., p. 435.

414

The league of Smalkalde, formed in 1530 by the Protestants of Germany for their mutual defence, appeared calculated to strike a fatal blow at the power and authority of the emperor, and Francis was not remiss in his endeavours to turn so important a weapon to his own advantage. In order to gain their friendship he did not hesitate to affect some conformity with their religious opinions, and even invited Melancthon their favourite apostle, to Paris 1. But the success of his arts was defeated by the severities he thought it necessary to employ against the Reformers in his ova kingdom, after which proof of his insincerity, all the representations and blandishments of his ambassador Du Bellay, were unavailing to persuade the German Protestant princes to listen to any further overtures of alliance on his part 2.

Thus unsupported by any of the powers of Europe, Francis commenced the war against the emperor by sending an army into the states of Charles, Duke of Savoy; between whom and the emperor, a close alliance was maintained through the influence of his wife, Beatrice of Portugal, sister of the empress. Francis also laid claim to a portion of Savoy, in right of his mother Louise, daughter of Philibert II. by a first marriage. The French troops in a few weeks gained possession of the greater part of Savoy and Piedmont. At the time of the invasion of Savoy, the emperor was in Italy, returning covered with glory from his celebrated expedition against Tunis 3.

  1. Du Bellay, lib, iv., p. 167,Skidan, lib. ix,p. 186,187.
  2. Du Bellay, lib. vi., p. 307, et seq,
  3. The people considered it as an evil omen, that on the occasion of the emperor's entry into Rome, the ancient Temple of Peace was thrown down among other buildings to widen the wad,—Du Bellay, liv. v., p. 256.

415

The want of faith on the part of Francis, and his conduct to his ally, transported Charles to an excess of passion, wholly unusual to his steady and prudent temper; he indulged, in the presence of the assembled Pope,,cardinals, and ambassadors at Rome, in vehement Invectives against the aihbitJott and insincerity of his rival; enumerated all the injuries ha had sustained from him since his accession to the crown; and concluded by challenging him to single combat 1. Impelled by his anger and rejecting the advice of his wisest counsellors, 1536 he determined upon attacking the King of France in his own dominions, and at the head of an army of 40,000 infantry, and 10,000 horse, he invaded Provenc,,and laid siege to Marseilles. The able plan of defence pursued by the French general, Montmorency, in garrisoning only the strong towns, and laying waste the open Country, forced the imperialists to retreat at the end of two months, worn out with hunger, fatigue, and sickness. The emperor's arms met with little better success on the side of Picardy, where the Count of Nassau, having laid siege to Peronne with 80,000 men was obliged shortly after to raise it 2.

The mutual interests of France and the Netherlands, prompted the belligerents to tin agreement in the midst of these hostilities, that the herring fishery of both nations should remain unmolested. The security of this branch of their trade was a seasonable relief to the Hollanders under the heavy imposts they were obliged to sustain. The governess having assembled the states-general of all the Netherlands at Brussels, demanded of them a sum of money sufficient for the support of the 1537 troops returned from Peronne, and proposed to levy for this purpose an excise on wine, beer, silks, velvets, woollen, and linen cloths.

  1. Du Bellay, liv. v., p, 240—267.
  2. Idem, liv. viii.,.p. 415—422.

416

The proposition was received with much the same kind of feeling as the noted excise scheme of Sir Robert Walpole, in later times, in our own Country. The states of Holland summoned at the Hague to consider of this measure, regarded it as an unnecessary and vexatious innovation. The excise had indeed been levied by the governments of the towns, to pay the charges of those towns, or the County taxes when the assessments on houses and lands did not suffice 1, but as a general tax, and levied by the immediate authority of the Count, it was as yet unheard of.

The states of Flanders, also, supported those of Holland, the deputies declaring that they could not venture to ask their constituents for power to consent to the novelty of excises, nor had they the slightest hope of ever obtaining it. The deputies of no one of the other states appeared at all more inclined to give in their consent, and the governess at length found the opposition so powerful, that she was forced to yield, and the scheme of excise was laid aside for several years, when the enormous subsidies granted by the states rendered its adoption inevitable.

Another measure which she brought forward shortly after, met with the like ill-success. The sum of 1,200,000 guilders was judged requisite for the payment of the troops intended for the service of the next campaign, and instead of levying it by the usual mode of petitions to the separate states, the governess demanded the whole sum from the states-general of the Netherlands, proposing at the same time, that they should declare the provinces one undivided nation, and as such, levy a general impost of a Carolus guilder 1537 (twenty-two pence halfpenny) upon every hearth 2.

  1. Vide part ii., chap. 2.
  2. Or " Hole from whence smoke issues."—Aert ran der Goes, bl. 276. VOL. I. 2 E

417

This expedient was, however, unanimously rejected by the deputies from Holland, who declared, that so far from being paid, it would inevitably cause a rebellion throughout the County, since, being more populous, and having therefore a greater number of dwellings in proportion to the extent of her soil than any of the other states, she would have been forced to bear more than a due proportion of the burden. The proposition of the duchess was therefore rejected; but the states of Holland granted her an ordinary petition of 120,000 guilders annually for six years, and an extraordinary one of 120,000 guilders 1.

While the debates on the supplies were yet pending, Francis taking advantage of the delay they occasioned in the preparations for the campaign, and aware of the disordered condition to which the Netherland army was reduced for want of pay, took possession of Hedin early in the spring. No sooner, however, were 1538 the Netherland troops in readiness, than Egmond, Count of Buuren, marched at their head to St. Pol, which he took by storm, made himself master of Montreuil, and commenced the siege of Terouanne. During its continuance, the governess and Queen of Prance concluded a truce for three months between France and the Netherlands. This was followed in 1539 the next year by a general truce between the emperor and King of France for the space of ten years; negotiated under the mediation of Pope Paul III., who had manifested an extreme eagerness in bringing about a pacification between the two monarchs, in order that, 1539 their mutual animosities being laid aside, they might unite their forces, as well for the purpose of extirpating heresy, as of arresting the progress of the Turks in Christendom 2.

  1. Aert van der Goes, bl. 276, 277. Meteien, boek L, fol. 12.
  2. Du BeUay, liv. viii., p. 439—453. Sleidan, lib, xi, p. 282. Recueil dee Traites, tom. ii., p. 399, 407.

418

In compliance with his solicitation, Charles, after the ratification of the trace, made preparations for war against the Sultan of Turkey, Soljman, surnamed the Magnificent. In order to provide himself with a fleet, he despatched to Holland and Zealand, John van Henninlord of Bossn, who obtained from the states that an embargo might be laid upon vessels of all kinds, and a prohibition issued to seam, against engaging in any other service than that of the emperor. By these means, highly prejudicial to the commerce of the Dutch, a fleet of forty-four ships was collected in Zealand, and early in the next spring fifty-six more set sail from Holland. But the latter had hardly reached the Downs, when they were recalled, the emperor finding it necessary to postpone his expedition, as well on account of some movements among the Protestants of Germany, as of a revolt which had broken out in Ghent. A few of the leading circumstances of the latter event, though not in immediate connection with Holland, will not be irrelevant to the subject, from its effects on the temper and disposition of the sovereign towards the towns of the Netherlands and their franchises in general 1.

Owing, perhaps, to Flanders having been for many centuries a fief of France, the Flemings partook much more of the national character of the French than of the Germans, whom the inhabitants of the other Netherland states, except Hainaut and Artois for the most part strongly resembled; and although, in common with all Netherlanders, deeply attached to 1539 their ancient customs and privileges, they were prone to assert them rather with inconsiderate passion and inconstant vehemence, than with the passive courage and steadiness of purpose evinced by the Dutch on the like occasions.

  1. Heut, rer, Aust, lib,,., cap. 13. Velius Hoorn, bl, 141.

419

The origin of the present dispute between the Ghenters and the court was the subsidy of 1,200,000 guilders, demanded by the governess in 1536, which, as we have seen, it was found impossible to levy by a general tax throughout the provinces. It was therefore divided in proportional shares to each; that of Flanders being fixed at 400,000 guilders, or one-third of the whole. The states of this province were composed of deputies from the four members, as they were called, (" Leden,") of Ghent, Bruges, Ypres, and the Vryenland, of whom the three latter gave their consent, after some difficulty, to the payment of this sum, and likewise that it should be levied by means of a tax of one guilder on each hearth. The citizens of Ghent, en the contrary, persisted in refusing the demand, offering instead, to serve the emperor as of old time, with their own troops assembled under the great standard of the town.

In order to force them to compliance, the governess seized all the Ghenters found in Brussels, Antwerp, and elsewhere, and threw them into prison 1. This measure failed of the desired effect. The inhabitants of Ghent sent deputies to Margaret to solicit the release of their fellow-citizens, and to represent. to her that, according to the charters of Count Guy in 1296, of Count Louis de Nevers in 1334, and of Mary in 1478, they could not be bound to the payment of any subsidy, by the decision of a majority only of the states of Flanders. They likewise presented an 1539 appeal to the emperor in Spain, but received for answer, that they should obey the commands of the governess as if he were present, and that if they persisted in refusing the payment of 400,000 guilders, means would be taken to enforce it.

  1. Heut. Rer. Aust, lib. xi., cap. 11.

420

The other cities of Flanders showed themselves unwilling to espouse the cause of the Ghenters, who, finding they had no hope of support from them, or of redress from the emperor, took up arms, possessed themselves of the forts in the vicinity of Ghent, and despatched an embassy to Paris to offer the sovereignty of their city to the king, with a promise to assist him in recovering Flanders and Artois, ancient fiefs of France. The hope that the emperor would one day grant the investiture of the Milanese to his second son the Duke of Orleans, induced Francis to decline the tempting offer, and the Ghenters were left to sustain alone the consequences of their rebellious acts 1.

As there appeared no other mode of pacifying the town than by the presence of the sovereign himself Charles determined upon repairing thither in person; but the difficulty of performing the voyage in safety appeared almost insurmountable. If he attempted the passage by sea, it was not improbable that a storm, at this season of the year, might drive him into one of the ports of England where, as the feelings of the king were anything rather than friendly towards him, he might be detained prisoner. The route through Italy and the states of the Protestant princes of Germany was still more perilous, and Charles at length decided upon the apparently desperate measure of passing through the dominions of his rival, the King of France. Happily for him the same vanity which guided all the actions of Francis, and which induced him to violate the ties of good faith after the inglorious treaties of Madrid and Cambray, prompted him now honourably to preserve them, and to display to even an impolitic excess, the character of a generous and friendly host.

  1. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. ,., cap. 11. Thuanus, lib. L, p. 28. Da Bellay, Uv. viii., p, 477.

421

He not only granted the emperor a free passage through his states, and received him with the honours 1540 due to a sovereign, but forbore, with an overstrained delicacy, to press him upon the subject of the investiture of Milan 1. Having taken leave of the French king, who accompanied him as for as St. Quentin, Charles met the states-general at Brussels in February, whence he advanced to Ghent at the head of two regiments of German foot, brought into the Netherlands by his brother Ferdinand, king of the Romans, and 1500 horse, which the governess had levied in the provinces. It was soon evident how little of mercy or forbearance the Ghenters had to expect at his hands 2.

In answer to the petition they presented to him, setting forth their claims and grievances, he declared, that the charters they relied upon in support of their pretended privilege of paying no taxes, except such as they had given their consent to, either applied to those levied upon the city of Ghent in particular 3, or to such as were levied by nobles without consent of the 1540 sovereign 4; excepting the great charter obtained from Mary, daughter of Charles I., which he affirmed was invalid, as extorted by force, she being at the time under age, and detained a prisoner in Ghent.

  1. Du Bellay, liv. viii., p. 477—479. Heut. Rer, Aust, lib. xi., cap. 12.
  2. He did not, however, exercise against them all the severity to which he was advised. Having asked the Duke of Alva, (the same who afterwards rendered his name so notorious in the Netherlands,) what punishment he thought they deserved, he answered, that the rebellious city should be entirely destroyed. Charles commanded him to go up into a tower from whence he might see the whole city. " And how many Spanish skins," said he to him on his return, "do you think it would take to make such a glove (Gand) as that Alva remained silent. Strada Da Bello Belgico, dec. i., lib. vii., p. 221.
  3. That of Count Guy in 1296.
  4. The one granted by Count Louis in 1324.

422

The judgment pronounced by the emperor, which the formidable body of troops within their walls left the Ghenters neither the power nor the inclination to resist, was marked by a severity calculated to deter the other cities of the Netherlands from a too bold assertion of obnoxious immunities. It was decreed that Ghent and all the other towns should abide by the decision of the majority of the states in the matter of subsidies: that the Ghenters, as guilty of treason, had forfeited all their franchises, their lives, and property: that besides their share of the 400,000 guilders, the primary cause of the disturbances, they should pay a fine of 150,000 guilders at once, and 6000 annually for ever: they were, moreover, to defray the expenses of a strong citadel erected within the town, to keep the inhabitants in subjection: twenty-six of the ringleaders, among the seditious, suffered death, and the others were condemned to pay heavy fines, or to undertake long and dangerous pilgrimages 1. As the great majority concerned in this rebellion were of the poorer classes, the exaction of large sums of money from the town, whereby the most wealthy and peaceful citizens bore the chief share of the punishment, presents an example of those peculiar rules of justice often adopted by powerful monarchy when the result of its execution is to bring supplies into their own treasury 2.

  1. Heut. Her. Aust, lib. xi., cap. 13^ 15*
  2. The conduct of the King of France, on a similar occasion, contrasts favourably with that of Charles, as well in respect of sound policy as of humanity. The Rochellois having mutinied against the collectors of the gabelle, were afterwards obliged to submit themselves to his mercy: Francis not only forbore to inflict any capital punishment on them, but restored their arms and franchises. Du Bellay, liv. ix., p. 621—624.

423

Peace being thus restored to Ghent, the emperor 1540 set out on a journey to Holland, whither he had been invited by the advocate, Van der Goes, in the name of the states. First visiting Zealand, he proceeded through Dordrecht, Rotterdam, and Delft, to the Hague, where he gave an audience to the states. They were again summoned at Haarlem, for the purpose of giving their consent to a petition of 100,000 guilders annually during six years.

The nobles and the towns of Dordrecht, Haarlem, and Amsterdam, only having acceded to this demand, the governess desired that the votes of the majority should be esteemed a fall consent, thus endeavouring to introduce into Holland the same system which had lately been carried into effect by force in Flanders. Yet the earnest remonstrances of the lords of Brederode and Assenfeldt, assisted by the advocate, Van der Goes, induced her to desist from this impolitic scheme, which would, in all probability, have met with more firm and lasting opposition in Holland, where the principle had always been recognized, that no measure should be considered as sanctioned by the states unless their votes were unanimous, and that the several members should not be called upon to bear any share in those taxes to which they had not given their assent.

Shortly afterwards the states, being again summoned at Utrecht, came to an unanimous resolution to grant the required subsidy; Amsterdam, for its forwardness in voting so considerable a supply, obtained a modification in its favour of the staple-right of Dordrecht, from which all the towns of Holland were desirous of being relieved. The emperor decreed that, all wares coming from the 1540 north, except oak planks, bent, and wainscoting timber; should be permitted to pass by the way of Gouda and the Yssel to Amsterdam, without being first exposed for sale at the staple of Dordrecht 1.

  1. Aert van der Goes, bl. 303—308.

424

From Holland the emperor went to Utrecht, the final union of which with Holland was completed about this time. It had been ardently wished for by the Hollanders, ever since its conquest from Charles of Guelderland; and in the year 1534 the Emperor had published an edict, declaring that, with the approbation of the Governess Mary, of the knights of the Golden Fleece, and of the members of the privy council and council of finance, the emperor, out of his mere knowledge, authority, and full power, united the city, towns, and Country of Utrecht, on this side the Yssel, to Holland, to be governed by one Stadtholder , and the states of both were to be henceforth summoned together 1. The councils still remained distinct 2.

The opposition of the Utrechters had delayed till the present time the full accomplishment of this union, the consequences of which were subsequently so important to both Countries. On the emperor's return to Holland from Utrecht, he appointed René de Chalons, prince of Orange, as Stadtholder of Holland, Zealand, and Utrecht: his father, Henry of Nassau, was a German, and his mother, Claude de Chalons, a native of France; and thus, by the violation of a privilege often and vehemently insisted on by the Dutch, that " no foreigner should be appointed to the offices of the County,* did this illustrious family become invested 1540 with a dignity which, in process of time, they rendered nearly royal.

  1. The states of Utrecht consisted of the nobility, clergy, and commons The clergy were represented by deputies, chosen by the chapters of the five principal churches; the commons by deputies from the city of Utrecht and Amersfoort. Guicc. Des. Bel., torn, ii., p. 194*
  2. Bor Oorsprong, &c, der Ned. Beroerten, boek x, bl. 794,

425

Charles likewise issued a new edict for the regulation of the government, of much the same nature as that published in the year 1531. Whatever toleration the emperor might show towards the Protestants of Germany, who were sufficiently powerful to force him to terms, by no means extended to the Netherlands, where a decree of additional severity was issued, and commanded to be published every six months, preventing anabaptists, and heretics of all persuasions, from disposing of their property by will, and declaring all fugitives condemned to death without trial 1.

Within a short time from the visit of the emperor to the Netherlands, the renewal of the prohibition to export corn was once more the subject of vehement debates 2. The fiscal advocate, who brought forward the project in the states, was with difficulty induced to wait for their decision, until they should depute some of their body to present a remonstrance against this grievance. Dordrecht alone refused to act in concert with the other towns, alleging that they had endeavoured to deprive her of her staple-right, and that she had a special permission to send corn out of the Maas. The deputies from the remainder, together with two nobles, were admitted to an audience of the 1541 governess at Binche, where they represented to her and the privy council, that the prohibition, and exaction of permit money, was not only contrary to their 1541 ancient privileges and customs, but also to the imperial edict issued in 1531:

  1. Repert der Plakaat., bl. 39. Brandt's Hist. Ref., b. Hi., bl. 141.
  2. At the assembly of the states held to consider of this subject, deputies from several of the small towns of the Waterland were present, their chief means of support being the export of corn, Van der Goes, bl. 313.

426

the foreign merchant, they said, would no longer come to fetch corn from Holland, nor would the Baltic traders bring it thither; and the northern powers would seek to burden the merchants of Holland with new imposts, equivalent to that which was thus laid upon their wares: to this they added a remonstrance, which rarely failed in its effect, that the trade of Amsterdam and the towns of the Waterland would fall into so great decay if this measure were persisted in, that they should be totally unable to con* tribute their share of the petitions.

The governed observing in answer, that the emperor did not wish to exercise his undoubted right of granting permits to the prejudice of the welfare of Holland, proposed as a modification, that foreign merchants not being able to sell their grain in Holland, might land, bond, and re-ship it, without payment of a permit; and that native merchants might freely export as much grain as they themselves had brought from the Baltic. To this it was objected, that foreign traders were never accustomed to bring their corn to Holland, unless for the purpose of sale, since the ports of England were much easier of access in case it were found necessary to unship it; and with regard to the second exception, they said that most of the merchants who brought corn from the Baltic were forced to sell immediately, in order to obtain ready money, and consequently, that it rarely happened, and then only among the richest merchants, that the same persons imported corn and exported it again; and that, therefore, this exception would be no relief whatever to the large body of less opulent traders, who were accustomed to buy their corn in the Country for the purpose of exportation.

427

No remonstrance or reasoning, however, proved of sufficient force to induce the governess to desist from her 1541 scheme. The states desired that they might plead the cause against the procurer-general before the great council of Mechlin, but were told that they should neither be heard or answered, but that the decree should be forthwith executed: a request that they might be allowed to petition the emperor was likewise peremptorily refused, and they separated in the highest discontent.

Hardly was the permit money begun to be levied, when the pernicious effects of the measure appeared. One hundred and fifty Baltic ships, accustomed to trade with Holland, sailed westward without coming into port. In Amsterdam it gave rise to some tumults, in which the receiver narrowly escaped with his life. The states, understanding that great difficulty was found in tiling the office of receiver, since men feared to undertake it in the present temper of the people, again sent to petition the governess for a repeal of the obnoxious impost. She agreed to it on condition that 25,000 guilders should be paid to the emperor as an indemnification for the loss he would sustain. The states gladly accepted her proposal, Amsterdam consenting to pay a third of the required sum, and thus Holland was again relieved for some years from this injurious restriction on her trade 1.

While Holland was thus struggling to secure the freedom of her commerce, she was obliged to be no less vigilant in her efforts to preserve her civil immunities. The burghers of many of the towns could not, according to their laws, be condemned to a forfeiture of more than a certain sum in addition to the penalty of death for capital crimes. Yet the supreme court *as now in the habit of continually inflicting the total 1541 loss of property, besides sentence of death, upon the followers of the new religious sects.

  1. Aert van der Goes,W. 810—335,

428

The still more important privilege, " de non evocando," was likewise perpetually violated, and causes which should have been decided in the supreme court of Holland, were summoned before the council at Mechlin; nor could the earnest and repeated endeavours of the states prevent these abuses 1.

The emperor had manifested more than usual anxietssy to procure supplies on account of an expedition he was preparing against Hayraddin Barbarossa, the corsair sovereign of Algiers. On his voyage thither in the summer of this year, he was accompanied by a large number of ships from Zealand as well as Holland: of the latter province, the town of Enkhuyzen alone equipped four large caraveels for his service. Immediately after the landing of the troops, which was effected within two days of the arrival of the fleet before Algiers, a violent storm arose, which drove the vessels from their anchors, when one hundred and forty were entirely destroyed; fifteen others being driven on shore, their crews were murdered by the Africans; and the remainder, having sustained considerable damage, were forced to seek refuge in the port of Metafuz.

The Algerines, taking advantage of the consternation occasioned by this disaster, made a sally on the besiegers, of whom they killed three hundred, and wounded two hundred more. Dispirited by this attack, and wholly destitute of provisions, the land forces with difficulty effected a harassing and disastrous retreat to Metafuz. Immediately on their re-embarkation, another violent tempest entirely dispersed the fleet: some of the vessels, with their crews perished, and the others arrived singly and at different times in die ports of Spain and Italy: the emperor himself landed safely at Carthagena in the month of November 1541 2.

  1. Aert van der Goes, passim.
  2. Pont Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. ix., cap. 15, p. 171,172.

429

No sooner did the tidings of these misfortunes reach the ears of the King of France, than he judged it a favourable opportunity for the renewal of the war with the emperor. Charles had, during his stay in France, led the king to expect the investiture of the Milanese for his second son, the Duke of Orleans, by a verbal promise to that effect; of which Francis, relying on the honour of the emperor, neglected ether to obtain a ratification in writing, or to exact hostages for its fulfilment. So far from abiding by. the pledge he had given, the emperor granted an income payable out of the revenues of the duchy to his niece, the widow of Francis Sforza, the late Duke of Milan, and whom he had married to Francis, eldest son of the Duke of Lorraine 1.

Filled with indignation at this breach of honour and good faith, and desirous of raising up enemies to the emperor on every side, Francis formed a league offensive and defensive with Christian III., king of Denmark, and Gustavus I., king of Sweden; a separate agreement being added to the treaty with the latter Country, permitting the king to purchase in France as much salt as he thought fit, exempt from the gabelle 2. As the Swedes had hitherto been accustomed to depend entirely on Holland for their supplies of salt, the object of Francis in granting this permission was, to ruin, if possible, this branch of their trade. Besides these two alliances, Francis formed a third, no less injurious to the interests of the Netherlander, with William, Duke of Cleves, between whom and the emperor, there had for some time existed a dispute concerning Guelderland,

  1. Pont Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. zi.. cup. 15, p. 271*
  2. Recueil des Traite,, torn, ii., p. 419, 422,429.

430

In the year 1538, the Duke Charles of Guelderland, being of a great age, and without issue, had endeavoured to induce the states of that duchy, to receive the King of France as their sovereign. But the states, wisely judging that this monarch was at too great a distance to protect them in case of an attack on the part of the emperor, which was to be apprehended as the consequence of such a step, refused their consent; and passing over the descendants of Philippe, duchess of Lorraine, sister of Duke Charles, they settled the succession on William, the son of John, Duke of Cleves and Juliers, descended by females from Reynold, the last reigning Duke before the accession of the family of Egmond.

This proof of neglect and contempt, from a people whose independence he had fought so long, and so bravely, to secure, broke the heart of the old hero. He fell sick, and died of grief and vexation; and upon his death, the Governess Mary sent to claim his states in the name of the emperor, by virtue of the covenants made to that effect with the late Duke and his grandfather Arnold in 1473. William of Cleves founded his pretensions, as well on the covenant of the states as on his hereditary right; which latter, Charles justly asserted, had been surrendered by Gerard, Count of Juliers, and his sons, in consideration of a large sum of money, at the same time that Duke Arnold made the transfer of the duchy to Charles of Burgundy. Both parties submitted their pretensions to the decision of the princes of the empire, and the case was still pending, when William, fearful lest their judgment should be given against him, sought to strengthen himself by an union with France 1.

  1. Pontanis, Gel. Hist., lib, xi, p. 793,Sll, Heut, Rer. Aust, lib, xi, cap. 15.

431

Before the ratification of the treaties with the 1542 northern powers, which was not effected till the May of the following year, Francis had two armies on foot, the one destined for the Netherlands under the Duke of Orleans and the Duke of Guise; while the other, commanded by the dauphin, inarched to besiege Perpignan, in the County of Roussillon. The Duke of Orleans invading Luxemburg, soon reduced the whole of the duchy except Diedenhoven and Thionville to submission; when abruptly quitting it to join his brother in Roussillon, the Prince of Orange reconquered all the strong towns in as short a time as they had been lost. The results of the campaign in Roussillon were equally unprofitable to the French, since the whole time was consumed in the fruitless siege of Perpignan, which the dauphin was obliged to raise on the approach of the rainy season 1.

The King of Denmark, meanwhile, besides blockading the Sound against the Netherland ships, kept Holland and Zealand throughout the whole summer in constant fear of an invasion. Outlyers were stationed in the Vlie and the Texel; the beacons at Goeree were removed, and the buoys taken up; the peasants of West Friesland likewise received commands from the Stadtholder to exercise themselves in arms, and to assist in garrisoning the neighbouring towns 2.

The Guelderlanders, and troops of the Duke of Juliers, under Marten van Rossem, turned their aims against Brabant, where the Prince of Orange advanced to meet them with only 500 horse and 3000 infantry, while the enemy numbered 12,000 foot and 1500 horse. Having fallen into an ambush laid for him by Rossem, near Brescot, he was forced to retreat to Antwerp, 1542 with the loss of the greater part of his men.

  1. Du Bellay, liv. Sx., p. 507—511.
  2. Velius Hoorn., M. 113.

432

Thither van Rossem followed him, flattering himself that the city, before it should recover from its first consternation, would surrender at his summons. In this, however, he was disappointed; and being destitute of artillery, he was unable to lay siege to this or any other strong town in Brabant. He therefore contented himself with ravaging the open Country, and retired to effect a junction with the French army in Luxemburg; when the Prince of Orange revenged the injuries committed in Brabant, by the invasion of Ruremonde, and the duchy of Juliers, where he made himself master of Juliers and some other towns 1.

For the support of the war, Holland had consented to two extraordinary petitions, one of 80,000, and another of 60,000 guilders; and Zealand to one of 16,000, and another of 20,000 guilders. This proved, however, insufficient; for the governess, aware that the King of France designed to employ the greater part of his forces during the next campaign to push the war with vigour in the Netherlands, assembled the states-general at Brussels towards the end of the year, and declaring that as all the monies voted had already been applied, notwithstanding which, large sums were still wanting, and that the usual means of ordinary and extraordinary petitions would avail but little in the pie-tent emergency, she proposed first, That a hundredth penny should be paid on the value of all the merchandise exported; secondly, that a tenth should be levied on the income of all immoveable property; and thirdly, the like proportion on the yearly profits of merchants. The deputies received a copy of this proposition in writing, with an order to re-assemble at Ghent in December 1542, and bring the answers of their constituents 2.

  1. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. xi., cap. 16,17,18.
  2. Aert van der Goes, p. 348.

433

At the meeting then held, the states of Brabant consented to the levy of the tenth; others preferred paying a certain limited sum; while the deputies from the states of Holland excused themselves altogether from attendance, on account of the shortness of the time, the bad state of the roads from the recent thaw, and various other pretexts. During their delay, the governess threatened that if they persisted in refusing, she would exact from them 25,000 guilders a month for six months, and commanded them to attend at Brussels, with full powers to accede to the proposal, on pain of her severe displeasure.

She had already given orders for the levy of the hundredth penny on the value of goods exported. But the states of Holland meant nothing less than that it should be continued. On meeting at Brussels, the 1543 deputies plainly declared to the governess, that they could give no answer concerning the tenth, until this impost were abolished, which they held as a violation of the freedom from toll promised them by the emperor, and as directly tending to drive away their trade, on which they said they entirely depended for subsistence; adding, that if it were persisted in, so far from being able to contribute 200,000 guilders a year for the emperor's service as they had done, they should not be able to collect 50,000. The governess manifested high displeasure at these uncourtly remonstrances. She replied, that " She never would abolish the hundredth Penny since she had imposed it by virtue of the sovereign authority of the emperor, which she would in nowise allow to be impaired." The debates were carried on with much acrimony on both sides, when the deputies 1543 discovered from Mary herself, that the real cause of her obstinacy was not her fear of lessening the dignity of the emperor, but that she had already mortgaged the tax to one Jacob Doulx, for the sum of 200,000 guilders.

434

To save, therefore, the credit of their sovereign, they consented to the levy of the hundredth for one year. On the subject of the tenth, the governess had declared her willingness to accept of 150,000 guilders for six months in lieu of it. Amsterdam, Leyden, and Gouda, refused to go higher than 120,00; while the nobles, Dordrecht, Haarlem, and Delft, " who placed their votes in the mouth, and at the pleasure of the queen," did not cease to urge the other three to consent to the whole sum. The deputies, therefore, not being able to agree upon this point, consented to the levy of the tenth for an indefinite period. The Stadtholder also obtained from them the payment of 50,000 guilders, which he had expended for the public service; but they rejected the further demand of the governess, that they should liquidate the arrears due to the troops in Utrecht and Holland 1.

It happened now, as it had done in the year 1437, that while the Netherlanders were occupied with discussions concerning the means of maintaining the troops, the King of France opened the campaign within their boundaries. Landrecy, Bapaume, and Maubeuge, fell into his hands before the Netherland army was in a sufficient state of preparation to oppose his movements, and the duchy of Luxemburg was overrun with the same ease as in the preceding year. The Duke of Cleves, meanwhile, recovered all the places in Juliers which had been captured by the Prince of Orange, except Heusberg, and defeated the army sent by the governess, under Philip de Croye, lord of Aarschot, to throw supplies into that town, of which he commenced 1543 die siege;

  1. Aert van der Goes, W. 360-~366.

435

a reinforcement of troops advancing, under the Prince of Orange, forced him in a short time to raise it, when he surrendered the command of his army once more to Martin van Rossem, who invaded Utrecht, and made himself master of Amersfoort 1.

The emperor having much at heart the possession of Guelderland, resolved to direct the principal force of his arms against William of Cleves. Having assembled an army of 36,000 infantry, Spaniards, Italians, Germans, and Netherlanders, and 8000 horse, he marched at their head into Juliers, and laid siege to Duuren, the strongest town in that duchy. The garrison, commanded by Gerard von Vlakken, a nobleman of Juliers, consisted of no more than 2000 choice native infantry, with 800 horse, 1000 volunteers on foot, and 800 foreign cavalry.

The imperial army bringing forty pieces of heavy artillery to bear on the wall, soon effected a breach. The inhabitants defended themselves bravely for some time, but being overpowered by numbers, and their commander slain, the town was carried by storm, when the Spaniards and Italians, many of whom had been killed in the different onsets, commenced a fearful massacre. Having entirely pillaged the town, they, without the knowledge of the emperor, set it on fire. Terrified at this example, the other towns offered no further resistance, but hastened to tender their submission, and deliver the keys of their gates to Charles. William of Cleves, who had entered into the war upon the firm conviction that the emperor had perished in the African expedition, now finding himself unable to make head against so powerful an enemy, determined 1543 upon a timely submission.

  1. Du Bellay, liv. x., p. 533, 636, 643, 546. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. xi, cap. 20.

436

He therefore repaired to the presence of the emperor, who had retired to Venloo, fell at his feet, and acknowledging his fault, humbly sued for pardon. Charles, whose policy it was at this juncture to conciliate the German prince, satisfied himself with enforcing his right upon Guelderland and Zutphen, restoring the states of the Duke entire, with the exception of the towns of Sittard and Heinsberg. William engaged to surrender his conquest of Amersfoort, to renounce the alliance of France, Denmark, and Sweden, and promised to admit of no innovations in the Catholic religion in his states. Martin van Rossem being included in the treaty, afterwards took service with the emperor 1.

Within a few days from this treaty, the states of Guelderland and Zutphen did homage to the emperor, who confirmed their privileges, and engaged for himself and his successors, to bestow no offices of the duchy except upon such as could speak the language, and were able to perform the duties of them in person; to appoint no Stadtholder who was ignorant of their language; and to impose no taxes except with the consent of the greater and lesser nobility, and deputies of the towns, according to the ancient usage 2.

So watchful were the Guelderlanders over their liberties, even when treating with a powerful prince, whom they might regard in the light of a conqueror. By the submission of Guelderland, the whole of the Netherland states were for the first time united under one sovereign. In Guelderland, the states were composed of three orders, of which the four great baronial families of Bronkhorst, Bergen, Baren, and Wissen, were esteemed the first; the second was formed of the vassalsof the Duke and the bailiffs of the open 1543 Country, the number of whom was uncertain, since it might be increased or diminished at the Duke's pleasure; afterwards, some of the more wealthy families came to be reckoned in this inferior order of nobility;

  1. Heut. Rer. Aust, lib. xi., cap. 22.
  2. Pontanns Gel. Hist., lib. xii, p. 833-836.

437

the third order, or commons, consisted of the deputies from the principal towns of the four districts into which Guelderland was divided; viz., Nimeguen, Ruremonde, Zutphen, and Arnheim.

The states were summoned by the Duke at such time and place as he thought fit; their business was to deliberate on all matters concerning peace and war; the forming alliances; the coinage; the taxes necessary to be imposed for the expenses of the government; and the alienation or expenditure of the public revenues: their decisions became law only after they had received the confirmation of the Duke.

After the termination of the government of their native sovereigns, the states were reduced to two orders only; those nobles who had obtained the right of voting by prescription, and the deputies of the four great towns. The council of state, in which the Duke or his Stadtholder presided, was composed of the treasurer of the duchy, the chancellor, and about twelve members; its judicial authority was more extensive than that of the council of Holland; and after the union of Guelderland with the other Netherlands, the council of state had the privilege, in common with the Stadtholder , of summoning the states of the duchy. The municipal government was essentially the same with that of Holland 1.

A final termination being thus put to the long and ruinous warfare with Guelderland, the emperor marched into Hainaut, to arrest the progress of the French arms in that province.

  1. Guicc. Belg. Des., torn, ii., p. 5—12.

488

On his arrival, he laid siege 1543 with his whole force to Landrecy; but Francis having succeeded in throwing a fresh supply of troops and provisions into the town, the undertaking was by this, and the advanced season of the year, rendered utterly hopeless; the emperor, therefore, withdrew his troops into winter quarters. The Netherlanders maintained during the whole summer a considerable fleet at set, by means of which they interrupted entirely the navigation of the French merchantmen. Ten transport ships belonging to the former entered the harbour of Bourdeaux in the month of May, captured seventeen vessels laden with wine and other wares for Normandy, sunk and burnt several others, and returned into the ports of Zealand enriched with valuable booty 1.

The events of this campaign had fallen far short of the emperor's expectations, and he therefore determined to make such alliances as would enable him to proceed in the next with renewed vigour His views were greatly facilitated by the conduct of his rival, and the imprudent alliance he bad formed with Solyman, sultan of Constantinople, at a time when men's minds, heated by theological discussions, were less than ever prepared to tolerate the entire sacrifice of religions scruples to political interest. Nor did Charles suffer so powerful an engine against him to lie idle. He had in the beginning of the year concluded a treaty with Henry VIII. of England, between whom and Francis many causes of dissatisfaction had arisen; and the emperor, in consequence, received the assistance of 6000 English troops at the siege of Landrecy 2.

  1. Du Bellay, liv. x., p. 549, 554.
  2. Rym. Feed., torn, xiv., p. 708.

439

The close union contracted by the French king with his enemies the Scotch, served to exasperate still further Henry's discontent, and induced him to enter into an engagement 1544 with the emperor, that they should invade France in concert 1, and march, the one from Calais, the other from the Netherlands, directly to Paris, without waiting to besiege any of the fortified towns on their route 2. Having thus secured the powerful co-operation of the King of England, Charles appointed Nicholas Perrenot da Granvelle and Viglius van Zuichem to negotiate a peace with the ambassadors of Christian III., king of Denmark, at Spires.

Christian had not reaped the advantages he promised himself from his connection with France, and had likewise found a sensible diminution in his revenues from the cessation of the tolls usually paid by the merchant ships of Zealand and Holland in the Baltic. He therefore easily consented to abandon the French alliance, to enter into a defensive league with the emperor, and to confirm the Holland merchants in all the privileges they had hitherto enjoyed 3.

While courting the aid of foreign potentates, Charles, by painting in the strongest colours to the Protestant princes of Germany the iniquity of the union formed between Francis and the Turks, and by granting extraordinary and important concessions for the security of their religion, induced them to furnish their full contingent of money and troops for his service 4.

  1. Robertson says, on the authority of Herbert and Du Bellay, with 25.000 men each (Hist. Chas. V., book vii., p. 26?). Hume, quoting no authority at all, says their forces amounted to above 100,000 men (chap. xxxiii., p. 245). The quotation from Du Bellay is not correct; he says that 70,000 or 80,000 foot and 18,000 or 20,000 horse were about the numbers of the two armies, liv. x., p. 277.
  2. Rym. Foed., torn, xv., p. 40. Da Bellay, liv. x., p. 676, 577.
  3. Sleidan, lib. xv*, p. 325. Dumont, Corps Dip., torn. iv., p. 2., pa. 274.
  4. Sleidan, lib. xv., p. 318—325.

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1544 Thus strongly supported, and at the head of an numerous and well-appointed army, Charles conceived that the conquest of France would prove an easy task, and was heard openly to boast, that within three months the kingdom should be entirely conquered, and the king made tributary to him 1. Empty as the  sequel proved this vaunt to be, appearances at the! time seemed almost to justify it. Francis, when the emperor commenced offensive operations against him, was unprovided with a single ally, except Scotland! alone, since he had found it advisable to renounce then friendship of the Turkish monarch, because of the obloquy he incurred on that account. Instead, however, of marching directly to Paris, as had been agreed upon with the King of England, Charles, having taken Commercy, and Ligny in the duchy of Bar, laid siege to St. Dizier in Champagne.

Henry, finding him thus employed on his arrival in France, conceived the idea that he intended to allow him to perform the expedition to Paris alone, while he himself secured the possession of Champagne. For this reason, instead of advancing further into the Country, he sat down before Boulogne 2; the Duke of Norfolk, with a part of the army, having shortly before united with the imperialists under the Count de Buuren, in laying siege to Montreuil. Before the walls of St. Dizier, perished Renée of Nassau, prince of Orange, and Stadtholder of Holland, in the twenty-seventh year of his age; while employed in viewing the trenches, a stone, shot from the wall, struck him with such violence on the shoulder, that he survived the injury only one day. 1544.

  1. Sleidan, lib. xv., p. 386.
  2. Some Netherland troops joined his camp at this seige, of whose prowess, however, he gives no very flattering account; for he writes, to the queen, " such as we have of them will doe no good where any daunger is, nor yet abide there with their wyll." Rym. FtaL, tegs, xt, p. 51.

441.

He left the principality of Orange and his other states to his first cousin, William of Nassau, afterwards so illustrious in the annalsof Dutch history, the son of William Count of Nassau-Dillenberg, and at this time about eleven years of age. The Stadtholder ship of Holland was conferred on Louis, lord of Praat, descended from an illegitimate son of Louis van der Male, the last Count of Flanders before its union with Burgundy 1.

The siege of St. Dizier kept the arms of the emperor long employed; and it was only by a stratagem, it is said, on the part of Granvelle that its brave defender, the Count of Sancerre, was induced to surrender it.

Charles had lost many of his best troops in the frequent skirmishes which took place during its continuance; his army began to suffer from scarcity of provisions; and the mistrust between himself and the King of England, occasioned by the failure of both to fulfil their engagements, daily augmented 2. He was therefore by no means disinclined to hearken to the overtures of peace made by the French court; but as no cessation of arms had been agreed on, he continued to penetrate farther into France, taking by surprise Epernay and Chateau Thierri; he found at both places abundant stores of provisions, of which his army stood in the utmost need.

His advance served rather to hasten than retard the negotiations, by increasing the anxietssy of the King of France to bring them to a conclusion. A separate treaty was therefore made between the emperor and Francis, at Crespi, confirming in most of its particulars 1544 those concluded at Cambray and Nice;

  1. Du Bellay, liv. x., p. 577—583. Heut. Rer. Anst., lib. xii., cap. 3, p. 285. Adrian van der Goes Regist. op'tjaar 1544, bl. 47.
  2. Vide Letter of Henry, Rym. Feed., torn, xv., p. 50.

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the conquered places were restored on both sides; the King of France made a fresh renunciation of the suzerainty of Flanders and Artois; and the emperor engaged to give his eldest daughter, or the second daughter of the King of the Romans, in marriage to the Duke of Orleans, settling the Netherlands as a dowry on the former, or the duchy of Milan on the latter. The emperor to whom the choice was left, afterwards declared in favour of the marriage with the daughter of the King of the Romans, but the sudden death of the Duke of Orleans prevented the fulfilment of the contract 1.

After the conclusion of the peace, the emperor attended in person the assembly of the states general of the Netherlands, held at Brussels, where he demanded of the deputies from Holland a supply of 100,000 guilders. The states, on meeting at the Hague to consider of this proposal, were not unwilling to consent to the whole subsidy, provided the tax of the hundredth penny should be first abolished, which, as they represented, was imposed only for a year, and continued on account of the war, but was in direct contravention of a privilege of exemption from tolls granted in 1495 by Philip, king of Castile, and had caused many merchants to desert Holland and remove to other Countries. Charles at length agreed to yield this much contested point, when the whole sum required was instantly voted 2.

While the emperor was still at Brussels, where he was detained by a severe attack of the gout, Pope Paul III. issued a bull, summoning a general council of the Church at Trent on the 15th of March of the following year (1544) 3.

  1. Du Bellay, liv. x., p. 583, 589. Recueil dêê Traites, torn, ii,, p. 430, 441. Heut., Eer. Aust., lib. xii., cap. 5, p. 289.
  2. Regist. van Adrian van der Goes, op'jaar 1844, bl. 53—62.
  3. Sleidan, likxvi.,p.349

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This measure had long been vehemently called for by all ranks of men, both of the Protestant and Catholic religion, and no less dreaded by the Popes and superior clergy. To appease the universal clamour, and at the same time to avoid as much as possible the prejudicial effects to his authority which he apprehended from it, Paul III., in the year 1536, called a council at Mantua, where he might ensure the attendance of a majority of prelates devoted to the holy see: this was prevented, as well by the refusal of the Protestants to appear there, as on account of the difficulties raised by the Duke of Mantua.

A summons to another general council at Vicenza, in the territory of Venice, had been attended with the like issue, since neither the French nor German prelates were permitted by their sovereigns to be present 1. Finding it indispensable, therefore, that he should fix upon some place of meeting without the confines of Italy, the Pope had, in the year 1542, issued a bull of summons to all the prelates of Europe to repair in the month of November to Trent, a town in the Tyrol, under the dominion of Ferdinand, king of Bohemia. As the war then raging between the emperor and king of France rendered travelling unsafe for the subjects of both these monarchy the assembly was found to be composed entirely of Italian prelates, and even these were by no means in sufficient numbers to afford a pretext for denominating it a general council; it was therefore speedily dissolved 2.

  1. Sleidan, lib. xL, p. 229, 230; lib. xiL, p. 240.
  2. Idem, lib. xiv., p. 206. Lettres et Ménwires de Vargas, p, 20.

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The one now summoned for the month of March, 1545 did not actually assemble until the December of the same year, being delayed from time to time by the objections which the Protestant princes offered to the place where the council was summoned, as being too near the papal dominions, and to the proposed constitution of the assembly, as placing it entirely under the direction of the Pope's legates. Neither were the emperor's schemes sufficiently ripe for execution to admit of his rousing the Protestants of Germany from that state of security into which his behaviour, before the last campaign in France, had so effectually lulled them 1.

Meanwhile, his conduct in the Netherlands was well calculated to give them a foretaste of what they had to expect. He there issued an edict, confirming all the former severe penal decrees against heretics.; the prohibition against printing any books, except by permission of the emperor, was renewed; and no one was allowed to keep a school unless he had been previously approved of by the public officers or pastor of the place where he resided; for the first offence a fine was imposed, and banishment for the second 2.

Deeply anxious as the emperor might have been to conceal the designs he had formed against the Protestants of Germany, the preparations he was under the necessity of making for their execution, soon rendered them apparent. He demanded of the Netherlands subsidies both in men and money. The states of Holland 3 granted him a petition of 600,000 guilders, to be paid in six years, with no small reluctance, 1545 indeed, since they were scarcely in a condition to contribute so large a sum, even for purposes far less repugnant to the views and feelings of a great majority of the inhabitants, than that to which it was to be applied.

  1. Sleidan, lib. xiv., p. 292.
  2. Repert. der Plakaat., bl. 50, 51. Brandt. Hist der Ref., bode iii, bl. 150.
  3. It was on this occasion that the emperor first demanded a petition without summoning any one of the small towns, according to the "old custom;" their number had been gradually decreasing, and the questions upon which they were summoned becoming fewer for some years before. Adrian van der Goes, op'tjaar 1545, bl. 40.

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The people were, by continual exactions and the dearness of provisions, so grievously oppressed, that in some of the towns it was only by threats of imprisonment they could be induced to pay their proportion of the petitions. The new income tax of the tenth penny, laid on two years before, had proved singularly unproductive: numbers of persons had given in the returns of their incomes far too low, and the collectors, disinclined to lay open to the court the private affairs of their fellow-citizens, had generally connived at the deception: so that the tenth penny upon merchants' profits estimated at 75,000 guilders, produced no more than 1200, of which Haarlem, a town of extensive trade, particularly in broad cloths, paid but eighty-nine, and four stuyvers, (or 7l. 8s. 4d.,) while the payment upon the rents of houses amounted only to 939 guilders.

To remedy these deficiencies, the governess, with some difficulty, induced the states to consent that commissioners should be appointed, under an oath of strict secrecy, to examine the registers and accounts of the receivers. Their efforts to reform the errors or frauds committed by the latter appear to have been attended with success, since the complaints which had hitherto been frequent of their negligence and bad faith became much more rare 1.

  1. Thuanus, lib. ii., cap. 7. Adrian van der Goes, passim 1544, bl. 24, 26,28; 1545, bl. 31,40, 50.

446

While the emperor was endeavouring to amuse the Protestants of Germany with professions of a sincere desire for peace, the Count of Buuren assembled, in the Netherlands a body of 30,000 infantry and 4000 cavalry; he was joined by several of the principal nobility, Lamoral, Count of Egmond, Henry van Brederode, Andrew van Wassenaar, and others as valanteers, all eager to manifest their zeal for the faith. The nobility of Holland still continued, for the most part, Catholics, the reformed religion having spread itself chiefly among the inferior gentry, merchants, and partizans 1.

The noise of the emperor's preparations and the hasty zeal of the Pope, in declaring openly the resolution taken by himself and the emperor to extirpate heresy, at length awakened the Protestant princes to a 1546 sense of their danger. Though unable to obtain the assistance of any foreign ally, they assembled with incredible celerity an army of 70,000 infantry and 15,000 cavalry; a force so far superior to that raised by the emperor, that had his adversaries possessed sufficient resolution and promptitude to srike a decisive blow before the arrival of the Count of Buuren and the army which the Pope was to send from Italy, it is more than probable that they would have procured a lasting triumph to the Protestant cause.

But proceeding with unwillingness to such extremities against their sovereign, they deliberated when they should have acted, and by their hesitation allowed the Italians and Netherlanders to effect a junction with the imperial troops 2. The same irresolution marked the whole of their movements during this disastrous war; it was the distinguishing feature in the character of their leader, John Frederic, elector of Saxony; while that of the other chief of the confederacy, Philip, landgrave of Hesse, was marked by jealousy and precipitation 3.

  1. Sleidan, lib, xvii., p. 372,873. Heat. Rer. Aust., lib. xii., cap. 7.
  2. Thuanus, lib. ii., cap. 13, U, 15, 16. Sfeidan, lib. xrii., p. 376; 388.
  3. Such is the character of the two princes given by de Thou, (lib. ii., ^P,17, p. 80,)but although the Landgrave of Hesse showed great promptitude in advising that they should at once attack the emperor at Ingoldstadt with their whole force, yet it was he who insisted upon the dilatory and impolitic measure of waiting for the decision of the Elector of Bavaria; and he likewise wished that they should continue to give to Charles the title of Emperor, while the Duke of Saxony was of opinion that by so doing they would justify the accusation made against them of rebellion. Sleidan, lib. xvii., p. 394. Thuanus, lib. ii., cap. 15.

447

Of 1546 equal authority in the camp, and never acting heartily in concert, it generally happened that, while they were debating, the opportunity for action was lost. Even after the junction of the Italian and Netherlands troops the Protestants, instead of forcing the emperor to battle, when they would have had the advantage of their still superior numbers, and the energy which their cause should have inspired, allowed him to master one by one their strong towns, to cut off their supplies, and to consume their strength in useless and harassing marches.

It was in this enfeebled and dispirited condition that Charles obliged them to fight the celebrated and fatal battle of Muhlberg which, as it is well known, ended in the total defeat of the Protestants and the capture of their head, the Elector of Saxony. After this event, such members of the Protestant confederacy as were yet in arms submitted successively to the emperor, who levied upon them enormous fines as the price of their pardon. The Landgrave of Hesse likewise fell afterwards into his hands; and he carried with him these illustrious prisoners in a subsequent journey he made into the Netherlands, as well to gratify his own vanity and vindictive spirit, as to deter the Reformers in those Countries from the like attempts to resist his authority in religious matters 1.

  1. Thuanus, lib. ii., iv.; lib. v., cap. 8. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. xii., cap. 10,13,15. Sleidan, lib. xviii.

448

Happily 1546 Luther did not live to behold the overthrow and oppression of his brethren in the faith; he had breathed his last on the 18th of February of this year at Isleben, his native town, whence his body was carried to Wittemberg, and buried there five days after 1.

  1. Sleidan, lib. xvi, p. 363.

Part 2, Chapter 4

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Part 2

CHAPTER IV

335

Margaret of Savoy appointed Governess of the Netherlands. Terms of her Acknowledgment. State of the Netherland Forces. Continuation of the War with Guelderland. Alliance with England. League of Cambray. War between Holland and the Hanse Towns. Peace. Political Situation of Louis of France. He negotiates a Treaty between the Duke of Guelderland and the Emperor Maximilian. Ill-success of his Mediation. Truce with Guelderland. War between France and the Emperor. General Peace. Interrupted by Charles of Guelderland. Affairs of Groningen. And Friesland. Maximilian surrenders the Government of the Netherlands to his Grandson. Transfer of Friesland to Charles. Treaty with France. Charles becomes King of Spain. Philip of Burgundy made Bishop of Utrecht. Progress of the Reformation in Holland. Charles elected Emperor. Visits England on his way from Spain to Germany. Confirms Margaret in the Government of the Netherlands. Innovations in the Constitution of Holland. Penal Edicts against the Reformers. Death of the first Martyr. War with France. Treaty for the Protection of Commerce and Fishery. Charles of Guelderland obtains a footing in Overyssel. Friesland submits to the Government of the Count of Holland. Its Constitution. War in Italy. Confederacy against France. Battle of Pavia. Armistice between the Netherlands and France. Petitions demanded from the States of Holland. Threatened Hostilities with Denmark and the Hanse Towns. Truce. Treaty of Madrid. Marriage of Charles. The Pope and King of England make alliance with France. War. Charles of Guelderland occupies Utrecht. States of Holland refuse the demands of the Governess. Plunder of the Hague by the Guelderlanders. States consent to grant Supplies. Truce with France and England. Utrecht Retaken. United to Holland and Brabant. Peace of Cambray. Penal Edicts against Heretics. Death of Margaret of Savoy.

CHARLES II.

Charles, prince of Castile, being scarcely more than six years of age at the time of his father's death, the government of the Netherlands was once again placed in the hands of his grandfather Maximilian, as his legal guardian; but the emperor, little inclined to withdraw himself from his numerous avocations for the sake of administering the affairs of his Netherland subjects, between whom and himself, not the slightest feeling of attachment had ever existed, appointed his 1507 daughter Margaret, duchess-dowager of Savoy, governess-general of these provinces.

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William de Croye, lord of Aarschot and Chievres, continued in the office of stockholder of the Netherlands, while the education of the young prince was entrusted to Adrian Florenceson of Utrecht, professor at the high school of Louvain, a man of low birth, but admirably adapted, from his virtues and attainments, to direct the mind of his pupil in the path to excellence and knowledge 1,2.

The governess, accompanied by the imperial deputies, made her public entry into Dordrecht, where the . states of Holland, immediately after the investiture, in the hope of inducing her to restore some of their most important privileges, voted that the petitions which had lately been levied should henceforward be continued. They soon perceived, however, that they had little to expect in return. To the demands that the j towns might be allowed their councils as formerly, to administer their affairs, and choose yearly a double number for the selection of the senate, and that the offices of the state should be given to natives only, the duchess replied, that she was bound to leave these matters as they had been in the time of Philip. The states also desired, that the supreme court of Holland should not receive appeals in causes under 100 crowns 3; this request she promised to take into consideration.

  1. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. vii., cap. 2 ; lib. viii., cap. 1. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. xiii., p. 184.
  2. According to Du Bellay, liv. i, p. 2, Louis XII. was appointed by Philip guardian of his son ; but there is no allusion to it in Heuterus, in Snoius, or in the correspondence of Louis XII.; and the historian mistakes the age of Charles, who, he says, was eleven years old at his father's death.
  3. The reason of this provision was, that wealthy suitors sometimes appealed to the supreme court, for no other purpose than that of wearying out the poorer party by expense.

337

She consented that no letters of reprisal should be granted, without the advice, not only of the Stadtholder and council, as in the time of Philip, but also of the states; to the demand of the states, that the vassalsof the County should not be forced to serve unless within its boundaries, and for a fair remuneration, the governess replied that she should in this particular adhere to the old custom 1,2. After her installation in Holland, the governess was acknowledged in Zealand, where it does not appear that any conditions were proposed for her acceptance.

The harassing war with Guelderland gave Margaret no small anxietssy, in her new government. The finances of the Netherlands had been so effectually drained by the unceasing prodigality of the princes of the house of Burgundy, that the provinces of Holland and Brabant, from want of sufficient funds to pay troops to defend themselves, were kept in constant terror by an enemy so insignificant as Charles van Egmond, whose chief resource lay in the scanty and precarious assistance afforded by France. The whole force of the Netherlands, even since a new levy had been made, consisted of no more than 700 or 800 horse, 1500 German foot-soldiers, and 3500 Netherlanders, of whom the latter, dispirited, and ill-equipped, were not much to be depended on; while the whole of their artillery amounted to two small field pieces, and ten or twelve falconets, with two horses to each 3.

  1. Groot Plakaat, deel. iv., bl. 10.
  2. The heavy exactions lately levied under the name of Ruytergeld, or compensation for military service, had given rise to this demand of the states.
  3. Lettres du Roy Louis XIL, torn, i., p. 99,100.

338

On the other hand, Charles of Guelderland was no better provided; for as he depended entirely on France for the payment of his troops, and no supplies arrived from thence, he was obliged to lead them into Brabant and Holland, in order that they might furnish themselves with necessaries from the booty they could obtain there. They plundered a few small places in the former Country, when advancing into Holland, they made themselves masters of Muyden and Weesp, and even threatened Amsterdam itself: but a vigorous sally from a fort built between the Y and the Diemer, aided by a sharp fire from the vessels lying in both these waters, forced them to a hasty retreat. Charles, who was awaiting the issue of the attempt at Weesp, fearing, when he heard of its failure, that the Amsterdammers would besiege him in Gooiland, retired with all his forces into Guelderland 1.

Margaret, convinced that the surest method of weakening the Duke of Guelderland, was by depriving him of the assistance of France, concluded, in order to give that power sufficient employment elsewhere, a treaty of alliance and mutual defence with the King of England; and since Claude, daughter of Louis XII, the affianced bride of Prince Charles, had been in the year before espoused to Francis de Valois, a marriage was agreed upon between the young prince and Mary, daughter of Henry VII. The king was to give a portion of 250,000 crowns of gold, and the fulfilment of the contract was guaranteed under a penalty of 50,000 crowns by several of the Netherland nobles, and by the "good towns" of Dordrecht, Amsterdam, Lejden, Middleburg, and Zierikzee.

  1. Gugl. Hermanni Bell. Gelr., p. 338—346.

339

Yet, though the espousals were afterwards solemnized, the enfeebled condition of the king's health, and his death in the next year, prevented the beneficial effects which Mar-1508 garet expected from this treaty 1.

In the next campaign the Netherland arms were successful in the capture of the fort of Pouderoy from the French and Guelderlanders; they likewise laid siege to Weesp, when a truce for six weeks was agreed upon preparatory to a final peace between Louis of France and the Duke of Guelderland on the one side, and Maximilian and Charles, prince of Castile, on the other 2. For this ostensible purpose Louis proposed a meeting between the Duchess Margaret and his prime minister, the Cardinal d'Amboise, in the autumn of the year 1508; the real object of the conference being the formation of the celebrated league of Cambray against Venice, which had so nearly proved the entire destruction of that ancient and powerful republic.

The kings of France and Arragon, the Pope Julius II., and the emperor, were parties to this confederacy, which was left open for the accession of the King of England and the Duke of Savoy 3. In framing it, the two ablest negotiators in Europe had sought to give it stability, as well by removing as far as possible all subjects of contention 4, as by appropriating to each power such portion of the territories to be conquered from Venice as it might be supposed most desirous of acquiring 5.

  1. Rym. Feed., torn, xiii., p. 171—176,191, 213, 239.
  2. Lettres de Louis XII., torn, i., p. 122.
  3. Lettres du Roy Louis XII., torn, i., p. 120. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 59.
  4. This was not accomplished without vehement debates; one article, in particular, insisted on by Margaret, that the King of Navarre should » be included as an ally of Maximilian, gave rise to such lively contests that Margaret writes to her ambassadors at the court of England, "they had a headache not seldom, and she and the cardinal were often on the point of pulling each other's hair." Lettres de Louis XII., torn. i.,p. 132
  5. Thus the emperor was to have Roveredo, Verona, Padua, Vkenza, Treviso, Friuli, and all that the Venetians possessed, which had belonged to the empire or Austria; to the Pope was allotted Ravenna, Cervii, Faenza, Rimini, Imola, and Cesena, while the King of France was to be put in possession of all the territory which had been dismembered from the duchy of Milan, namely, Brescia, Pergamo, Crema, Cremona, and Chiaradadda. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 29*

340

But they were not able to extinguish the embers of jealousy which still lay smouldering in the breasts of its several members. Within three months after the signing of the treaty, which took place on the 10th of December, symptoms of mistrust began to appear among the allies. The Pope, fearing the designs of the French, refused to attack the Venetians until the former had first opened the campaign; while Maximilian suspected, not without reason, that Louis secretly encouraged Charles of Guelderland to violate the truce, in order to engage his attention elsewhere, that he himself might be left to pursue his conquests in Italy without interference 1.

By the truce concluded at the same time with Charles of Guelderland, he was to restore Weesp and Muyden, and both parties were to retain their present possessions till his claims upon the duchy were decided by the arbitration of the emperor and the kings of France, England, and Scotland. Trade was to continue free between the two Countries, and the King of France bound himself not to afford Charles any further assistance 2. It is most probable that neither party had the slightest intention of adhering to this compromise. 1509 Charles did indeed unwillingly surrender Weesp and Muyden, but very shortly after, alleging that the Netherlander» had broken the truce by laying Bommel under contribution, he recommenced hostilities.

  1. Guicciardini Storia d'ltalia, lib. viii., p. 414. Lettres de Louis XIL, torn, i., p. 161,162.
  2. Recueil des Traites, toni. ii., p. 61, 52.

341

Margaret, hereupon, sent ambassadors to the French court to complain to Louis of the conduct of his ally, and to require that he should henceforth entirely abandon him. This, however, Louis evaded, although be denied that he had promised him any assistance, and continued to use expressions of the sincerest friendship towards Maximilian, affecting to desire a marriage between the Duke of Guelderland and one of the sisters of the young Prince Charles. It is probable, indeed, that Charles of Guelderland did not receive any actual assistance from France, as his movements this summer were confined to ravaging the open Country 1.

While embarrassed with the hostilities of 1510 Guelderland, the Hollanders were involved in a war between John, king of Denmark, and the Hanse towns. During a long series of hostilities between Denmark and Sweden, the Hanse towns, in spite of recent treaties to the contrary, had persisted in carrying on their commerce with the latter nation, and the Danes, in consequence, seized their trading vessels. The Hanse towns, on the other hand, with a view of depriving Denmark of its profitable trade with Holland, published abroad that they would not permit any vessel to pass through the Sound under pain of forfeiture of ship and cargo; and without any further declaration of war, seized eight Dutch ships at Gripwalde 2.

  1. Lettres de Louis XII., torn., p. 266, 271; torn, ii., p. 24, 28.
  2. Vclius Hoorn, bl. 08, 99. Hist, de Dannemarc de Mallet, torn, y., p. 361—369.

342

In consequence of this hostile movement on the part of the Hanse towns, the towns of North Holland and West Friesland prepared a considerable fleet for the assistance of the King of Denmark, and having effected a junction with the Danish ships in the Baltic, they captured thirteen Hanse vessels in the port of Wismar, ravaged the island of Rugen, and made themselves masters of a rich booty. But not long after, the Lubekkers, having received a reinforcement from Stralsund, Wismar, Bostok, and Luneburg, fell in with a fleet of 200 Dutch ships near Dantzig, part of which they sunk, and dispersed the remainder, excepting 1511 sixty, which they carried away prisoners: they were principally laden with copper, and the loss to the city of Hoorn alone was estimated at 20,000 Rhenish guilders 1.

Notwithstanding this success, the Hanse towns, whose commerce was interrupted, and their supplies cut off by the Danish privateers, showed themselves willing to listen to terms of accommodation, and a convention was concluded between them and Denmark, which was followed by a treaty of peace in the ensuing year: the Hanse towns indemnifying the Holland merchants for a portion of the losses they had sustained during the war 2.

The peace between Denmark and the Hanse Towns gave occasion to Charles of Guelderland to renew hostilities with greater vigour, by enabling him to take into his pay 2000 foot soldiers dismissed the Danish service. With these he surprised Harderwyk and Bommel, and made himself master of Tiel and other small places 3.

Upon intelligence of these transactions, Louis of France despatched an ambassador to Guelderland, to prevail on Charles to restore Harderwyk.

  1. Hist, de Danne. de Mallet, torn, v., p. 370. Velius Hoorn, bl. 99.
  2. Groote Chronyk, divis. xxxii., cap. 40. Hist, de Danne. de Mallet, torn, v.,'pp. 372, 373.
  3. Lettres du Roy Louis XII., torn, ii., p. 116���120. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib, vii., cap. 3.

343

But whether the minister were furnished with secret instructions to the contrary, or that Charles thought himself sufficiently strong to refuse compliance with the request of Louis, he not only showed himself disinclined to deliver up the town, but committed further injuries against the Netherlander, by seizing eighty of their merchants» travelling from Cologne to Frankfort 1. As Louis vehemently denied the accusation of insincerity in this affair, and disclaimed having made any offer or promise of assistance to the Duke of Guelderlandq, it is probable that Charles was chiefly encouraged to persevere in the war by his knowledge of the low condition of the treasury in the Netherlands, and the small force then asssembled for their defence.

Such was the wretched state of exhaustion to which the continued prodigality of their sovereigns had reduced these once rich and flourishing provinces, that Margaret was unable to collect sufficient funds to defray the expenses of her ambassadors at foreign courts, whose demands of arrears and complaints of non-payment were incessant; and the same cause prevented her sending deputies to the council of Pisa, summoned in this year by Louis XIL 2. Nevertheless, the fears entertained by Holland of a new irruption on the part of Charles of Guelderland, enabled her to obtain the consent of the states assembled at Breda, that the war subsidies should be continued for three years longer. Only 1500 German foot soldiers were now in the field, the remainder of the troops being distributed among the several garrisons belonging to Margaret in Guelderland, when a seasonable succour of 1500 infantry arrived from England, under the command of Sir Edward Poynings.

  1. Lettres de Louis XII., torn, ii., p. 12G, 157, 150.
  2. Idem, p. 11)0, 210, 211, 250. r Idem, passim, torn, iii., p. 90.

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By laying siege to Venloo, they kept Duke Charles's troops employed during the whole summer, but not sufficiently numerous to blockade the town; and failing in three attempts to carry it by assault, the siege was at length raised, and the troops» at the approach of winter, returned to their own Country 1.

Whatever may have been the sincerity of Louis's endeavours hitherto to effect a pacification between the Duke of Guelderland and Maximilian, a change now took place in the affairs of Italy, of such importance, as to leave him little either of power or inclination to support so burdensome an ally. By an article of the treaty of Cambray, it was provided, that no one of the confederates should make a peace or truce with the Venetians, without consent of the whole 2.

All the contracting parties successively violated this 1512 engagement. Pope Julius II. quickly repenting of the measures which his headstrong and short-sighted anger against the Venetians impelled him to pursue, and dreading the increase of the power of France so near his own states, bent his whole soul upon the project of again expelling "the barbarians" from Italy; for this purpose, he made an alliance with his former enemies, and, in conjunction with them, attacked the French in their newly-made conquests of Milan and Genoa. He had, likewise, invited to this alliance Ferdinand of Arragon, and had been the principal instrument in forming a confederacy between him and Henry VIII. of England, whereby Henry engaged to invade Guienne in concert with Ferdinand 3.

  1. Rym. Faed., torn, xiii., p. 302. Lettres de Louis XII., torn, ii., p. 131. Letter of the Governess to Maximilian, torn, iii., p. 88, 80.
  2. Recueil des Tiaite's, torn, ii., p. 61.
  3. Rym. Faed., torn, xiii., p. 311 et seq.

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The emperor, the only one of the great powers of Europe not yet in actual hostility against Louis, made it a condition of the continuation of such friendship as he still thought it advisable to profess towards him, that he should renounce entirely the protection of the Duke of Guelderland. Louis, therefore, at length applied himself sincerely and earnestly to the mediation of a treaty between Charles and Maximilian, greatly to the advantage of the Netherlanders. The conditions offered by the emperor and Margaret were, that Charles should engage in the service of the Prince of Castile, where he should be honourably entertained; that he should possess Guelderland and Zutphen only as Stadtholder of the emperor; that the emperor might resume the duchy upon payment of a reasonable sum; and lastly, that things should be restored to the same state as they were at the time of the peace of Cambray. Charles, though he professed himself willing to listen to any reasonable terms of accommodation, absolutely rejected all these demands, although a report was current, that 15,000 of the troops from England, which had lately been landed at Calais, were to be employed on behalf of the emperor in Guelderland 1.

Upon the rupture of these negotiations, Charles advanced with 1100 men to Amsterdam, burnt the suburb, and destroyed some vessels lying in the old Waal. The Guelderlanders then retreated to the Carthusian monastery, near Utrecht, where the Lord of Wassenaar, making an attempt to dislodge them, at the head of only 400 men, was defeated, and taken prisoner. It is supposed, that, if Charles had at this time possessed sufficient funds to pay his soldiers for only two months longer, he would have reduced Holland to the last extremity.

  1. Lettres de Louis XII., torn, iii., p. 128,141,160, 224r—7.

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Since the endeavours of Maximilian to raise troops or money were attended with slender success, and he either would not, or could not, repair in person |to the assistance of his daughter in the Netherlands, unless a sum of 10,000 guilders, at 1513 the least, were provided for his travelling expenses 1. Fortunately for Holland, the war with England, and the powerful league formed against Louis in Italy, rendered it utterly impossible for him to afford Charles the subsidies he so earnestly desired. The circumstances of both parties thus inclining them to pacific measures, a truce for four years was concluded, to commence on the 1st of August 2.

Maximilian now no longer seeking to conceal his unfriendly feelings towards Louis, entered into the alliance of the Pope and the Kings of Arragon and England, each party binding itself to make war on France within two months. The emperor, although professing that he had agreed to the treaty only in his own person, and not in the quality of guardian to his grandson, yet gave the English unlimited permission to levy troops in the Netherlands, and hire vessels in Holland and Zealand. To the remonstrances of Louis on this subject, Margaret did not hesitate to declare, that it was without her knowledge or connivance that her subjects enlisted into the English service, notwithstanding that she was at the same time receiving the sum of 200,000 crowns of gold to maintain a body of 4000 horse and 6000 foot for the service of Henry in the Netherlands 3.

  1. The plea of poverty advanced by Maximilian the " Moneyless " was most likely real, since he had been under the necessity of pawning a valuable setting of jewels, called the " riche fleur de lis," and containing a portion of the true cross, to the King of England, for 60,000 golden crowns.—Rym. Fod.1., tom.xiii., p. 234, 240, 241.
  2. Groote Chronyk, divis. xxxii., cap. 41. Lettres de Louis XII., torn, iii., p. 159; torn, iv., p. 13, 20. Velius Hoorn, bl. 100.
  3. Rym. Faed., torn, xiii., p. 355, 356, 380. Lettres de Louis XII., torn, iv., p. 110,137,154, 217.

347

This dubious policy met with the usual fete of half measures, that of satisfying neither party; Louis wrote to the citizens of Ghent, and the other towns of Flanders and Artois, to threaten them with the effects of his heavy displeasure, if they afforded any succours to his enemies, and declared to Margaret, that it was only the tender age of the Prince of Castile that prevented his summoning him in respect of these fiefs, to do service in the war against the English. Henry, on his side, complained, that the governess, by a command she had issued, forbidding the Netherland troops in his pay to commit hostilities m France, had violated the substance of the agreement made between them 1.

Neither did England and the Netherlands observe with more fidelity towards each other the contract of marriage which had now existed for nearly seven years between the young Prince of Castile, and Mary, sister of Henry VIII. It had been agreed that the nuptials 1514 should be completed as soon as Charles attained the age of fourteen, and the ceremony was fixed by the English monarch to take place at Calais, in the month of May of this year 2.

But Maximilian, whose character it was "to leave things when they were almost come to perfection, and end them by imagination 3," objected to this place of meeting, and required a further delay; and notwithstanding the heavy penalty under which the towns and nobles had guaranteed the treaty, and that Margaret, deeply anxious for the alliance, and weary of the vacillating policy of her father,

  1. Lettres de Louis XII., torn, iv., p. 120, 137, 356.
  2. Rym. Feed., torn, xiii., p. 381.
  3. Bacon's Henry VII., p. 67.

348

pressed him with sharp remonstrances to come to a speedy conclusion, he not only refused to repair to Calais, and neglected to send, in compliance with the treaty, an ambassador to England with full powers to celebrate the marriage by proxy, but even entered into a negotiation with Louis of France, for the marriage of his grandson to Renée, daughter of that monarch. Henry considered himself justified by this conduct in accepting the offers made him by the King of France; and concluding a peace with that Country, bestowed on Louis, then at the age of fifty-two, the hand of his youthful sister Mary, at that time one of the most beautiful and graceful women in Europe 1.

Louis had, in the beginning of the year, effected a peace with the republic of Venice, and a truce for a year with Ferdinand of Arragon: the empire was included as an ally of England in the peace with France, and the accession of the young Prince of Castile was notified shortly after 2. But the repose which should have followed this general pacification, was disturbed by the restless spirit of Charles of Guelderland, who, after his truce with Margaret, found a new theatre of action in Groningen and Friesland.

Albert of Saxony, the imperial Stadtholder of Friesland, had at the same time been appointed Stadtholder of Groningen. But the inhabitants of this province, anciently belonging to the bishopric of Utrecht, refused to acknowledge Albert; and, finding the bishop unable to protect them, had placed themselves under the government of Edward, Count of East Friesland, in the year 1506. Since that time Edward had not only been able to maintain himself in Groningen in defiance of Duke George of Saxony, who had succeeded Albert as imperial Stadtholder , but, by means of a secret understanding with the Frieslanders, had attempted to reduce that province also under his dominion.

  1. Lettres de Louis XII., torn, iv., p. 271, 305,319, 338. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 91. Rym. Feed., torn, xiii., p, 413, 431.
  2. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 93, 100. Rym. Feed., torn, xiil, p. 419,457.

349

George of Saxony, forming an alliance with the Bishop of Utrecht, invaded Groningen, and laid siege to the city; and the Count of East Friesland, unable to procure auxiliaries from Holland, besought the assistance of Charles of Guelderland 1. An admirable opportunity was thus afforded to this ambitious prince, for taking measures to extend his own authority in Groningen and Friesland, under pretext of assisting his ally. Repairing in person to the court of France, he negotiated a treaty between Louis and Count Edward, whereby the latter was to hold Groningen as a fief of the French crown, and he himself received a command, as the liegeman of the king, to secure the Count in his possessions. This he engaged to do, on condition that Edward should pay him 35,000 guilders. With difficulty Edward collected half this sum, and by means of these slender resources Charles contrived to raise an army by the September of the same year 2.

Duke George of Saxony, meanwhile engaged at the siege of Groningen, sent ambassadors into France to represent to Louis, that Groningen being a fief of the empire, any interference on his part in its affairs, would be a violation of the peace, and to desire that he would neither receive the allegiance of Edward, nor permit his vassal, Charles of Guelderland, to commit hostilities there. This remonstrance had no effect; and Charles, perceiving that Count Edward had not sufficient forces to oppose his designs, proposed to the citizens of Groningen, that as there appeared no other means of ridding themselves of the Saxons, they should acknowledge him as their sovereign, under the King of France; threatening, if they refused, to surrender them to the mercy of Duke George.

  1. Bening. Chron. Orient. Fris. apud Matthsi Analecta, p. 236.
  2. Lettres de Louis XIL, torn, iv., p. 318. Bening., p. 251, 257.

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Hardly a choice being left to the inhabitants, they did homage to the Duke of Guelderland in the person of his marshal, William van Oye, and Count Edward renounced in his favour all right over Groningen and the Ommeland 1.

After thus possessing himself of Groningen, Duke Charles, upon the invitation of some of the inhabitants of Friesland, who were dissatisfied with the Saxon government, manned a number of ships at Harderwyk, 1515 and sent them to effect a landing in that province. The success of the expedition was almost instantaneous. Sneek, Bolsward, and several other towns, were mastered with but faint resistance; and the Duke of Saxony, on the tidings of these events, suddenly broke up his camp in Friesland, and withdrew into Germany, leaving his troops unpaid. These soldiers, abandoned by their leader, and without any other means of subsistence than plunder, became, by their licentiousness and rapine, a terror to the provinces of Friesland, Overyssel, and Utrecht, where they were known by the name of " zwarten hoop," or black band 2.

While matters were in this confusion in Friesland and Groningen, Maximilian, who from poverty was unable, or from the dislike with which he had always viewed his Netherland subjects, was unwilling to visit them in person, determined now to relieve himself of the guardianship both of' his grandson and his states.

  1. Lettres de Louis XII., torn, iv., p. 381, 382. Bening., p. 258—261.
  2. Lettres de Louis XII., 265—275. Velins Hoorn, LI. 106.

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Charles was at this time no more than fifteen; but besides being an adept in all military exercises, he was already well skilled in the language and history of the principal Countries of Europe 1 and had given proofs of such superior intelligence, gravity, and application, that he was universally considered as capable of being entrusted with the government. He was therefore acknowledged in the spring of this year as sovereign in Brabant and Flanders, and early in the summer in Holland and Zealand, having first taken the oath to maintain their privileges 2.

Soon after his accession, George of Saxony made an attempt to repossess himself of Friesland, which proving unsuccessful, he transferred his right to that state to the new sovereign of the Netherlands for the som of 350,000 Rhenish guilders* Charles sent thither Egmond, Count of Buuren, who received the oath of allegiance in his name from Leeuwarden, Franeker, and the rest of those places which had not Guelderland garrisons 3. To provide for the payment of the sum stipulated, a general assessment was made on the houses and lands in Holland, and a capitation tax levied: it appears that only 200,030 acres 4 of land and 35,000 houses were assessed, the remainder being either church-lands, abbeys, or such as, belonging to the nobility, claimed an exemption from the County taxes, and that the capitation tax was paid by no more than 172,000 persons, the rest of the population, consisting either of clergy, nobles, or those whose plea of poverty was admitted for non-payment: we are not, however, able to estimate the number of these classes of the people, since the Netherlander were never accustomed to take any census of their population in general, but to reckon those only who were able to bear arms, and liable to pay the land-tax 5.

  1. He could not, however, be induced by any means to learn Latin, for which he afterwards expressed deep regret, being, "when emperor, unable to understand the Latin orations of the several ambassadors at his court. Bent. Rer. Aust., lib. viii.,cap. 1.
  2. Reigersberg, deel. ii., bL 884—387. Boxhom op Reig., deel, ii., bl. 613.
  3. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. vii., cap. 11.
  4. The Dutch acre containing about two English acres.
  5. Vaterlandsclie Hist., iv. deel., bl.391. Guicc, Belg. Des. tom. i., p. 205.

352

The marriage treaty which had been set on foot by Maximilian in the year 1513, between Charles and Renée, second daughter of Louis XII., was confirmed 1515 by the young prince on his accession, and an alliance of commerce and friendship made at the same time with Francis I., who had now succeeded Louis on the throne of France.

To testify his gratification at the prospect of this union, Francis, on the request of Charles, consented to the marriage of Henry, Count of Nassau, the favoured follower of the latter, and whom he had appointed Stadtholder of Holland, with Claude, sister of Philibert de Chalons, prince of; Orange; by which marriage the principality of Orange, on the death of Philibert without issue, devolved on 1516 the house of Nassau.

On the death of his grandfather Ferdinand, king of Arragon, Charles, although his mother was still alive, assumed the title of King of Spain, and in this quality renewed his alliance with France, engaging to marry, not Renée, but Louise, the infant daughter of Francis 1. As it was necessary that he should repair to Spain for the ceremony 1517  of his coronation, he confided the government of the Netherlands to his aunt, Margaret of Savoy, nominating a privy council to assist her in the administration of affairs 2.

The influence which Philip the Good had obtained in Utrecht, by the nomination of his natural son David to the bishopric, had again been lost under the administration of his successor, Frederick of Baden: the Utrechters having frequently sided with the Guelderlanders in their wars against Holland.

  1. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 117,141.
  2. Groot Plakaat., deel. vi., bl. 13.

353

But Frederick, now weary of the cares of government, which he had sustained more than twenty years, was desirous of surrendering his bishopric, if an adequate remuneration were offered him. Charles, to whom Utrecht was of the last importance, on account of the passage it afforded the Guelderlanders into Holland, soon agreed 1516 with Frederick upon the terms of his resignation in favour of Philip of Burgundy, another natural son of Philip the Good.

As he was at this time an admiral, it was necessary to purchase the consent of the Pope to his election with a good sum of money, and 12,000 ducats was the price paid for the papal bull in confirmation of it, The states of Utrecht, though unwilling to change masters, and fearful lest Charles should, as Duke Philip had done, possess himself of the whole temporal sovereignty of the bishopric, were yet too much in dread of his power, and their treasury was in too exhausted a condition to admit of their making any 1517 resistance: they therefore received their new bishop, insisting only upon some few conditions of slight importance. This occurred before the departure of Charles for Spain, but it was not until nearly a year had elapsed that Philip was admitted into holy orders, and consecrated to the see 1.

It is one among the many instances of heedless rapacity, which Leo X. exhibited during the whole course of his reign, that he should at this critical period for the Catholic church, have been induced by pecuniary considerations to elevate to the episcopal dignity a man neither imbued with the dogmas of that church, nor bred up in the learning of the schools, so favourable to her doctrines; and it cannot be doubted that the influence of Bishop Philip contributed in no small degree towards the spread of the principles of -the Reformers, now fast gaining ground in Holland.

  1. Gerardus Noviomagus apud Analecta Matthsei, torn. L, p. 166-186. Heda in Fred., p. 318, 319.

354

All are familiar with the causes and leading events of the phenomenon of modern times—the Reformation, of which, if Saxony was the nursing mother in its infancy, Holland was the guardian and defender of its naturer growth. Such a part, the character and disposition of her people peculiarly fitted her to perform, Partaking in a high degree of the enthusiastic spirit, and contemplative imagination, remarkable perhaps in the natives of Teutonic origin, the tangible and (if we may so express it) sensual mode of worship of the Romish church, was far less adapted to her moral nature than the purer, more mysterious, and more imaginative creed of the early Reformers; while the dissolute lives and extravagant luxury of the Catholic clergy were most unsuitable to the simple manners and frugal habits of the great body of the Dutch nation.

We have seen that, as early as the reign of Philip the Good, men's minds were prepared for this great revolution; and had this prince opposed any violent obstacle to the current of public opinion, instead of gently turning it aside while appearing to yield to its force, it is most probable that, overleaping the barriers of custom and prejudice, (afterwards so much weakened by the diffusion of knowledge consequent on the invention of printing,) it would have hurried Holland so far forward in the march of events, that the rest of Europe being as yet unprepared to support her, she must have yielded in the struggle, and the reformed religion have been trampled under foot on that soil, where she has since raised her throne of glory.

355

The immediate exciting causes of the Reformation, the sale of indulgences tinder pretext of a war against the Turks, with the misapplication of the funds derived from that source, and the vehement disputes of the Franciscan and Dominican monks-operated no less strongly in Holland than in other Countries; and the writings of Luther, printed and publicly sold in the neighbouring County of East Friesland, had found their way thither, where they were soon widely diffused, and greedily devoured.

Philip, bishop of Utrecht, exempt by his education and habits from all the bigotry of a churchman, hesitated not to express his conviction of the necessity of checking the rapacity of the clergy, of lessening the number of saints days, and of substituting good and effective preachers in the place of the ignorant and careless monks, who but too frequently filled this office. He both practised and recommended the study of the Holy Scriptures, instead of the lives of the saints, which he considered as idle fables, and was a strong advocate for the marriage of the clergy.

In these opinions he was fortified by the learned and illustrious Erasmus of Rotterdam, with whom he entertained a correspondence, and who was himself not opposed to many of the doctrines of Luther, however averse the headstrong character and violent proceedings of the latter may have been from his own gentle temper and Christian forbearance 1.

Erasmus would have purified and repaired the venerable fabric of the Church with a light and cautious touch, fearful lest learning, virtue, and religion should be buried in its fell; while Luther struck at the tottering ruin with a hold and reckless hand, confident that a new and more beautiful temple would rise from its ashes.

  1. Brandt's Hist, der Ref., boek ii., bl. 62, 63.

356

Under the example and encouragement of such men as the Bishop of Utrecht and Erasmus, it was no wonder that the Netherlanders lent a willing ear to the new tenets, even if other circumstances had not prepared for them a favourable reception; nor was their diffusion materially checked by the subsequent persecution which the political situation of Charles, no less than his natural disposition, prompted him to exercise.

1519 The death of the Emperor Maximilian in the January of this year, gave occasion to a general war throughout Europe. Charles, king of Spain, and Francis I., of France, both claimants for the imperial dignity, professed towards each other a generous rivaliy, without jealousy, and without animosity 1. But they greatly overrated the strength of their own moderation, and the chagrin of Francis at the success of his competitor, was accompanied by so powerful an aversion, that it was never extinguished during the remainder of his life. He scrupled not to sacrifice to this passion all considerations of prudence and policy, and it was to gratify its immediate impulse, that he anxiously sought a pretext for declaring war against the new emperor.

Charles was in Spain at the time of his election, 1520 where he was detained until the May of the following year by the tumults that had arisen in consequence of his employment of Netherlanders in the administration of affairs 2. On his way to Germany he visited the court of England, where he remained some days, and during that time so successfully flattered the vanity, and gratified the cupidity of Wolsey, the favourite and prime minister of Henry VIII., that by his means he attached the king firmly to his interests' 3.

  1. Du Bellay, liv. i., p. 25.
  2. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. viii., cap. 4.
  3. Rym. Feed., torn, xiii., pp. 769, 771.

357

In passing through the Netherlands the states voted him a subsidy of 200,000 crowns to defray the expenses of his approaching coronation at Abe. The emperor once more confirmed the Duchess Margaret in the office of governess, appointing the Bishops of Liege and Utrecht as heads of a privy council which he appointed to assist her in the management of affairs, and made some other arrangements in the government of Holland and Zealand, such as manifested a strong disinclination to be fettered in the exercise of his authority by any popular rights. He gave the governess power to summon the states when and where she pleased; and they were commanded to abide by her instructions, not only generally, but on each particular question.

The great council of Mechlin, as well as the supreme court of Holland, were to be subject to appeals before the governess in privy council. Thus a new power was created, unrecognized by the constitution, and superseding at once the legislative functions of the states and the administration of justice in the regular courts, while it deprived the supreme court of Holland of the dignity it had always enjoyed as council of the sovereign. He likewise ordered the supreme court of Holland to suspend or abrogate entirely, all such privileges as were appealed to against the execution of his ordinances 1.

These measures, destructive of the civil liberty of the Netherlander were followed by restraints on the freedom of religious belief. Charles, desirous of strengthening himself by every means in his power 1521 against the threatened hostility of France, sought U gain the favour of the Pope by publishing in the Netherlands his bull, condemning the heretical doctrines and writings of Luther.

  1. Groot Plakaatb., deel. ii., bl. 13.

358

This he followed up by an edict, forbidding the printing or publishing of lampoons against the Pope and clergy, or of any works on matters of faith, on pain of punishment according to temporal and spiritual justice; by which terms, as it afterwards appeared, the penalty of death was understood; and the like punishment was inflicted on all who should be convicted of holding heretical opinions, so much favour being extended to those who recanted, as to permit them to be beheaded, instead of burnt or buried alive, as were the obstinate and relapsed heretics. Notwithstanding the infringement upon the authority of the states, by pressing on them a measure of so much importance without their consent, or even previous knowledge, they ventured to offer no opposition to the publication of the edict either in Holland or Zealand 1. 1522

As, nevertheless, the general disposition both of the governments of the towns and of the people occasioned its being but languidly carried into execution, the emperor, in the following year, appointed Francis van der Hulst, councillor of Brabant, to search out the Lutheran writings, as well as the followers of the reformed doctrines; and issued a new edict summoning every one suspected of heresy to appear within a certain time, that he may be " mercifully corrected, purified, and instructed*. 2

  1. Brandt's Hist. der Reform, boek ii., bl. 67, 70. Meteren Ned. Hist., boek i., fol. 10. Velius Hoorn, bl. 120.
  2. Brandt's Hist, der Ref., boek ii., bl. 71. Report, der Plakaat Tan Holland, bl. 9.

359

In the year 1525 another edict appeared, forbidding the study of the Epistles and other spiritual writings, directed probably against the new German translation of the Bible by Luther, which had been printed in Amsterdam two years before. About the time of the publication of this edict, the death of the first martyr in Holland signalised the commencement of the fearful persecution which afterwards desolated this devoted Country.

John Bakker, a priest of Woerden, who had married, and was accused of holding heretical opinions, was tried at the Hague, condemned to death, impaled, and burnt 1. He perished in silence and obscurity, but his blood was not shed in vain; from it sprung a "noble army of martyrs," who presented their undaunted breasts as a rampart to defend the struggling faith. Several more shared the same fate with Bakker, and many citizens of Amsterdam, Leyden, Haarlem, and other places expiated in solitary dungeons this newly-discovered crime.

If the complaisance of Charles towards the Pope were hostile to the religious views of the Dutch, so was his enmity towards France prejudicial to their financial and commercial interests. The pretext for war which Francis desired so much to find, was not far to seek. The possession of the kingdom of Navarre, disputed since 1512 between the crowns of France and Spain, afforded one always ready at hand; and it was with the invasion of this state that Francis began the campaign early in 1521, while Charles was yet embarrassed by the disputes between his Spanish subjects and his Netherland ministers 2.

For a time the fortune of war was favourable to the French, but a total defeat in a pitched battle fought near Pampeluna, afterwards threw the whole of Navarre, except Fontarabia, into the hands of the Spaniards.

  1. Brandt's Hist. Ref., boek ii., bl. 92—06.
  2. Pout. Heut, Rer, Aust., lib. viii., cap. 8, p, 193.

360

Meanwhile the Count of Nassau, Stadtholder of Holland, invaded Champagne by order of the emperor, received Monson by capitulation, and invested Mezieres, which, defended by the Chevalier Bayard, sustained the siege until a reinforcement of troops and provisions arrived from the French army, when Nassau, despairing of carrying the town either by assault or famine, determined upon a retreat; Monson was soon re-captured, Hedin and some smaller places surrendered to the French arms, while, on the other hand, Tournay was taken by the imperialists after a siege of five months 1.

For this war Holland was forced to supply troops from all her towns, and the vassals were summoned to serve, not the County, but the emperor 2. It does not appear that they made any remonstrance against this innovation, nor do I find that they ever ventured to assert their privilege of not serving beyond the boundaries of the County, except the war were undertaken with their own consent, under the princes of the house of Burgundy and Austria.

The anxious care of Margaret preserved the commerce and fisheries of Holland from much of the injury they would otherwise have suffered from these hostilities, 1521  since, by her efforts, an agreement was concluded with the ambassadors of France at Calais, under the mediation of Wolsey, that the vessels engaged in the herring fishery should remain unmolested during the ensuing season, and that no merchant ships should be attacked by the subjects of either power, in the ports belonging to the King of England, more especially in the Downs 3.

  1. Mem. de Du Bellay, liv. L, chap. 37, 38,47, 49.
  2. Plakaat van Holland, bl. 9.
  3. Recueil des Traites, torn, il., p. 182. Rym. Feed., tom. xiii. p. 763.

361

The Duke of Guelderland, whether incited by France, or encouraged by the circumstance that the soldiers were drawn out of the Netherlands for the war with that Country, ventured to come disguised into Holland, for the purpose of reconnoitring the frontiers, and singling out the most advantageous place of attack 1. The trace with him had been prolonged in 1515, under the mediation of Francis I., and often since renewed, but ill observed on both sides, particularly by sea, since Charles of Guelderland had constantly kept in his pay a freebooting captain, known and dreaded by the name of "Groote Pier," or great Peter, who, commanding some vessels manned by Frieslanders of the Guelderland party, kept Holland in terror, and rendered the Zuyderzee unsafe by his continual piracies; seizing all the herring boats or merchant ships he fell in with, and putting the crews to death without mercy 2.

Whatever designs Charles may have formed upon Holland, were postponed by the occurrences which happened in Overyssel, where, on the occasion of a dispute between Zwol and Kampen, he procured himself to be named protector of the former town, and having thus obtained a footing in the province, conquered the greater part of it, and obliged the Overysselers to conclude a treaty with him, engaging to acknowledge no other Bishop of Utrecht after the death of Philip, unless he first swore to live in peace with the Guelderlanders 3.

The extension of his authority in Overyssel was more than Counterbalanced to Charles of Guelderland by the entire loss of Friesland. The burghers of Sneek, having forced the Guelderland garrison to surrender the keys of the gates, changed the government, and invited the Hollanders into the province.

  1. Velius Hoorn, bl. 121.
  2. Idem, bl. 110—115.
  3. Pontanus, Hist. Gel., lib. xi., p. 704, Heut. Rer, A\ist7 l*b, viiu, cap. 12.

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A body of troops, therefore, under George Schenck and John van Wassenaar, accompanied by some of the Friesland nobles, landed near Staveren, of which they took possession. Immediately after the occupation of the town, Schenck summoned the states thither, when it was 1522 agreed that the Counts of Holland should henceforth govern Friesland in the name of the emperor, the states reserving to themselves the power of choosing a "Podestate," as of old, who should administer the affairs of the province in conjunction with a council of twelve of the principal nobles. The remainder of the 1523 strong towns fell during the next year into the hands of Schenck, and thus Friesland, after so many centuries of obstinate and bloody wars, was finally reduced to submission under the Counts of Holland 1.

The constitution of Friesland differed considerably from that of the other Netherland states, and was perhaps, the purest relic that remained in Europe, of the old Saxon mode of government. Friesland was divided into three parts, Oostergouwe, Westergouwe, and Islegouwe, each having separate states, who deliberated alone, or in conjunction with the other two according as the nature of the business required: these three divisions were again subdivided into twenty-eight districts, or bailliages, of which Oostergouwe comprised twelve, Westergouwe and Islegouwe eight each; the inhabitants of these districts chose each a " Grietssman,' or bailiff, who, with a certain number of assessors, administered and executed justice in his bailliage, was the guardian of the public peace, received fines, and collected taxes imposed by the states, combining thus the offices of judge, sheriff of a County, and treasurer; their office, as well as that of their assessors, was annual.

  1. Pontanus, lib. xi., p. 699. Beut., Rer. Aust., lib, yin., cap. 19, p. 209.

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Each bailliage sent two deputies to the states; the towns, eleven in number, had nothing in common with the rural districts, except that they sent each two deputies to the general assembly of the states of Friesland. The electors of the deputies from the bailliages were nobles, possessors of land, whether they let or cultivated it themselves, renters of land, and ministers of the church: the grietssman had great influence in the elections, and was often named one of the deputies 1.

The death of Pope Leo X., who had done all that lay in his power to keep alive the animosities between the emperor and France, and the election to the papal see of Adrian Florenceson of Utrecht, formerly tutor to Charles, appeared likely to present an opportunity for pacific overtures; but Francis, dissatisfied that a Pope should have been chosen so entirely in the emperor's interests, determined to carry on the war with renewed vigour, more particularly in Italy. The events of the campaign, however, proved most unpropitious to him; his general-in-chief, Lautrec, sustained a severe defeat at the Bicoque, a Country house near Milan, and the Marshal de Foix, who succeeded him in the command, was forced to withdraw his troops 1522 from the whole of Lombardy, except the citadels of Milan, Novarra, and Cremona 2.

The favourable aspect of his affairs determined Charles to pass over into Spain, where fresh insurrections, amounting now to an actual civil war, urgently required his presence.

  1. Des. Belg. addit. ad Lud. Guic. Francis. Vitellii, torn, ii., p. 230, 237, 242.
  2. Du Bella/, liv. ii., p. 60—70.

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Setting sail from Arnemuydeo, in Zealand, he once more landed in England, where he renewed the alliance with Henry, each party engaging to invade France before the end of May, 1524. A marriage was also agreed upon between Charles and Mary, daughter of Henry (the same who afterwards married his son Philip), so soon as she should have attained the age of twelve years. The emperor, after a stay of six weeks in England, proceeded on his journey to Spain 1.

Another ally was soon added to this confederacy, i in the person of Pope Adrian VI., who, though devoted ! to the interests of Charles, had hitherto so for preserved the appearance of neutrality, as to issue a bull, commanding the princes of Christendom to conclude a truce for three years, and to prepare themselves for war against the Turks 2.

The rejection of this proposal by Francis, left Adrian at liberty to espouse the side of his former master, who was likewise supported in Italy by the Duke of Milan, and the republics of Venice, Florence, Genoa, Sienna, and Lucca. According to the terms of the treaty between the emperor and Henry VIII., the combined forces of the English and Netherlanders, the former commanded by the Duke of Suffolk, the latter by Egmond, Count of Buuren, invaded Picardy; but the events of the campaign were limited to little more than an unsuccessful attempt to 1523 capture Hedin. It was late in the next season before  the Count de Buuren, at the head of 12,000 Netherlanders, joining the Duke of Suffolk with a like number of English, again marched into Picardy. The French, prudently evading a general engagement, threw strong garrisons into all the towns likely to be besieged.

  1. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. viii., cap. 13.
  2. Rym. Feed., torn, xiii., p. 790.

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The allies haying mastered Bray, a small town on the Somme, besieged and took Montdidier, whence they proceeded to the Oise, and marched direct to within eleven leagues of Paris: but, fearful of being surrounded, from haying left so many strong places behind them, they hastily retreated, abandoned Montdidier, and returned home without reaping the smallest permanent benefit from their great preparations 1.

During this war, a decree was issued in Holland, prohibiting monks, or other ecclesiastics, from going into France, or coming thence into Holland, under pain of being tied up in a sack and drowned 2. From the extreme severity of this prohibition, we should be led to suppose that it had been the custom to employ these persons as spies.

The defection of the Duke of Bourbon, constable of France, (caused by the persecutions which Louise of Savoy, mother of the King of France, had raised against him, as well as by a secret discontent which be had nourished since the campaign of 1521 in the Netherlands, when the king deprived him of the command of the advanced guard, to bestow it on the Duke of Alenqon 3,) brought a powerful coadjutor to the camp of the allies. In conjunction with the Spanish forces under the Marquis de Pescara, he laid siege to Marseilles, which he was forced by Francis to abandon, when he retired into Italy. Thither he was followed by the king, who having conquered the Milanese, laid siege to Pavia. The celebrated battle fought near the walls of this city, terminated, as it is well known, in the entire defeat of the French, and the capture of their monarch, who was conducted prisoner to Madrid 4.1525

  1. Du Bellay, liv. ii., p. 78,82—97. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. viii.,cap. 18,19,
  2. Repert der Plakaat., bl. 11.
  3. Du Bellay, liv. i., p. 45 ; liv. ii., p. 83.
  4. Idem, liv. ii., p. 103—10G, 119.

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The news of this victory was received with the liveliest joy in Holland, as it gave hopes of an approaching peace. The governess despatched envoys without delay to England, to treat of a renewal of the trace, as far as regarded the fisheries, with the ambassador whom the Queen-mother of France sent to that court, upon the imprisonment of the king. This was followed by a general armistice for six months, negotiated at Breda between Anthony de Lalaing, Count of Hochstradt, successor of Henry of Nassau as Stadtholder of Holland, and Carondelet, bishop of Palermo deputies of Margaret on the one side, and De Warti, the ambassador of Louise, on the other 1. This cessation of arms, though short, was still a timely relief to the towns of Holland, from the heavy expenses attendant on the protection of their trade and fishing; which they were the less able to bear, since the repeated demands for subsidies had drained their resources to the lowest ebb.

The inevitable consequence of a prodigal expenditure of the national finances, the arbitrary and excessive taxation of the people, has so frequently occasioned the overthrow of the government attempting it; and the struggle of passions and resentments thereby called forth, has shaken so often the very foundations of the social edifice, that the termination of all disputes on this point, between a nation and its government, is watched by the politician with interest and anxietssy. It is not to the sordid love of lucre that we must attribute the jealous care with which a people attached to freedom have always been observed to guard the public purse; but to the conviction that when they hare once surrendered into the hands of their rulers so powerful an engine of oppression,

  1. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 194.

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they have given them the means, not only of crushing liberty in its growth, but of striking a death-blow at its very root; of rendering the fountain of justice corrupt, and the press venal; and have left themselves destitute of the only method consistent with peace and order,—that of withholding supplies,—by which they might force their sovereigns to repair the defects, or abide by the principles of the constitution.

This observation is confirmed by the fact, that the English and Dutch, the people most tenacious in refusing the demands, when suspicions of the designs of their courts, have in times of public necessity, or when secure of the proper application of the funds they contributed, cheerfully borne a burden of taxation, of which other nations could scarcely form an idea. The exhaustion of the public treasury, and the rash or arbitrary measures adopted to replenish it, were the source from whence sprung, not only the long wars between our own Charles I. and his. parliament, and the French revolution in later times, but we shall ere long see Holland herself fearfully convulsed, owiug to the same cause. It will not, therefore, be uninteresting to remark the devices used to obtain extraordinary supplies, by the delegates of a monarch so powerful as Charles, and the resistance opposed to his demands by the guardians of the interests of the commonwealth, whose strength, however, was vastly disproportioned to their integrity and diligence.

The harassing and ruinous wars which Holland had now for so protracted a period been compelled to sustain, had rendered the scarcity of money so great, that even the ordinary petitions were slowly and unwillingly produced, more particularly by the smaller towns, who complained that their proportions were rated too highly. To remedy this evil, Charles had, 1518 soon after his accession, appointed commissioners to value the property of the inhabitants in general, and to divide an assessment of 60,000 guilders in relative proportions amongst the towns and the open Country.

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This assessment, called the "Schildtalen 1," remained in force during the whole life of Charles. 1525 In this year the governess made a petition extraordinary in behalf of the emperor, to the states of Holland, of 100,000 guilders for the defence of the Country against the Guelderlanders. This the states refused; alleging that a truce with Guelderland was now in progress, and pleading the extreme poverty caused by the suspension of trade, and the heavy contributions levied on them since the death of King Philip. The deputy from the governess, Jeronimo van Dorpe, then lessened the demand to 80,000 guilders, which was in like manner refused.

In consequence of this failure, a fresh assembly was summoned at Geertruydenberg where the Count of Hochstradt, Stadtholder of Holland, used his influence with each of the deputies separately, to induce them to consent to the petition. To those of Delft, which had shown itself the most backward in compliance, and whose quota of the 80,000 guilders was 6800, he promised a quittance of the half of the sum, if they would consent to give their vote in favour of the petition; and as the deputies objected, that the town was too much in debt to take upon itself any new burden; from persuasion he had recourse to threats, affirming that the welfare of the town depended on the emperor, and that if they consented to the petition, endeavours should be made to relieve them of their debts; but if not, commissioners should be sent to Delft, who would examine their accounts, change the government, and do many other things which would prove very vexatious to them.

  1. Schild is an old coin, value fifteen pence, and "tal" means number; therefore, by " Schildtalen," is understood the number of schilds each town or village had to pay.

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He used similar arguments with the deputies of the other towns, who at length promised to make a report to their constituents» and obtain, if possible, a more favourable answer. On their reunion at Breda, the nobles and towns voted compliance with the emperor's demand, except Delft, Leyden, Gouda, Alkmaar, Gorinchem, and Oudewater, vho excused themselves on the plea of poverty. The petition was at length levied 1. The Netherland towns granted the pecuniary demands of their sovereign, the more reluctantly, since they were now threatened with a war, of all others, the most injurious to their commerce. Christian II., king of Denmark, having fled in the year 1523 from his rebellious subjects, to whom he had made himself obnoxious by his tyranny and cruelty, sought refuge in the Netherlands, and his seat on the Danish throne was filled by Frederic, Duke of Holstein, the friend and ally of Lubek, and the Hanse towns of the Baltic.

Christian, having in vain endeavoured to procure assistance from the King of England, and some of the princes of Germany, fitted out in the beginning of this year, five men-of-war at Veere, in Zealand, commissioned to cruise against the Hanse towns, without consent or permission of the states either of Holland or Zealand, who feared lest this proceeding might occasion the recal of a licence which Frederic had granted the year before to the Netherlanders, to carry on a free trade throughout his kingdom. Soon after Christian had fixed his residence in the Netherlands, the Hanse towns forbad the Hollanders and Zealanders the navigation of the Baltic, and laid an embargo on all the ships they found there;

  1. Register van Aert van der Goes, deel. i., bl. 8—20. VOL. I. 2B

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and the Hollanders saw with vexation that the merchants of those towns went to France to procure salt» which they themselves were accustomed to carry to all the northern Countries. In answer to the earnest remonstrances of the Advocate of Holland, Aert van der Goes, Christian solemnly promised that he would send out no more ships from Zealand; but 6harüj after, intelligence was brought to Holland that a privateering galleon was again cruising under his colon» The governess, therefore, at the desire of the states; wrote to the town of Lubek, that this ship having pat to sea without permission, the crew might be treated as pirates. They were, in fact, some time after captured by the Hamburghers, and put to death 1.

The Hollanders finding themselves unable to persuade the Hanse towns to make a separate truce with them, urgently besought the states of Zealand and Brabant to send ambassadors for this purpose to Lubek; but as they either were unwilling to restore the goods of the Hanse towns, or to pay the expenses of the embassy, they declined the proposal; and the governess took upon herself to obtain the consent of these provinces to whatever the Holland ambassadors should 1526 agree upon. A truce for two years was therefore concluded, during which time the injuries on both sides should be estimated, and compensation given 2.

1527 A peace was likewise made in the January of the next year, between the emperor and his prisoner the King of France, on such terms as might have been expected from their relative situations. Margaret having before made a separate armistice for the Netherlands, it concerned Holland no further than inasmuch as Francis promised to oblige Charles of Guelderland to surrender all his possessions in Guelderland 1527 and Zutphen, in favour of the emperor, who should enter upon them immediately after the Duke's death 3.

  1. Hist, de Danne. de Mallet, torn, v., p. 693—699; torn, vi., p. 18,19. Plakaat van Holland, bl. 9, 10. Reigereberg, deel. ii., bl. 415.
  2. Aert van der Goes Regist., bl. 24—27.
  3. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 230.

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Although, as the war had now ceased, no pretext remained for demanding extraordinary supplies, the governess again required of the states a subsidy of 80,000 guilders, and the Stadtholder Hochstradt was 1526 likewise commissioned to induce them to vote her a benevolence. He did not at once venture upon this novel and unprecedented requisition in the assembly, but first sounded the disposition of each of the deputies separately, observing, that Hainaut and Brabant had not long before offered the duchess a present in acknowledgment of her excellent administration; and that Holland ought not to show itself less grateful, or to offer a less sum for her acceptance than 20,000 guilders. After some hesitation, the states consented to both demands, on condition that out of the petition then granted, to be paid annually, for the term of four year years, a fourth of the annuities of 5000 guilders, which the towns had borrowed on account of the emperor, should be liquidated; that the surplus should be applied wholly to the defence of the Country; and that no new petition should be raised until this had run out, nor should the payment be demanded in any other coin than that received as current in the County 1.

The Emperor Charles, whom we have seen contracted successively to three princesses of France, and two of England 2, at length married his own niece, Isabella, daughter of Emmanuel, king of Portugal, and of Eleanor, his eldest sister.

  1. Aert van der Goes, bl. 23—52.
  2. First to Claude, eldest daughter of Louis XII., then to Mary, youngest daughter of Henry VII. of England, to Renée, third daughter of Louis XII., to Louise, daughter of Francis L, and lastly to Mary, eldest daughter of Henry VIII.

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She gave birth in the next year to a son, Philip, afterwards so renowned as Philip II., king of Spain. 1527 The truce between the emperor and the King of France was not of long duration, since the latter had no sooner obtained his release, than he refused to ratify the treaty of Madrid, under the plea that it vm extorted by force 1,2. The political feelings of two of the courts of Europe, important allies of Charles, had now undergone a great change in favour of his rival. Adrian VI., the only Netherlander ever raised to the papal chair, had enjoyed his power but a short time, since he died in 1523, the year after his elevation, and was succeeded by Clement VII., of the family of the Medici, and strongly inclined to the interests of France.

The issue of the battle of Pavia and the imprisonment of the French monarch had prostrated, to all appearance, the strength of the only nation which could serve as a Counterpoise to the increasing power and influence of Charles. It is probable, therefore, that the King of England, after that event, began to be sensible of the grave error he had committed, in contributing to give to any one state so great a preponderance in the affairs of Europe. Accordingly, on the imprisonment of Francis, he hastened to conclude a treaty of peace with the queen-mother of France, promising to use his endeavours to obtain the release of the king upon reasonable conditions; and after the return of the latter to his kingdom he formed with him an alliance offensive and defensive, both kings engaging to prosecute the war jointly in the Netherlands with an army of 80,000 foot and 1000 men at arms 3.

  1. Pont. Heat Rer. Aust., lib. ix., cap. 5
  2. He made a secret protestation to this effect before the signature of the treaty, and in this manner excused to his conscience the notorious breach of faith he committed.  Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 210.
  3. Rym. Feed., torn, xiv., p. 62,195.

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The 1527 capture and sack of Rome by the emperor's troops under the constable of Bourbon, and the imprisonment of Pope Clement VII., by removing the scene of hostilities to Italy, spared the Netherlander for a time the miseries of a warfare conducted on their own soil, to promote interests in which they had no share, and to gratify passions with which they had no sympathy. Francis likewise bound himself to incite the Duke of Guelderland to a renewal of the war with Holland; and it was probably in consequence of his intrigues that Charles prepared himself for an attack on that province by gaining possession of Utrecht.

Henry of Bavaria, who in 1524 succeeded Philip of Burgundy in the bishopric, had promised to pay Charles of Guelderland a large sum of money, provided he would evacuate entirely Overyssel, (or the upper bishopric). On the requisition of the bishop for a supply from the states of Utrecht for this purpose, the government of the town peremptorily refused to contribute, urging that it was already oppressed with heavy debts. Henry, therefore, proposed that a general capitation tax should be levied throughout the bishopric upon the nobility and clergy as well as the people, without distinction. But the two former estates showed themselves wholly unwilling to forego the privilege of exemption from taxes, which they deemed a right inherent in their constitution, and many among them applied themselves successfully to excite the people to disaffection 1.

From this time the animosity between the bishop and his subjects continued to increase, frequently breaking out into open hostilities, until the summer of this year, when the bishop attempting 1527 to enter the city at the head of a body of cavalry supplied him by Egmond, Count of Buuren, for the purpose of reducing the inhabitants to submission, was forced to retire by the citizens, who instantly despatched messengers to solicit the aid of the Duke of Guelderland.

  1. Lambertus Hortensras Rer. Ultraject., lib. i., p. 17, 22, 23.

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Charles, whose ambitious designs were constantly backed by the counsels of France, eagerly snatched at this opportunity for extending his influence in Utrecht, and sent so large a number of troops into the city that the bishop, despairing of obtaining his readmission dither by persuasion or force, since the states had publicly abrogated his authority, formed an encampment around Utrecht, and raised a fort on the banks of the vaart, or canal, with a view of stopping the passage of supplies 1.

Although the tidings of the occupation of Utrecht by Charles caused extreme consternation in Holland, yet the frontier towns, always jealous of the presence of foreign soldiers, would not consent to increase the number of their garrisons. In an assembly of the states held to devise means of providing for the security of the Country, it was declared, that Amsterdam, having sent some troops under the command of a burgomaster to the fort of Muyden, defended only by a deputy-governor and two or three soldiers, they had been refused admittance; and that the same thing had occurred at Oudewater to some troops sent from Gouda. The governess, therefore, made a requisition through her council, that the states would levy 320 native soldiers at their own expense, for the protection of the boundaries; but to this the states unanimously replied, that they had no authority to comply with her desire, declaring that the last petition had been granted, and levied on the express promise, that a part of its proceeds should be applied to the public defence.

  1. Lambert. Horten., lib, iv., p. 94, 95; lib. v., p. 97—108.

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1527 In a subsequent assembly, however, held in the October of the same year, the duchess succeeded in obtaining immediate payment of that portion of the subsidy which would fall due at Christmas, for the purpose of providing the frontiers with a force of 340 foot soldiers and 250 cavalry. The fortifications of the frontier towns were found in a miserable state of defence by the Lord of Castres, who inspected them in the quality of sub-Stadtholder , having been appointed to that office by the Stadtholder , Hochstradt, who judged that he could better serve the Country by remaining at the court of the governess than by residing in Holland 1.

As the Duke of Guelderland was making rapid advances in the conquests of Utrecht, the bishop repaired in person to Schoonhoven, where he earnestly solicited immediate and effectual assistance, both in money and troops, of the deputies whom Margaret had sent thither to meet him. This requisition was referred to the consideration of the states at the Hague, whither the Stadtholder himself repaired from Brussels. The Stadtholder then desired to know from the deputies, where they considered the danger from the Guelderlanders most imminent, so that the Lord of Castres might take measures to avert it. Each of the towns, as might be expected, recommended that those places should be reinforced which were most essential to its own security. Having thus obtained the opinions of the deputies, and demonstrated from their own mouths the necessity of additional subsidies, he proposed, as they were preparing to separate, unsuspicious of any new demand, that on account of the war between France and the emperor, and in order to be prepared for the invasion of the Guelderlanders, the states should grant a petition of 80,000 guilders, to be paid in two instalments, at Christmas and on St. John's day ensuing, towards the maintenance of 18,000 infantry and 1500 cavalry, which had been decreed by the states-general of the Netherlands 2.

  1. Aert van der Goes., bl. 44—61.
  2. Lambert Horten, lib. vi., p. 133. Aert van der Goes Regist., ML 51,52. Hent. Rer. Aust., lib. ix., cap. 9, p. 223.

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But the deputies not being authorised to consent to any further grants of money, they were obliged to refer to their constituents, when Dordrecht alone voted for the subsidy, all the other towns pleading poverty and the decay of their trade; Delft, in particular, was so burdened with debt, that her citizens were constantly liable to arrest 1; they objected also, that these measures were likely to provoke the Duke of Guelderland to make an attack on Holland, whereas he had not long before sent letters to the council, expressing his desire to live on terms of friendship and good neighbourhood, wishing probably to defer hostilities with the province till he should have secured Utrecht.

At length, however, all the states, except 1528 Delft, consented to the demand of the governess, on the express condition that the monies should be applied to the defence of Holland alone, and in case of peace with France, to the service of the County, and according to the advice of the states 2. The requisition of the Bishop of Utrecht for succours had alone been laid before the states, the remainder of the negotiations being kept for a time carefully concealed, that they might afford another opportunity of assembling the states of Holland to demand subsidies.

  1. Aert van der Goes, bl. 44, 53—55.
  2. Vide Chap. II.

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The deputies had separated little more than a month, when they were again summoned to Dordrecht, and informed, through the medium of the Griffier (registrar), that 1528 "the Bishop of Utrecht, and deputies from Kampen, Zwol, and Deventer, had offered to surrender the whole temporalities of the bishopric to the emperor as Duke of Brabant and Count of Holland; and that the governess, reflecting how advantageous would be the possession of this state to Holland, Brabant, and Friesland, had accepted the offer in the emperor's name 1; but that since a great portion of Overyssel, although the states had acknowledged the emperor, was still in the power of Charles of Guelderland, its re-conquest, and the defence of the rest of the upper bishopric, would prove very expensive; and as the supplies already voted did not suffice for these exigencies, and the other Netherlands were sufficiently burdened by the support of the war with France, no better means of raising funds appeared (since Holland had so lately granted a petition of 80,000 guilders that the governess did not wish immediately to require another) than that the towns should become surety for a loan upon annuities of 5000 guilders a year, at 6 1/4 per cent., to be paid by them for three years, the emperor promising to redeem them at the end of that time.

The states agreed to this loan, under certain conditions relating to the defence of the County, and that the free exportation of foreign corn from Holland should be restored. The prohibition to export corn had been laid on during a season of scarcity some years before, and continued after the occasion which gave rise to it had ceased, since the granting of permits in favour of individuals brought no mean harvest into the imperial coffers. As it was, however, an innovation, to which the inhabitants of Holland were until latterly wholly unaccustomed, the towns required, 1528 as an indispensable condition to their becoming guarantees for the proposed loan, that the entire freedom of the corn trade should be first restored.

  1. Mimi Dipl, Bdg., torn, i., p. 600,603.

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The governess, having considered the conditions, declared that it waft not in her power to take off the prohibition on the export of corn, since such a measure would tend to lessen the dignity of the emperor. This answer excited deep murmurs among the deputies, and it is probable that they would have withheld the loan altogether, had not an event occurred which hurried them on to a speedy conclusion 1.

This was the capture and sack of the Hague by the troops of Charles of Guelderlaad, who had placed a body of 2000 foot and 200 horse under the command of Martin van Rossem, lord of Pouderoy, a soldier of fortune in his service. Rossem, marching from Utrecht, under Austrian colours, passed unmolested by Woerden and Leyden, and suddenly appeared before the Hague, at the hour of midnight.

Even had the attack been expected, the Hague, an open village, without walls, or even a troop of soldiers in the neighbourhood, was wholly incapable of resistance. No sooner, therefore, was the war-cry, " Guelder, Guelder !" of this band of pillagers heard, than the inhabitants fled in haste and dismay, leaving their money and all their valuable effects behind; the roads were crowded with fugitives, some of whom fell into the hands of their enemies; but more eager for plunder than slaughter, they killed no more than three. Two days and nights they revelled in undisturbed license; and scarcely able to carry away their booty, they filled beds, previously emptied of the feathers, with gold, silver, and jewels, with which they loaded wagons, boats, and every species of vehicle they could find.

  1. Aert van der Goes, tl. 6^-65.

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At last the citizens obtained a cessation of pillage by the payment of 20,000 guilders 1528 , when the Guelderlanders returned to Utrecht, levying heavy contributions on all the villages in their route 1.

It was found impossible to persuade the populace of Holland, that Margaret had not connived at the invasion of Martin van Rossem, in order to reduce the states to her terms; the Stadtholder , they said, had neither kept soldiers prepared to repel this aggression, nor would he permit the burgher guards of the neighbouring towns to attack the Guelderlanders on their retreat, when, enfeebled by excess, and laden with booty, they might have been easily overcome. Added to this, the few houses which remained untouched belonged to her courtiers, and the archives of the council of state were preserved 2. Whether or not their suspicions were well founded, the effect was undeniable; for the states having assembled at Delft, petitioned the governess to send immediately the Stadtholder , Hochstradt, and the Count of Buuren, captain-general, to Holland, to stop the further incursions of the Guelderlanders, and unanimously consented to guarantee the annuities of 5000 guilders without any condition; the six great towns, moreover, as it did not readily find purchasers, bound themselves to contribute each 2000 guilders a month, towards the payment of 8000 infantry and 500 cavalry, to be levied for the defence of the County; the remainder of 20,000 guilders a month, the estimated cost of their entertainment, as to be drawn from the monasteries, or such other sources as might seem most available.

  1. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. ix., cap. 9, p. 224. Lambert. Horten., p. 140 and note.
  2. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. ix., cap. 9, p. 224. Lambert. Horten., p. 14L

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Besides the levy of land troops, the Hollanders filled the rivers and 1528 channels with vessels, both large and small; they likewise entered into an union for three months with the towns of Brabant, the latter engaging to pay 48,000 guilders towards the war with Guelderland, and the towns of Holland 32,000,

At the same assembly, the states consented to anticipate the next payment of the petition, and promised to guarantee a further loan to the emperor of 2000 guilders, annuity, at 6 1/4 per cent 1, In return for this liberality, the Stadtholder having summoned the states to Mechlin, communicated to them the welcome intelligence, that the emperor had concluded a truce for eight months with France and England, which secured to the Netherlander free navigation and fishery on the coasts of both Countries.

This information was accompanied by a declaration, new, and not a little startling to the ears of Hollanders; the Stadtholder observing that the emperor, because they had heartily supported him in the war, had shown them greater honour than was their du$ since it was free for him to make either peace or truce, without the knowledge or consent of his subjects 2. It was a special provision of the Dutch constitution, that the Counts could not make war or peace without consulting the nobles and "good towns 3' the principle of which they were hardly prepared to hear disputed, however much it may have been lost sight of in practice; they, nevertheless, thanked the Stadtholder for the honour done them, without any further remark.

  1. Aert van der Goes Regist.» bl. 79—82.
  2. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 338. Rym. Feed., torn, xiv., p. flft Aert van der Goes Regist., bl. 84.
  3. Handvesten van 1346 in Groot Plakaatb., deel. v., bl. 113. D* Witt. Politische Gronden, (fee, deel. ii., cap. 3, p. 233. Grotius de Ant Reip. Bat., p. 61,

381

Although a stipulation was made in the truce with France, that the Duke of Guelderland should be at liberty to accede to it, on condition that he previously 1528 evacuated the city of Utrecht, and all the places he occupied in Overyssel, Groningen, and the Ommeland, the Hollanders did not wait for the declaration of his intentions, but proceeded without delay to revenge the injuries he had committed on them by the plunder of the Hague. The Count of Buuren, who, before the conclusion of the truce, had, in conjunction with George Schenck, reduced Hattem in Guelderland, shortly after made himself master of Elberg and Harderwyk, about the same time that Utrecht was surprised and taken by one William Turk, in the service of the bishops.

On the capture of Utrecht, the states of Holland earnestly petitioned that the city and the lower bishopric might be united to their County, and even offered a large sum of money to give weight to their solicitations; but as Brabant, as well as Holland, had contributed to sustain the war against the Guelderlanders, the states of Utrecht surrendered that province and Overyssel to the emperor, as Duke of Brabant and Count of Holland.

This event was soon followed by a peace with the Duke of Guelderland, who engaged to hold henceforward Guelderland and Zutphen as a fief of the emperor, in the quality of Duke of Brabant and Count of Holland, to surrender Groningen, the Ommeland, Coevoerden, and Drent; and to abandon the alliance of France for that of the emperor, who, on his side, was to pay Duke Charles 3000 guilders yearly, and to abstain from using the name and arms of the duchy of Guelderland and Zutphen; if the Duke should die without issue male, his states were to revert to the heirs of the emperor, Dukes of Brabant and Counts of Holland 2.

  1. Lambert. Horten., liv. vi., p. 149—157.
  2. Aert von der Goes, bl. 84. Meteren Ned. Hist., fol. ix. Heut. Rer. Aunt., lib. ix., cap. 11.

382

At the time of the conclusion of the truce between the emperor and Kings of France and England, all parties were sufficiently inclined towards a permanent peace; the emperor foresaw that the princes of Germany who had embraced the Lutheran doctrines, were likely to give him full employment in his own states; Henry was absorbed by his disputes with the papal see, on the subject of his divorce from Catherine of Arragon; while the long wars, joined to the prodigality of the court, had utterly drained the resources of France; added to which, the last campaign in Naples had been signalized by heavy misfortunes attendant on the French arms.

Before its expiration, therefore, negotiations for a final peace had been begun at Cambray, and prolonged for a considerable time, when, in 1529 the July of the next year, Louise, queen-mother of France, and Margaret, governess of the Netherlands, repaired thither, and brought matters to a speedy termination 1,2. By this treaty, which is generally termed the "Ladies' Peace, that of Madrid was confirmed, the claim of suzerainty over the Counties of Flanders and Artois was surrendered by the King of France, and the *droit d'aubaine," a law by which the property of a person dying in a foreign Country became forfeited to the sovereign of the place where he died, was abolished, as far as regarded the French in the Netherlands, or the Netherlanders in France. On the same day, a treaty of peace and alliance was concluded between the emperor and King of England, by which the freedom of trade with England was entirely restored to the Netherlands.

  1. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. x., cap. 3, p. 203.
  2. Du Bellay (liv. iii., p. 156) fixes this meeting in May, 1530; bat this must be an error, since both treaties are dated August 3,1529. Vide Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 146; and Dumont Corps Dip., torn, iv., p. 2, pa. 42.

383

The emperor had before 1529 effected a separate peace with the Pope, upon terms surprisingly favourable to the latter 1, probably, to induce him to perform the ceremony of his coronation, which he did at Bologna in the February of the year following.

The general pacification of Europe gave the emperor leisure to pursue measures for arresting the progress of heresy in his dominions, which his own conduct to the Pope, and the virulent manifesto he had published against him at the time of their quarrel, had contributed not a little to encourage. The whole of Holland was accused of being infected with the new doctrines, particularly the towns of Delft and Amsterdam; and this suspicion was the more strongly confirmed, since (he senate of the latter would neither take any measures itself against the heretics, nor allow of their being brought to trial at Louvain, which, as they justly asserted, would be a violation of their privileges.

The celebrated Protest against the decree of the Dietss at Spires, which gave the name of Protestants to the professor, of the new doctrines, was followed by the renewal of the penal edicts against the Reformers. Of these, one appeared in Holland, in the October of this year, by which obstinate heretics were condemned, if men, to death by the sword, and if women, to be buried alive 2.

  1. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 351, 858. Dumont Corps Dip., torn. ir., p. 2, pa. 42.
  2. The usual mode of executing this punishment was to lay the sufferer in a deep open coffin, placed on the scaffold, of a length and breadth just sufficient to contain her; three iron bars were then placed, one on the neck, another on the stomach, and another on the legs; through a hole at the upper end of the coffin was passed a rope, fastened round the neck, which the executioner drew tight from under the scaffold, as the body was covered with earth.

384

Relapsed heretics, that 1529 is those who recanted, and again returned to heresy, were condemned to be burned at the stake. The governess had shown herself not unwilling to reform some of the most flagrant abuses prevalent among the Catholic clergy, especially that of incapable men being appointed to the ministry, to prevent which, she had, in the year 1525, commanded that none should presume to exercise the office of preacher but such as were learned, prudent, and of good morals 1.

Her death, which happened the 30th of November, 1530, was a grievous loss to the Netherlander. Happy would it have been for them if the entire sovereignty of their Country had been placed in the hands of this able and wise princess but under the constant necessity of obeying the mandates of a superior power, she was not only forced to bear a part in wars eminently prejudicial to the states she governed, but likewise to load them with heavy burdens, in order to supply the expenses of a foreign court, and to support enterprises in which they had neither interest nor concern.

This evil of her government, which was wholly beyond her control, she remedied as far as in her lay, by the vigilant care she exercised in the protection of commerce. Her talents for negotiation were displayed in the four treaties which she had the principal hand in framing: that of Cambray, in 1508; another made with France in 1522, establishing the neutrality of Burgundy; the truce for the security of the herring fishery, concluded shortly after the battle of Pavia; and the peace of Cambray, in 1529. To her great capacity for public affairs, she added a taste for literature and the arts, being a lyric poet of some celebrity, and author of several small works in prose 2.

  1. Repert. der Plakaat. van Holl., bl. 14. Brant's Hist. der. Ref., boek ii., bl. 97.
  2. Bib. Belg. ia Marg.

385

She gave in early youth an instance of the most extraordinary personal courage 1530. During her voyage to Spain, for the purpose of being married to John, heir apparent of that kingdom, the vessel in which she sailed was overtaken by a violent tempest, and when on the point of shipwreck, and all hope of safety appeared to be lost, she retained, amidst the general terror, so much of her usual hilarity, as to make the following epitaph on her own fate:—* Cy gist Margole, noble damoiselle Deux fois mariee, et morte pucelle 1,"desiring that it might be rolled in wax, and fastened to her hand 2,3.

She cannot, however be exonerated from the blame of encouraging the extreme venality which prevailed among her courtiers, although it is mainly attributable to the example and influence of William de Croye, Stadtholder of the Netherlands, the guardian of Charles during his minority, and his prime minister and favourite for some years after: the rapacity of himself and his followers had excited formidable disturbances in Spain, and had established in the Netherlands the pernicious custom of bribing the ministers with large sums of money, in order to carry any desired measure at court.

  1. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. v., cap. 5, p. 128.
  2. * Here gentle Margaret sleeps beneath the tide, Who twice was wedded, yet a maiden died.
  3. It was the custom of the Netherland sailors, when in extreme danger of shipwreck, to tie something inside the hand, by which they might be known if picked up or washed ashore. Heut. ubi sup. They resemble the Scotch in their love of a " decent burial," and it was probably in the desire to secure it that this custom originated.

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