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Part 2, Chapter 3

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Part 2

CHAPTER III

298

Maximilian acknowledged Governor of the Netherlands. Revolt of the Flemings. Compromise. Maximilian chosen King of the Romans. War with France. Second Revolt of the Flemings. Sedition at Bruges. Maximilian Imprisoned. Grievances of the Flemings. Release of Maximilian, and conclusion of Treaty. Broken by Maximilian. Civil War. Invasion of Holland, and Capture of Rotterdam by the Hooks. Their Defeat. Pacification of Flanders. Alteration of the Coin in Holland. Expulsion of the Hooks from Holland. Insurrection of North Holland. " Casembrotspel" or Bread and Cheese War. Insurgents obtain Pardon. Reduction of Sluys. Affairs of France. Marriage of Maximilian by proxy to Anne of Bretagne. Rupture of the Contract by her Marriage with Charles VIII. of France. Anger of Maximilian. Preparations for War. Peace. Philip assumes the Government of the Netherlands. Terms of Acknowledgment. Advantageous Commercial Treaty with England. Marriage of Philip to Joanna of Spain. Friesland conferred en Albert of Saxony. Birth of Charles V. Philip takes a Journey into Spain. His Return. Death of Margaret of York. War with Guelderland. Truce. Philip sets sail for Spain. Is detained in England. Assumes the Government of Castile. Renewal of Hostilities with Guelderland. Death and Character of Philip.

PHILIP II.

According to the terms of the marriage treaty between Maximilian and Mary, their eldest son, Philip, succeeded to the sovereignty of the Netherlands immediately upon the death of his mother. As he was at this time only four years of age, Maximilian obtained the acknowledgment of himself as guardian of the young Count's person, and protector of his states, by all the provinces except Flanders and Guelderland. The Flemings having secured the person of Philip at Ghent, appointed a regency, consisting of Philip of Burgundy, lord of Beveren, Adolphus of Cleves, princes of the blood by the mother's side, Wolferd van Borselen, and other nobles 1.

  1. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. ii., cap. 1. Snoi. Rer. Bat, lib. xii., P. 176.

290

The new government immediately sent ambassadors to Arras, empowered to conclude a peace with France, the conditions of which, as the Flemings had long been weary of an expensive war carried on against their liege lord, and were, moreover, desirous of abating at any price the power of Maximilian, were entirely favourable to Louis. Margaret, daughter of Maximilian, was contracted to the dauphin, with Artois, the County of Burgundy, Macon, Auxerre, and Noyers as her portion: she was to be educated at the French court, and an annuity of 60,000 livres allotted her by the dauphin. Maximilian, fearing to exasperate the Ghenters, who had possession of both his children, as well as. from the impossibility of carrying on the *ar with France without the support of Flanders, found himself obliged to consent, however unwillingly, to this treaty 1.

The death of Louis XI. in the next year, having 1483 deprived the Flemings of their principal support, Maximilian determined to compel that people by force to acknowledge his authority. He therefore assembled an army, levied in his other states, at Mechlin, whence he marched to Dendermonde, of which he made himself master 1484, as well as of Oudenarde, and permitted his troops to overrun the Waasland. The inhabitants of Sluys, on the other hand, surprised and plundered some of the islands of Zealand, and took the town of 1485 Rushing by assault. But shortly after, Sluys falling into the hands of Maximilian, this event was followed by the surrender of Bruges and Ghent. Maximilian, as acknowledged protector of Flanders during the minority of Philip, who was delivered by the Ghenters into the hands of his father, and by him entrusted to the care of Margaret of York, Duchess-dowager of Burgundy, until he became of age 2.

  1. Recueil des Traites, torn, i., p. 272. Commines, lir. vi., chap. 9.
  2. De la Marche, lib. ii., chap. 11,12. Pont. Heat. Rer. Aust, lib. iL, cap. 4, 5, 8.

300

Haying thus for a time brought the Flemings into 1486 subjection, Maximilian quitted the Netherlands to attend the dietss at Frankfort, where he was unanimously elected King of the Romans, and the ceremony of his coronation performed with great magnificence at Aix. The crown of France had now devolved on Charles VIII., a minor, and a prince of inferior capacity, but the government during his minority was, pursuant to the will of the late monarch, entrusted to his eldest daughter, Anne, wife of the Lord of Beaujeu. This sagacious and politic princess had entirely adopted her father's views respecting the abasement of his too powerful vassal, and in order to embarrass Maximilian, had encouraged the resistance of the Flemings to his authority, by making with them a secret treaty, promising them all the assistance in her power, and, in consequence, sent into Flanders a subsidy of 650 lances and 4000 infantry 1.

Provoked at this interference, Maximilian, immediately upon his return from Germany, declared war against France, and commenced hostilities in Artois, where his generals, Montigny, governor of Hainaut, and Salazar, governor of Douay, surprised the towns of Mortaigne and Terouanne. Shortly after, Maximilian himself, with an army of 12,000 men, invaded Picardy in person: but the conclusion of the campaign by no means answered to its flattering commencement. Maximilian, always destitute of resources, was not in a condition to undertake the siege of any place of importance, and the Swiss and German troops in his camp becoming dissatisfied for want of pay, the French commander, Des-querdes, fonnd means to tamper successfully with their fidelity: the whole of the latter deserted to the enemy, and the former were only prevented by a hasty dismissal from following their example.

  1. Recueil des Traites, torn, i., p. 290, 298, 304, 305. Pont, Heot Rer. Aust., lib. ii., cap. 5, 6.

301

In the ensuing 1487 year, Terouanne was re-taken by the French, and the Netherland army sustained a heavy defeat near Bethune, where, among others of the nobility, Charles van Egmond, son of Adolphus, Duke of Guelderland, was taken prisoner 1.

The enfeebled condition to which Maximilian was 1488 reduced by these losses, encouraged the Flemings, whom force only had compelled to acknowledge his authority, once more to revolt; and the spirit of disaffection was further roused by Adrian de Villain, lord of Rassinghem, one of the chief promoters of the former disturbances at Ghent, for which reason Maximilian had caused him to be seized and carried prisoner to Vilvoorden. Having succeeded in effecting his escape from thence, he returned to Ghent, and instigated the Flemings to lay before Maximilian a petition for the redress of their grievances, of which the principal heads were, the arbitrary changes made in the coin, the conferring offices on foreigners, the presence of foreign troops in the County, and the lavish expenditure of the public money, while the soldiers, both native and foreign, were allowed to plunder the Country for want of pay 2.

Maximilian, then at Bruges, awaiting the assembly of the states-general of the Netherlands, not only refused to remedy these grievances, but, as it was supposed, harboured a design of making himself master of the city by means of his German troops.

  1. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. ii., cap. 10,11,12.
  2. Idem, lib. ii., cap. xii.

302

Alarmed at this idea, the burghers of Bruges assembled in arms around the banners of their guilds, seized the person of Maximilian in the name of the states, and placed him in close confinement in a house called Cranenburg, belonging to a grocer. At the instigation of some deputies sent from Ghent, they then proceeded to. declare Maximilian incapable of exercising the guardianship over his son, or of governing his states; deposed and imprisoned the magistrates, electing new ones in their stead; and threw into prison several of the nobility attendant on the person of the king, ten of whom they delivered up to the citizens of Ghent, taking a bond, however, for the security of their lives.

The men of Bruges afterwards put to death Peter de Langhals, treasurer of Maximilian, and schout of the city, having cruelly tortured him upon suspicion that he had advised the introduction of German troops into Bruges; and Martin Pajaart, the mediator of the last accommodation between Maximilian and the Flemings, suffered a like fate at Ghent, upon an accusation that he had persuaded Maximilian to enter the city vritb 6000 troops instead of 500, according to his promise: ten of the most worthy citizens of Ghent, whom, in the extremity of his torture he had named as his accomplices, were also massacred 1.

Fearing that the king would contrive some method of escape from Cranenburg, the citizens of Bruges strongly fortified a house belonging to Philip of Cleves, whither they removed their captive, whose courage and magnanimity during this trying period made so strong an impression even upon his bitterest enemies, that though kept in rigid seclusion, he was treated with the greatest personal respect.

  1. Meteren, Nederlandache Histoirie, boek L, fol. 6. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. i, 2, 3, 7, 8.

303

The peace which had been made with France, in opposition to the wishes of Maximilian, was renewed, and those who exercised public offices under his authority were forced, upon pain of death, to resign them, the administration being henceforward carried on under the name of the young Duke, Philips 1.

The deputies of the states-general, who had fled from Bruges at the beginning of the tumult, were again summoned, in the name of Philip, at Mechlin, whence they afterwards removed to Ghent. In this assembly, the deputies from the states of Flanders presented the following list of accusations against Maximilian:—That he had committed the guardianship of the young prince's person to Margaret of York, in lieu of the princes of the blood; that he had designed to alienate the provinces of Brabant, Hainaut, Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, as fiefs escheated to the empire; that he had pledged and squandered the jewels and tapestry belonging to the house of Burgundy; that he had made war upon the Flemings as against rebels, although they were no subjects of his, and had thereby obliged them to have recourse to the protection of their liege lord, the king of France: that he had waged divers unnecessary and useless wars; that he had exacted illegal impositions by force, and established tolls in violation of their privileges; that be had prevented the assembling of the states-general; that he had conferred the offices of the County on foreigners; and that he had, of his own authority, coined money of fictitious value, with the impress of his arms, instead of those of Duke Philip.

  1. Pont, Hetit. Re*. Aust.., lib. iii., cap. 3,4.

304

Although not relating to the particular history of Holland, I have stated these grievances (not the less real, however violent and seditious the means which the Flemings adopted to redress them) somewhat at length, because the principal of them were of a similar nature to those of which the Dutch had constantly to complain, from the accession of the house of Burgundy to the deposition of Philip II., in the next century 1. The states of the other Netherlands earnestly desired the release of the king: an embassy had been sent to the same effect from the German princes; and the Flemings, hearing that the Emperor Frederick was on his march to deliver his son from their hands, consented to a treaty, whereby Maximilian was to be set at liberty, on condition that he should surrender the government of the Netherlands to Duke Philip, and withdraw all his foreign troops from thence within seven days; he, moreover, promised to place his son under the care of the princes of the blood, and to use his best endeavours that the peace with France should be preserved, and the interests of commerce provided for by moderating the tolls, and restoring the uniform value of money. Maximilian solemnly swore to maintain this peace, and delivered as hostages for the fulfilment of its conditions, Balthazar van Volkestein, and the Count of Hanau, to Bruges; and Philip of Cleves, son of the Lord of Ravestein, to Ghent, who took an oath, that if he failed in his engagements, they would join the Flemings against him. Maximilian likewise promised to obtain the ratification of the three estates of each of the Netherland provinces; and the Flemings, on their side, agreed to pay to the king 50,000 lis d'or for the losses and injuries he had sustained by their revolt 2. On the conclusion of this pacification Maximilian was set at liberty, after a confinement of nearly four months' duration.

  1. Meteren, boek L, fol. 5.
  2. Meteren, boek i., fol. 5. Pont. Heut. Her. Aust, lib, ii., cap. 9.

305

But by this time the Emperor Frederic bad advanced with his army, consisting of 4000 horse and 11,000 infantry, to the frontiers of Brabant; and Maximilian, finding himself thus supported, made no scruple of violating the engagements he had so solemly entered into. Hostilities recommenced, and the emperor undertook the siege of Ghent itself. He was forced, however, to abandon it, owing to the brave and skilful defence made by Philip of Cleves, lord of Ravestein, Maximilian's hostage, who declared that he would shed the last drop. of his blood in defence of the Flemings, rather than dishonour himself by breaking the oath he had sworn to them. Frederic, finding his determination to adhere to their party inflexible, pronounced the ban of the empire against him 1.

After having consumed six weeks in the ineffectual siege of Ghent, the emperor returned to Germany, leaving Duke Albert of Saxony, with his troops, in the Netherlands, in the quality of lieutenant-general of the King of the Romans. Meanwhile, the king of France, professing himself bound, as liege lord of Flanders, to deliver his subjects from the oppression of Maximilian, sent a considerable reinforcement of troops to Philip of Cleves, who, by their aid, was enabled to possess himself of Brussels, Louvain, and several places in Brabant; the garrison of the port of Sluys likewise declared in his favour. The insurgents imagining that Maximilian would now prove amenable to conditions, proposed to pay him the sum of 100,000 Rhenish guilders, if he would retire into Germany, and leave the government of the Netherlands to the relations of Philip by the mother's side; bat this offer was indignantly refused 2.

  1. Schmidt, Hist, des Alle., toL v., chap. 26. Meteren, boek i., fol. 6. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. iiL, cap. 11.
  2. Snoi. Rer. Bat, lib. xii., p. 176. Meteren, boek i., fol. 6. Pont. Hetit. Rer. Ausfr., lib. iil., cap. 12.

306

These commotions in Flanders infused new life into the banished and dispirited hooks of Holland. Since the subjection of Utrecht to Maximilian, in 1483, they had been deprived of a place of rendezvous» and this was now afforded them by the possession of Slnys by Philip of Cleves, who was favourable to their party. With him, therefore, they made an agreement, whereby they were permitted to collect at Sluys troops and vessels for the invasion of Holland; and Francis van Brederode, a youth of only two-and-twenty, but whose family had ever been unflinching supporters of the hook party, was chosen leader of the proposed expedition.

At the end of the autumn, they had assembled a fleet of forty-eight ships, manned by 2000 Hollanders and Flemings, with which Brederode sailed into the mouth of the Maas, through a channel hitherto unattempted 1, and landing at Delftshaven, with 8500 men, the ice in the river not permitting him to advance farther by water, marched to Rotterdam. A few of his troops passing over the frozen moat, scaled the wall, and opening one of the gates, admitted the remainder within the town, of which they thus became masters, without the loss of a single life. Brederode lost no time in remodelling the government and strengthening the fortifications, and Rotterdam was soon filled with exiles of the hook party 2.

  1. Called afterwards, " Jonker Franksgat."
  2. Jonkheer Fransen Oorlog., 78—87, 111. Snoi. Rer. Bat, lib. xii, P. 177.

307

On intelligence of these events, Maximilian repaired to Holland, and summoned an assembly of the states at Leyden. Here it was resolved to besiege Rotterdam by land and water 1489; and in the beginning of February, a considerable army was already assembled at Delft. The Amsterdammers, in reward for the readiness which they manifested to march against their Countrymen, were permitted to bear the Roman crown above their arms 1. The conduct of the expedition was entrusted to Martin Polhain, captain-general of Holland, and John van Egmond, the Stadtholder : the Maas was filled with vessels, and the town strictly blockaded on the land side. Nevertheless, the besieged made several successful sallies, and though they failed in more than one attempt to gain possession of Schiedam and Gouda, they laid the whole of Delftland under contribution, and surprized Geertruydenberg, which, however, they afterwards abandoned, on payment of 2000 crowns 2.

At length provisions began to fail at Rotterdam, and Brederode saw himself obliged to attempt the passage up the river Lek, in order to obtain necessaries for the supply of his troops. He departed from Rotterdam with five-and-twenty ships for this purpose, but fell in with six Austrian men-of-war, and a number of other vessels from Dordrecht and Gouda, near Streefkerk, where the Hollanders, overpowered by the heavy artillery of the German ships, were entirely defeated, and the greater part of their fleet destroyed, or captured by the enemy. Shortly after, a similar disaster befell John van Naaldwyk, who was conducting one hundred boats laden with corn and wine to Rotterdam 3.

  1. Boxhorn, Theat Urb. Holl., p. 255.
  2. Jonkheer Fransen Oorlog, bl. 109—198. Pont. Heut. Rer. Anstr, Kb* Hi* cap. 19.
  3. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. xii., p. 178,

308

Dispirited by these untoward circumstances, the burghers of that city earnestly besought Brederode to accept of an amnesty offered on the part of the king by Martin van Polhain. He yielded at length, and after a siege of six months, surrendered the town, engaging to evacuate it within six days, and leave the whole of the ammunition behind. He himself retired with 1050 men to Sluys 1.

The Flemings had, from the beginning of the troubles until this time, received constant aid from France; but the conclusion of a treaty of alliance with that Country, as it precluded the hope of further supplies, paved the way for the pacification of Flanders under the mediation of Charles VIII. Maximilian obtained the guardianship of his son and the government of the County; the nobles who had been arrested at Bruges were liberated without ransom; the magistrates appointed by the insurgents in Ghent, Bruges, and Ypres, were obliged to sue for pardon dressed in mourning, barefoot, bareheaded, ungirded, and on their knees; and the province of Flanders was bound to pay a sum of 300,000 lis d'or in three years. Maximilian, on the other hand, engaged that the foreign troops should evacuate the Country. Philip of Cleves, refusing to be included in the peace, strengthened himself in Sluys, whence he carried on a piratical warfare against the vessels of Holland and Zealand 2.

The long wars, and the large sums required for the payment of foreign troops, had occasioned so great a scarcity of specie in the Netherlands, that the nominal value of money had risen by degrees to three times its standard value, so that a guilder, the original value of which was twenty pence, went current for sixty-three pence; a real of fourpence-halfpenny, rose to fourteen pence; and the penny itself was worth the nominal threepence-halfpenny 3.

  1. Jonkheer Fransen Oorlog, p 232—249.
  2. Meieren, fol. 6. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. iii., cap* 18; lib. ir., cap. 8. Recueil des Traites, torn, i., p. 821,826. Bacon, History of Henry VII., p. 82.
  3. Recherches sur le Commerce, torn, i., p. 121 et seq. Velius Hoorn, bi. 82.

309

The price of provisions was proportionally enhanced: people hesitated to take money of such fictitious value; and the king himself refused to receive it in payment of the scutage or Ruytergeld.

A reformation of the coin was allowed by all ranks of men to have become absolutely necessary; and those who were conversant in such matters universally agreed, that such a measure must be adopted with caution, and effected by slow degrees. Had Maximilian abided by their advice, or by that of the states of the provinces, as he was bound by their charters to do, the restoration of peace and the renewal of commerce would have enabled him to effect the change in the coin with little difficulty, since the scarcity of specie in the Netherlands would infallibly have drawn it thither from other Countries, when he might gradually, and with great benefit to the state, have restored the coin to its true value. Disregarding alike, however, the provisions of the constitution and the maxims of sound policy, Maximilian, by the advice of the Abbé St. Bert in, and some other ecclesiastics equally ignorant of the nature of the subject, published an edict, reducing at once the denomination of the coin to somewhat lower than its real value. A Henry noble, which had been current for nine guilders, or 180 pence, was not now to be taken above fifty pence; the real was reduced from fourteenpence to fourpence-halfpenny; and the receivers of the Ruytergeld were commanded to take in none but the standard coin. This measure proved a greater injury to the state than the evil it was intended to remedy.

310

The price of provisions. instead of falling, rose still higher; men sought to evade payment in the new coin of the debts which they had borrowed in the old 1; specie, both gold and silver, found its way to Ghent and Bruges, where, before the pacification, .it was current at the high denomination; and the merchants of England, France, and Germany, preferred taking money for their wares to exchanging them for others as heretofore. Thus the circulating medium, instead of increasing, continued daily to diminish, while the resources of the Country were exhausted by civil dissensions and the presence of a foreign soldiery 2.

While Holland was labouring under the difficulties Dccasioned by the edict of Maximilian, Albert of Saxony, his lieutenant-general in the Netherlands, being determined to deprive the hooks of the only two places of 1490 refuge which yet remained to them, Montfort and Woerden, marched to the siege of the former. Brederode, on the other hand, equipped at Sluys a fleet of thirty-eight ships, and assuming the command of it under the appellation of Stadtholder of Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, in the service of the young Count Philip, sailed to Zealand, where his troops plundered the islands of Overflakke and Duyveland, and thence advanced almost to the gates of Dordrecht, setting on fire several houses in its vicinity.

  1. "No sooner," says the historian, " was the rumour of the intended alteration of the coin spread abroad, than the unwonted sight was seen of debtors hurrying to their creditors with bags of money, insisting upon being allowed to pay their debts immediately, while the creditors carefully concealed themselves from the sight of their debtors, to avoid their offers of payment." Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. iii., cap. 19.
  2. Meteren, fol. 6. Groote Chronyck, diyis. xxxi., cap. 69,72. Velins Hoorn, bl. 83.

311

They then retreated to Schouwen, where they were attacked in the channel of Brouwershaven by a number of Holland and Zealand vessels, under the command of John van Egmond; and, although considerably inferior in force, defended themselves with undaunted courage, until the fall of the tide left sixteen of their ships aground. The hooks thereupon landed, when another desperate fight commenced, which was terminated by Brederode and two of his relatives being wounded and taken prisoners;— the troops were all either captured or slain. John of Naaldywk, who had during this time held on the engagement at sea, escaped with nine ships to Sluys 1. Brederode was confined at Dordrecht, where he shortly after died of his wounds. Hopeless of relief, Montfort capitulated, after a siege of four months, Woerden being included in the treaty. After the surrender of these places, the unfortunate hooks either retreated to Sluys, or continued roving about the seas until the next year, when events occurred in Holland which gave them hopes of regaining a footing in the County 2. The sudden alteration of the coin, the enormous taxes laid on the industrious classes 3, and the waste of provisions occasioned by the destruction of the ships which brought supplies to the contending parties in the late civil wars, had reduced the people to extreme poverty, insomuch that many substantial householders were brought to actual beggary. The price of wheat was raised to thirteen pence a bushel; and the list of poor who received weekly donations of bread amounted in Leyden to 10,000, to a still greater number in Amsterdam, and to above 2000 in the small town of Hoorn 4.

  1. Jonkheer Fransen Oorlog, 253—266.
  2. Meteren, boek L, fol. 7. Jonkheer Fransen Oorlog, bl. 268. Snoi. Ker. Bat., lib. xii., p. 178.
  3. The nobles were still exempt from taxation, except the payment of the Ruytergeld. Grotius, Inl., &c, p. 164.
  4. Schryver's Graaven, deel. ii., bl. 457. Vclius Hoorn, bl. 84. Ann. Egmond: p. 132.

312

Notwithstanding the impoverished condition of the Country, the Ruytergeld was exacted with the utmost strictness, and even severity. Many of the poorer inhabitants of Kemmerland, West Friezknd, and Waterland, were utterly unable to provide for its payment, and the Stadtholder , 1491 John van Egmond, interpreting their inability as contumacy, put him-self at the head of some troops, with a detemination to extort it by force. The slaughter of two of the recusants roused to vengeance the already irritated multitude, who took up arms, and hastened to Alkmaar, Hoorn, and other towns, in order to gain partisans. In this manner began a ruinous agrarian war, called in the Country the " Casembrotspel," or " bread and cheese sport' as being carried on by the lower order of people, who subsisted chiefly on these articles of food 1. At Alkmaar the Kemmerlanders, exclaiming that they would rather die fighting than perish by starvation, attacked the house of the receiver, Nicholas Korf, who had made himself peculiarly obnoxious by his rapacity and extortion, plundered and destroyed it: they likewise killed one of his servants, and had he not fortunately been absent, he himself must have shared the same fate. The number of insurgents daily augmenting, Egmond was obliged to desist from the exaction of the Ruytergeld, and the senate of Haarlem sent deputies to Alkmaar, to assure the malcontents that an assembly of the states was about to be held at the Hague, to provide a remedy for their grievances. By this promise, and the cessation of the tax, the people were appeased for the time».

  1. Velius Hoorn, bl. 86.
  2. Pont. Ileut. Rer. Aust, lib. iv., cap. 6. Velius Hoorn, bl. 85,86.

313

No sooner had the intelligence of these commotions reached John van Naaldywk at Sluys, than he took measures to turn them to the advantage of the hook party. Leaving Sluys with a small fleet, he landed at Wyk on the sea, which he surprised; and proceeding to the Marsdiep, took possession, without difficulty, of Texel and Wieringen, persuading the inhabitants that he was come to release them from their oppressive burdens. He likewise attempted to make himself master of Hoorn and Enkhuysen, but the burghers of these towns, although strongly inclined to the hook party, dreaded lest, by opening their gates to him, they should draw on themselves a siege, which the small assistance he could afford would not enable them to sustain. Finding himself thwarted in this design, Naaldwyk again retired to Sluys, after having interrupted the navigation of the Zuyderzee during the whole summer 1.

The complaints of the people of North Holland were, according to the promise of the senate of Haarlem, brought before the states at the Hague, but so far from being redressed, that they were met by a new demand on the part of the Stadtholder , of a tax of two Andrew's guilders (three shillings and sixpence,) upon every house. In proportion to the expectations the people had formed of the benefits likely to result from the meeting of the states, was their rage at finding themselves disappointed. Deputies from all the towns and villages of Kemmerland and West Friesland, except Enkhuysen, assembled together at Hoorn, where it was unanimously resolved to pay no more Ruytergeld.

  1. Groote Chronyck, divis. xxxi., chap. 74,

314

The insurgents then divided themselves into troops and companies under banners whereon bread and cheese was painted as a device; many of them also bore small morsels of the same fastened to their dress» signifying that to obtain this was the object of the war: a part were quartered in Hoorn and the remainder at Alkmaar. The burghers of Hoorn, however, soon becoming weary of such troublesome guests, induced them, by fair words and presents, to leave the town, when Alkmaar was made the chief place of rendezvous 1.

From hence the Stadtholder determined to dislodge them, and began his march thither for that purpose; but the insurgents having obtained a knowledge of his 1492 design, laid an ambush in his route, which he hardly escaped by a speedy retreat: this advantage raised their courage still higher, and in order to achieve something of importance before he should come upon them with an increased force, they marched on the third of May to secure Haarlem, where they had many partisans among the burghers. Upon their presenting themselves before the walls, the senate refused them admittance; but some of their friends within the town having broken down one of the gates, the whole body rushed in, and, accompanied by a considerable number of Haarlemmers, proceeded to the town hall, which they quickly mastered, put to death the treasurer, Nicholas van Ruyven, the schout, and two of the sheriffs. They then proceeded to plunder the houses of most of the rich burghers, broke open and rifled the treasurer's and orphan's chests, and tore in pieces many of the charters and documents appertaining to the town. The next day; however, a stop was put to the pillage, and the insurgents, to the number of 3000, quitted Haarlem to undertake the siege of Leyden. The Stadtholder with some of the nobility and troops were already in that city, and had erected a fort outside the principal gate.

  1. Velius Hoorn, bl. 85, 86.

315

The besiegers, having taken the fort by assault, possessed themselves of some houses near the gate, when so brisk a fire was kept up by the garrison, that they were struck with a general panic, and began to retreat. Being pursued by the Stadtholder , they broke their ranks and fled. Many were slain and made prisoners, and the remainder took refuge in Haarlem in confusion and disorder 1.

Egmond perceiving, from this occurrence, that the undisciplined bands of the insurgents were totally unable to withstand the attack of regular troops, solicited Duke Albert of Saxony to send some German infantry to his aid. These were soon followed by the Duke in person, who, with 3000 foreign soldiers, encamped in the Country about Haarlem, when numerous skirmishes were fought between the Germans and the Kemmerlanders, in one of which, near Heemskerk, the insurgents were defeated, and more than 600 slain. The German troops then took possession of Beverwyk and the rest of the villages in the vicinity of Haarlem, exercising unbounded license and rapine, and con-sinning the little that was left of the exhausted resources of the Country 2.

On the news of the ill success at Heemskerk, the Haarlemmers caused the Kemmerlanders, and the soldiers they had hired from Guelderland and Cleves, to evacuate the town, and sent deputies to tender their submission to the Duke, who repaired thither about the middle of May; he was received with every demonstration of respect, and the keys of the gates offered to him.

  1. Meteren, boek L, fol. 7. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. iv., cap. 6. Velius Hoorn, hl. 87.
  2. Pont. Heut, lib. iv., cap. 7. Velius Hoorn, bL 87, 88.

316

Soon after his entry, in order to strike terror into the people, he commanded a gallows to he erected in the market-place, where some of the insurgents were afterwards executed 1.

Dispirited by the surrender of Haarlem, the Kemmerlanders and West Frieslanders likewise despatched deputies to Albert, to offer their submission, and sue for pardon, which was granted only upon very harsh conditions. The privileges of Haarlem, Hoorn, and Alkmaar, as well as those of the other towns of North Holland, were abolished, and the citizens of the latter were obliged to destroy its fortifications at their own expense 2. Heavy fines were imposed, not only on the whole province of North Holland and West Friesland, which was condemned to pay also a yearly tax of threepence upon every house, but upon each town in particular; all such persons as had either been actively concerned in the insurrection, or were guilty of aiding or advising the insurgents, besides twenty-five from Alkmaar, fifty from Kemmerland, and one hundred from West Friesland, were excluded from the benefit of the pardon, to be dealt with according to the pleasure of the Stadtholder . The Duke of Saxony then made a progression through North Holland, and changed everywhere the governments of the towns 3,

  1. Pont. Hent., lib. iv., cap. 7.
  2. It was a principle of policy with the arbitrary princes of the house of Burgundy and Austria, to prevent the increase of strength and wealth in the "good towns." De Witt, Politike Gronden, &c, p. 307. Maximilian, when petitioned by the burghers of Amsterdam for permission to surround their town with a stone wall, sneeringly replied, that if it were not for the intestine wars in which they delighted, a silken thread round the town would be sufficient to protect them. Font. Hent. Rer. Aust., lib. iv., cap, 7. p. 114.
  3. Groote Chronyck, divis. xxxi., cap. 76, 77, 78, Velius Hoorn, bL C8, 89.

317

Thus ended the bread and cheese war in Holland, which has been dwelt upon more at length than the subject would seem to demand, because it was the last effort made for a considerable time by the Hollanders against the increasing power and extortion of their Counts.

They had always been the losers when they attempted by force of arms to assert or extend their privileges; they had obtained them only in exchange for the gold which they never spared in the cause; both strength and gold failed them now; beaten and insulted by a foreign soldiery, crushed to the earth by the weight of merciless impositions, they had neither spirit nor resources to resist the arbitrary measures of their sovereign.

The miserable remnant of the hook or popular party melted so entirely away, that we hear of them no more in Holland: the County, formerly a power respected in itself, was now become a small and despised portion of an overgrown state; and had it not been that the elastic spirit, peculiar perhaps to a commercial people, was enabled to rouse itself once more under the fostering care of a wise and gentle female ruler, Holland might have appeared on the page of history only as one of the lifeless members belonging to the unwieldy body of the Austro-Spanish empire.

Sluys, in Flanders, which had for some time past afforded a refuge to the banished hooks, was, after the conclusion of the war in Holland, besieged by Duke Albert. A fleet of forty ships of war, with thirteen large vessels called hulks, and thirty hoys, supplied by Holland, besides twenty-two vessels from England, under the command of Sir Edward Poynings, occupied the harbour, and, in conjunction with the land forces, hotly bombarded the town for several days: nevertheless Philip of Cleves refused to surrender until, by some accident, the powder magazine blew up, when he consented to highly favourable terms offered by the Duke, and retired with John van Naaldwyk to France 1.

  1. Meteren, boek i., fol. 7. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust, lib. iv., cap. 9. Bacon's History of Henry VII., p. 84.

318

Maximilian left the conduct of affairs in the Netherlands entirely to his lieutenant, Albert of Saxony, since he himself was sufficiently occupied with other matters and among the rest with the hostile measures he was about to pursue against the court of France. Before the conclusion of the last peace at Frankfort, in 1489, Maximilian had made an alliance with Henry VIL of England, who was on the point of sending troops into Brittany, to protect the duchy, then governed by a female and a minor, against the hostile designs of Charles VIII. of France; and shortly after the Duchess Anne was induced by the influence of Henry to consent to a marriage by proxy with Maximilian, without the permission or knowledge of her liege lord, the King of France. To guard against the consequences of a step at which Charles might reasonably take urnbrage1490 , Maximilian entered into a fresh treaty with the King of England, whereby each party bound himself to declare war against France, in case the king should invade Brittany 1.

Since the death of Francis II., the last Duke, the King of France had earnestly desired to unite this duchy to the French crown, and he now perceived that the accomplishment of his project would be impossible, if the marriage between Maximilian and the young duchess should be fully completed. He himself had been contracted, in the year 1482, to Margaret, daughter of Maximilian, and in the summer of the ensuing year the young princess made her public entry into Paris, where she was solemnly betrothed to the king, and had ever since remained, bearing the title, first of dauphiness, and afterwards of Queen of France.

  1. Rym. Foed., torn, xii., p. 368—360. Bacon's Henry VIL, p. 67. Bym. Foed,, torn, xii., p. 397, etseq.

319

Notwithstanding the obstacles presented by these doable espousals, Charles determined, since Maximilian appeared in no hurry to conclude his marriage with Anne, to solicit her hand for himself. Haying therefore obtained a dispensation from the Pope, and secured the friendship of the most influential advisers of the young duchess, he advanced at the head of a powerful army to the frontiers of Brittany. A wooer in such a guise was likely soon to dispel all doubts upon the proprietssy of entering into a second contract; and, impelled as well by the advice of her courtiers, as by the danger which threatened her states, Anne consented, though not without some difficulty, to the proposed onion: by the articles of the marriage treaty, Brittany was permanently united to the crown of France 1.

Maximilian, thus at one stroke deprived of his bride, and disappointed in his expectation of seeing his daughter raised to the throne of France, breathed nothing but vengeance. He immediately sent ambassadors to the King of England and to Ferdinand VII. of Spain, to incite them to hostilities against the French king, and found both monarchs favourably inclined to his views. Ferdinand was willing to undertake a war with France, in order to regain possession of Perpignan and Roussillon, pledged by his predecessor, John, king of Arragon, to Louis XI., and Henry gladly availed himself of a pretext always popular with the English nation, to extort subsidies from his parliament. These were now unsparingly granted, and the king prepared an army of 25,000 foot, and 1600 horse, for the invasion of France.

  1. Bacon, p. 68. Recueil des Traites, toni. i., p, 340,

320

The issue of the expedition was nearly similar to-that undertaken by Edward IV. in favour of Charles the Bold; since negotiations for peace were already commenced when the king landed at Calais. The ambassadors he had sent to Maximilian found on their arrival that his real power fell very far short of what his magnificent professions had led men to expect; and that, in fact, no assistance was to be hoped for from him, since he was totally unprovided with money or troops. At the same time that the ambassadors returned with this information, intelligence was brought to Henry's camp, that Perpignan and Roussillon were restored to the King of Arragon.

By this cession, all pretext for war was taken from the latter, and his long contests with the Moors had left him but little inclination for it 1. Henry, to whose avaricious disposition the expenses of a war were utterly insupportable, was well pleased to make the inactivity of his allies an excuse for concluding a separate peace, and as Charles was at this time intent upon the expedition he undertook about a year after into Italy, he was content to purchase it at a tolerably high price. He engaged to pay Henry, on the withdrawal of his troops, 620,000 crowns, in discharge of the debt contracted by the Duchess of Brittany, and 125,000 as arrears due from King 1493 Louis to Edward IV. 2.

  1. Bacon, p. 78, 87, 88, 89. Recueil des Traites, torn, i., p. 375.
  2. Bacon (p. 89), and after him Hume (vol. iii., chap. 25, p. 354), sajs that Charles engaged to pay Henry a yearly pension of 25,000 crowns, besides the 745,000 crowns; but we find stated in Rymer's Feeders, only the two sums of 620,000 and 125,000 crowns to be paid in half-yearly [ instalments of 25,000 crowns till the whole should be discharged. Yid. \ torn, xii., p. 506, and the several acquittances by King Henry, p. 526— 549, and passim. Hume was probably led into error from having overlooked the treaty, which is misplaced in the edition of the Feeders referred to by him.

321

The same cause which made Charles desirous of preserving peace with England, prompted him to conclude a treaty most advantageous to Maximilian» whereby the Counties of Burgundy, Artois, and Charolois, and the barony of Noyers, part of the marriage portion of Margaret of Austria, were surrendered to Maximilian as guardian of his son Philip, and the princess herself restored to her father 1.

Philip was now nearly seventeen, and Maximilian becoming Emperor of Germany by the death of his father in the month of August of this year, determined to disembarrass himself of the government of the Netherlands, on whose obedience he could place but little dependence during his frequent absences in Germany. He caused Philip, therefore, to be acknowledged as Duke of Brabant in September, whence he repaired to Geertruydenberg, where the states of Holland were assembled. The president of the council declared to 1494 the states, in the name of Philip, that he was inclined to swear to the privileges granted by Philip I. and Charles of Burgundy and their ancestors; yet that he annulled, and considered as invalid, such as they had obtained since the death of Duke Charles, permitting only "for private, and particular reasons 2," the towns of Delft, Leyden, Gouda, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, and Schiedam, to elect their councils as they had done since that time, until he reached the age of twenty-five. He added further, that he was not unwilling, provided allegiance were sworn on these terms, to grant the people such new privileges as were not inconsistent with his dignity.

  1. Rym. Feed., torn, xii., p. 506, et scq. Recueil des Traites, torn, i., p. 366.
  2. The reasons were, that as these towns were frequently in the habit of advancing loans in cases of necessity, it was necessary to conciliate their good-will.

322

On this footing he was unanimously acknowledged Count by the states of Holland, and shortly after in Zealand. In the next year, Philip engaged himself until he was twenty-five not to bestow the offices of the County on foreigners, and not to grant letters of reprisal in Holland without the advice of the Stadtholder and council. He likewise gave an unconditional promise never to coin, or alter the standard of money, or to lay on any new tolls without the consent of the states. He refused to grant many other privileges which the states deemed necessary to the welfare of the County; nevertheless, as he was exempt from the restless disposition and military propensities of his father and grandfather, the people enjoyed repose and comparative happiness under his government, and trade and commerce once more began to flourish 1.

To these, one of the first acts of his administration was in the highest degree beneficial. The commerce with England had been for some time impeded by the conduct of the Duchess-dowager Margaret of York, who, though a woman of virtue and intelligence, was deeply imbued with the prejudices and party hatred which the long civil wars between the houses of York and Lancaster had engendered in the minds of all ranks of men in England. Being unable to endure with patience that the throne should be occupied by a member of the family she detested, she made her court the sanctuary and stronghold of rebels against Henry's government. She had Countenanced and encouraged the impostures both of Lambert Simnel and Perkin Warbeck, assisting the former with a force of 2000 Germans, under a soldier of fortune, Martin Zwart; while the attempt of the latter was planned chiefly by her, to be executed at the very time that the king was engaged in the war with France on behalf of Maximilian.

  1. Groot Plakaat., deel. ir., bl. 3. Velius Hoorn, bl. 90.

323

During the delay caused by the unexpected conclusion of peace between England and France» Margaret entertained Perkin with royal honour at her court» and the demand which Henry's ambassadors made after the accession of Philip that he should be surrendered, was constantly refused, upon the plea that no one had a right to interfere with the authority of the duchess-dowager in the states which constituted her dowry. In consequence of this refusal, King Henry banished the Netherland merchants from England, and recalled the English company of merchant adventurers resident at Antwerp; and Philip, by way of reprisal, commanded all the resident English merchants to quit the Netherlands 1.

Whether or not Philip took any share in the subsequent enterprise of Perkin Warbeck, he succeeded k> entirely in removing from the mind of Henry any suspicion that such was the case, that a commercial treaty of the most friendly nature was now concluded between the two sovereigns, commonly styled in the Netherlands the " Grand Treaty of Commerce 2." The I486 fast article of agreement purported, that neither the Duke himself, nor the Duchess Margaret, should, upon any pretext whatever, harbour, counsel, or favour the rebels or fugitives from England. The ports of both nations were thrown open under certain regulations to all kinds of merchandize (bullion excepted) coming from either; the entire liberty of fishing on both coasts was confirmed, which, although mutual as regarded the terms of the treaty, tended principally to the advantage of the Dutch, as being most addicted to that branch of trade; the purchase of goods from pirates was strictly forbidden, and an admirable change was made in the regulations relating to wrecks.

  1. Bacon's Henry VII., p. 97—104.
  2. "Intercursus Magnus."

324

It had been hitherto the custom to restore the property found on a wreck to the owners or their heirs» only in case a " man, woman, child, dog, cat, or cock," were found alive; but, by this treaty it was decreed, that though every living creature had perished, the property of a wreck should remain for a year and a day in the custody of the authorities of the place where the casualty occurred, to allow of its being claimed by the lawful owners 1. This treaty was confirmed by the principal mercantile towns of Holland and Zealand; and upon its ratification, the merchant adventuren returned to Antwerp, .where they were received with every demonstration of welcome and joy 2.

In the spring of the same year, a marriage was concluded with the consent of the states, between Philip, and Joanna, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain; Margaret, sister of Philip, having been contracted in the November of the previous year to ] John, son and heir of these monarchs. The marriage of the former was celebrated in the October of this I year; and that of the Lady Margaret, in the April I following. She, however, lost her husband before the ! end of six months;. and gave birth prematurely to a I still-born son, to the great grief and disappointment of 1 the Spaniards. These events prepared the way for j Philip's accession to the crown matrimonial of Spain 3.

  1. Rym. Foed., torn, xi., p. 578 et seq.
  2. Bacon's Henry VIL, p. 128.
  3. Pout. Ileut. Rer. Aust., lib. v., cap. 5.

325

Friesland was yet wanting to his extensive dominions. Charles the Bold, though not of a temper patiently to endure the assertion of independence maintained by the Frieslanders, was too deeply engrossed by other matters to undertake to subdue them by force, a work of much time and difficulty, even if eventually successful. Flanders, France, and the affairs of the empire had furnished sufficient occupation to Maximilian, and the Frieslanders since the year 1457, when they had obtained letters patent from Frederic III., acknowledging them as immediate subjects of the empire, had continued to regard themselves as such.

On his accession to the empire, Maximilian lost whatever desire he might have had to see Friesland annexed 1497 to Holland, and invested Duke Albert of Saxony with the hereditary Stadtholder ship of that province. The consent of Philip was obtained by the surrender, on the part of Albert, of the citadels of Haarlem, Medemblick, and Woerden, which had been pledged to him for 350,000 Rhenish guilders. The Frieslanders, although they acknowledged the sovereignty of Germany, were by no means willing to receive a ruler at "the hands of the emperor; but they had become so enfeebled by the dissensions of the two factions of nobles and people, which had now lasted a century and a half; and Duke Albert knew so well how to take advantage of the distracted condition of the Country, that the resistance offered to his assumption of sovereign authority was slight and ineffectual.

Early in the next year, he was acknowledged in the province of Westergouwe, on terms much less favourable to the l498 liberty of the inhabitants, than if they had been united to Holland. Albert obtained the right of administering justice, of appointing the governments of the towns, and of coining money according to his pleasure, prerogatives which the Counts of Holland were never permitted to enjoy. The remainder of Friesland ere long followed the example of Westergouwe 1.

  1. Pont. Heut. Rer, Aust., lib. v., cap. 6, 7.

826

The year 1500 was distinguished' by the birth of a son to Philip and Joanna, who afterwards occupied so 1500 large a space in the history of Europe, as Charles V, emperor of Germany. While yet an infant, a contract of marriage was entered into for him with Claude, daughter of Louis XII. of Prance, the latter engaging to surrender the kingdom of Naples as her portion, while Ferdinand and Isabella were to divest themselves of Calabria in favour of their grandson 1.

By the death of the elder sister of Joanna, Isabella, wife of Emmanuel, king of Portugal, and of their infant son, Michael, she became heiress to the united kingdoms of Castile and Arragon. Ferdinand and Isabella, therefore, desirous of making Philip acquainted 1501 with the laws and manners of his future subjects, invited him into Spain, whither he proceeded with his wife, Joanna, having appointed Engelbert of Nassau, lord of Breda, Stadtholder of the Netherlands, and entrusted the care of the infant, Charles, and his daughter, to Margaret of York.

Before his departure, he concluded a marriage between his sister, Margaret, widow of the hereditary prince of Spain, and Philibert, Duke of Savoy 2. Philip passed through Paris on his route, where he was courteously received and magnificently entertained by the king, Louis XII. He remained nearly two years in Spain, and then, returned to the Netherlands, shortly after which, the duchessdowager 1503 , Margaret of York, died; she was held in high esteem by the Netherlander, and, although Maiy of Burgundy was her step-daughter only, had been entrusted with the care and education of both her children, and had executed the important charge with admirable zeal and fidelity 3.

  1. Recueil des Traites, torn, ü., p. 10.
  2. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. vi., cap. 1.
  3. Pont. Heut. Elog. Mari« et Phil. I. * '

327

It has been mentioned in passing, that the Guelderlanders, after the death of Charles the Bold, made some ineffectual attempts to preserve the duchy for the children of Adolphus van Egmond, to whose prejudice it had heen sold to Charles by his father, Arnold. Charles, the son of Adolphus, taken prisoner in the battle of Bethune, in 1487, had been released in 1491, chiefly by the interference of the Count of Meurs, and receiving from the King of France an escort of 1000 horse, had reinstated himself in the duchy of Guelderland.

He afterwards consented to submit his claims to the decision of the princes of the German empire, who pronounced, that neither he or his family had any right to the duchy, which had reverted as an escheated fief to the empire, on the death of the last male heir, Reynold 1. Notwithstanding this decree, he persisted in retaining possession of his paternal inheritance, and had hitherto been able to maintain his authority in Guelderland, sometimes at war with Maximilian and Philip, and sometimes concluding short and ill-observed truces: the last, made in 1499, had again been broken during the absence of Philip in Spain, and the arch* Duke now resolved to carry on the war with more vigour than heretofore.

As a preliminary measure, he determined to stop 1504 entirely the advantageous traffic carried on with Holland, whence Guelderland was accustomed to supply itself with corn and various other necessaries. He therefore caused an edict to be published in the principal towns of Holland, forbidding all communication with the Guelderlanders; and having collected an army of 3000 men near Bois le Due, declared war against Charles van Egmond.

  1. Meteren, boek L, fol. 9. Gamier, Cont, de Vclly, torn, xx., p. 202. Heat. Rer. Aust., lib, v., cap. 2,

328

The first campaign, however, was signalized only by the possession of a few unimportant forts, and the ravaging the open Country on each side, the whole of the small strength of the Guelderlanders lying in their ships. Late in the autumn, Charles's fleet sailed from Harderwyk, with a force of only 700 men, and advanced to Monnikendam, intending to surprise that town; but the Hollanders, aware of their design, surrounded them with a number of cogs and some large vessels of war, defeated them in a sharp battle, and took 130 prisoners; the remainder retreated to Harderwyk 1.

1505 In the beginning of the next year, Philip having done homage to the emperor for Guelderland and Zutphen, advanced to effect the entire subjugation of the duchy, at the head of a considerable army. The principal towns, one after another, fell into his hands. Charles of Guelderland, deprived of the assistance of France, by the sickness of Louis XII., was unable to withstand the power of Philip, who might now have put a final termination to the war, had not the affairs of Spain peremptorily demanded his presence 2.

His mother-in-law, Isabella of Castile, dying in the November of the previous year, had, in consequence of the weakness of intellect of her daughter, Joanna, left by her will her husband, Ferdinand, regent of Castile, until the majority of her grandson.

Upon intelligence of her death, Philip caused himself and Joanna to be proclaimed King and Queen of Castile, and made preparations for a journey thither, in order to prevent Ferdinand from assuming an authority which he thought belonged more properly to himself, as husband of the present, and father of the future, sovereign of the kingdom.

  1. Velius, Hoorn, bl. 93. J Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. xii., p. 183.

329

To provide for the expenses of his voyage, besides laying a general tribute on all his states, he sold or mortgaged a considerable portion of the County domains, and by these means collected a sum of 9,000,000 guilders 1; but this departure was delayed for some time by the pregnancy of the queen, and the war with Charles van Egmond. After her delivery, Philip, unwilling to be longer detained, notwithstanding the prosperous state of his affaire in Guelderland, consented to a truce with Charles for two years, within which time arbitrators should be chosen on both sides, to effect a permanent peace; Philip should remain in possession of such towns and forts as he had taken, Charles engaging to serve him against all his enemies, and to accompany him to Spain, for which he was to receive 3000 guilders. Philip appointed Henry of Nassau his stockholder over Guelderland, and was attended as far as Antwerp by Charles; but no sooner had the latter received the promised payment, than he escaped, secretly and in disguise, from Antwerp, and made the best of his way back to Guelderland 2.

This occurrence, however suspicious, did not delay 1505 Philip's departure; having conferred the general stadt-holdership of the Netherlands on William de Croye, lord of Aarschot and Chievres, he set sail, with a fleet of forty ships, from Flushing. He preferred making the voyage by sea, since the recent marriage of Ferdinand with Germaine, daughter of the Count de Foix, and niece to the King of France, and the close alliance lately entered into between the two monarchs, led him to suspect, that if he attempted to pass through France, Ferdinand might use his influence successfully with Louis to detain him, especially as the latter had urged him more than once to delay his journey 3.

  1. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. vi., cap. 6. Snoi. Rer, Bat., lib, xii., p. 183.
  2. J. Pontanus, Hist. Geld., 628—G32,
  3. Recueil des Traites, torn, ii., p. 3d. Lettres du Roy Louis XII, torn. L, p. 36.

330

The misfortune he feared came upon him, though from another quarter. Being forced by stress of weather to put into the port of Weymouth, Sit Thomas Trenchard, a man of influence in that neighbourhood, suspicious of the arrival of so great a number of strangers, levied some forces with all possible expedition, and sent to apprize the court of the matter. When made acquainted with the circumstances, he invited the royal party to his house, and treated them with unbounded hospitality; but on Philip's expressing a desire to resume his voyage, he was informed, that it was necessary he should wait till orders were received from thé king. Henry immediately on hearing of the arrival of the King of Castile, signified his intention of coming to visit him; and i Philip, to save time, which was daily becoming more precious to him, hastened to Windsor. Here he found Henry anxious to detain him, in order that, by his means, he might gain possession of the person of the Earl of Suffolk, who had fled to the Netherlands for debt, and was accused of a conspiracy against the crown of England. He first proposed a renewal of the treaty of 1496 1, and this being consented to, he desired that the Earl of Suffolk should be delivered up to him.

  1. This treaty, couched in very different terms from that which it professed to renew, was called " malus intercursus," or the." had treaty," by the Netherlanders: their right to fish on the English coast was not confirmed (although it does not appear that they were molested afterwards in tile exercise of it); the English merchant ships going to Antwerp* were exempted from the toll commonly called the Hondt-toU, and from the payment of port-dues at Bruges, Antwerp, Bergen, and Middlehurg; the English were also permitted to sell cloth without restriction throughout the Netherlands, except in the province of Flanders. Bacon, Henry VII., p. 180. Bym. Feed., p. 184,135. It was subsequently modified by treaties made in 1516 and 1520. Rym. Feed., p. 599, 714. Its provisions, indeed, seem never to have been fully carried out. Idem, 715. Philip, on the other hand, obtained from Henry an article which, however beneficial to his own interests, was highly injurious to the people; it was to the effect, that " the king of England will cause any rebels or fugitives from Philip's dominions to be seized and imprisoned, give him information of their being there, and deliver them up when demanded." Rym. Feed, torn, xiii., p. 125,144. This was granted, probably, in return for the surrender of the Earl of Suffolk.

331

Even a request so disparaging to his honour, the King of Castile was not in a situation to refuse; he therefore only insisted on the condition that Suffolk's fife should be spared. Henry, unwilling to lose sight of the king until he had the Earl of Suffolk in his power, then set on foot a negotiation of marriage between himself and Philip's sister Margaret, duchess of Savoy, who was again a widow. Philip agreed to this alliance, promising to pay 300,000 French crowns of gold as her portion, and 80,850 more by way of annuity. At length, after the arrival of the Earl of Suffolk, who was thrown unto the tower, Philip was permitted to depart 1.

On his landing in Castile, the nobles unanimously declared in his favour, notwithstanding that Ferdinand had already been acknowledged as regent by the cortez; and the latter found himself obliged to resign the government into the hands of his son-in-law, and retire to his hereditary dominions of Arragon. Meanwhile the situation of De Croye, Stadtholder of the Netherlands, was embarrassing in the extreme. Charles of Guelderland, immediately after his return to his duchy, sent to solicit assistance from Louis XII. of France, and recommenced hostilities by seizing upon the towns of Grol, Lochem, and Wageningen.

  1. Bacon's Henry VII., p. 177—179. Rym. Feed., torn, xiii., p. 123 —165.

332

The demands made by Philip on the treasury, had left it entirely exhausted, and but little assistance was to be expected from the states, to whom he had promised that he would levy no more petitions until the term for which the present had been granted was expired: while the number of troops on foot amounted only to about 200 horse and 3000 infantry; a force totally inadequate to keep the field in case any subsidies should be sent to Guelderland from France 1. De Croye there* fore proposed a truce, with a view to gain time for fresh supplies from Spain; and Charles, desirous of delaying operations till the arrival of the French auxiliaries, consented to the opening of negotiations at Diest 2.

In these difficulties, the hopes of the Netherlander* were directed to Henry VII. of England, who, by the treaty concluded in the spring, was contracted to Margaret, duchess-dowager of Savoy, sister to Philip, The extreme parsimony of his temper, however, rendered it little likely that he would afford them any aid in money, of which they stood principally in need, even had not his friendship towards them been somewhat j cooled by the repugnance which the princess manifested to a match so unsuitable 3. The Netherlander* ' therefore reaped no further benefit from his alliance than a promise which he obtained from Louis, that he would oblige the Duke of Guelderland to conclude the j treaty 4.

The united remonstrances of the two kings to this effect met with no other answer from Charles, than a direct refusal, and an attempt made by De Croye to surprise Nimeguen occasioned the rapture of the negotiations at Diest.

  1. Letter of De Croye to PhUip in Lettres de Louis XIL, torn, i, p. 71, 72.
  2. Lettres de Louis XII., torn. i., p. 67, 74* 75.
  3. Margaret was in her twenty-sixth year at the time of the contract, while Henry was nearly fifty.
  4. Idem, p. 64, 89.

333

A force of 400 horse a[nd 2000 foot arrived in Guelderland shortly after from France; Louis at the same time declaring, that the assistance afforded to his relation and ally in nowise interfered with his friendly feelings towards Philip, with whom 'it was thought he desired to form a new treaty 1.

This, however, was prevented by the death of the latter, who bad hardly enjoyed his power three months when a fever, caused by drinking cold liquid whilst violently heated with playing at tennis, terminated his existence in the twenty-ninth year of his age, leaving his wife Joanna overwhelmed with grief for his loss, although their union had proved anything but propitious. Entirely deficient in attractions, either of mind or person, Joanna failed to secure any return for the tender affection she lavished on her husband, who, on the contrary, treated her with undisguised coldness and neglect; and the fits of insanity to which the unhappy princess became subject from the time of her marriage, and which aflfcer his death settled into a confirmed lunacy, were said to have been mainly attributable to jealousy at his repeated infidelities 2.

The extreme beauty of Philip's personal appearance obtained for him the surname of M fair;" his other' less flattering sobriquet of " croit conseil," was given him from his proneness to listen to the advice of the flatterers by whom he was surrounded 3. That he possessed but little capacity for affairs, is evident from his conduct in Guelderland, and his easy surrender of his rights over Friesland. Nevertheless his gentle and pacific temper rendered him a far more suitable governor for the Netherlander than either of his predecessors, Maximilian or Charles.

  1. Lettres du Roy Louis XII., torn. L, p. 59—66; 69, 88.
  2. HeuL Rer. Aust., lib. vi., cap. 10. Idem, Elog. Phil., p. 367. Meteren, boek L, fol. 10.
  3. De la Marchc, liv. ii., chap. 16.

334

During his short reign, he neither violated their privileges at home, nor engaged them in ruinous and unnecessary wars abroad; and though compelled on one occasion to consent to a disadvantageous treaty with England, he can by no means be accused of a general inattention to their commercial interests; while a bold and earnest remonstrance he presented to the court of Rome against the grievances experienced by his subjects in the delays and vexatious impositions practised in conferring -benefices, and the improper persons appointed to them, proves his anxietssy to maintain the rights of his people and the efficiency of the church 1.

Philip had two sons, Charles and Ferdinand, successively emperors of Germany, and four daughters; Eleanor, married to Emmanuel, king of Portugal, afterwards to Francis I., king of France; Catherine, married to John, king of Portugal; Isabella, wife of Christian II., king of Denmark; and Mary, queen of Hungary, who, after the death of her husband Louis, was invested with the government of the Netherlands 2.

  1. Miraei Dipl. Belg., torn, ii., p. 1269.
  2. Meieren, boek L, fol. 9.

Part 2, Chapter 2

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Part 2

CHAPTER II

259

Charles. Marriage with Margaret of York. 'Alliance with England against France* Interview between the Duke of Burgundy and King of France at Peronne. Its Termination. Revolution in England. Hostilities with France. Truce. Disturbances in Holland; in Zealand. Renewal of the war. Truce. Affairs of Guelderland. Charles desires to be crowned. Meeting with the Emperor at Treves for this purpose. Disappointment of his wishes. His ambitious Schemes. Siege of Nuys. League with England. Siege of Nuys raised. War with Lorraine ; with the Swiss. Capture and Battle of Granson. Increase of Charles's Enemies. Battle of Morat. Siege of Nancy ; Battle, and Death of Charles. Accession of Mary. King of France takes possession of Burgundy. Assembly of the States of the Netherlands. Great Charter. Council of Regency. Ambassadors sent by Mary to France, and by the Council. Fate of the former. War with France. Marriage of the Duchess. Truce, and renewal of the War. Dissensions in Holland. State of the Country. Maximilian repairs thither. Injuries done to the Dutch Navy by France. Alliance with England. Renewal of Disturbances in Holland. War with Utrecht. Death and Character of Mary.

CHARLES I.

The truce which had beep concluded in 1443 between the late Duke of Burgundy and Henry VI. of England, had since that time been renewed from year to year, notwithstanding repeated complaints of its infraction by both parties, until 1466, when a negotiation was set on foot for the marriage of the Count of Charolois (whose wife, Isabella of Bourbon, had died the year before,) with Margaret of York, sister of Edward IV. A treaty of commerce and amity was likewise concluded in the October of the same year between Philip and Edward, which Charles confirmed immediately after his accession 1.

  1. Rym. Feed., torn. ii.,p. 664, 676, 680. Ph. de Com mines, liv. iv., chap. 6, p. 14.

260

In the next year he completed his 1468 marriage with the Princess Margaret; and made with Edward a league of mutual assistance and protection, expressly against their foes in general, but tacitly in opposition to Louis XI. of France, a formidable rival to both, as well from character as situation 1. Endowed with extraordinary personal courage, Louis was yet of a temper peculiarly cautious; slow and wary in forming designs, patient in awaiting, and skilful in seizing, opportunities for carrying them into effect; firm, but always ready to bend to expediency; absolute master of his passions, and of unfathomable dissimulation, he was in these respects an entire contrast to Charles, who, rash as he was brave, pursued his hasty and ill-digested schemes, with a headstrong obstinacy that defied all opposition: remarkable for sincerity, and for an uncontrollable violence of temper, he neither sought, nor was he able, to disguise his sentiments on any occasion. Differing in so many particulars, these princes yet resembled each other in their contempt of luxury, their unwearied diligence in business, and their utter unscrupulousness in the use of such means as they imagined conducive to their ends: both were equally selfish and tyrannical, but Louis rarely shed blood unless necessity appeared to require it, while Charles was by nature sanguinary and ferocious. Edward of England, unlike either, was handsome in person, gay, voluptuous, and indolent, except some great occasion called for exertion, when he proved himself deficient neither in energy, courage, nor talent.

Notwithstanding the threatening aspect which the close alliance between Burgundy and England gave to his affairs, Louis, having now nearly dissolved the "Confederacy for the Public Good," by treating separately with most of its members, induced Duke Charles to hold au interview with him at Peronne, one of the towns ceded to Burgundy by the treaty of Conflans.

  1. Snoi. Rer. Bat, lib. xi., cap. 150. Ryra. Feed., torn, xi., p. 615.

261

Charles appeared there at the head of a powerful and well-armed force; Louis, on the contrary, either persuaded by the treacherous advice of his prime minister, the Cardinal Balue, or wishing to make a favourable impression on Charles by the appearance of a perfect reliance on the safe conduct he had sent him, threw himself with an escort of only eighty archers and fifty horsemen into the power of a rival, by whom he was both hated and feared 1. It is possible, however, that the effect on the mind of Charles, who, sincere and confiding himself, loved the semblance of it in others, might have been such as to justify a step so extraordinary, had not an event totally unexpected by Louis' roused against him the irritable passions of his rival to the highest pitch. The Liegois, immediately on the death of Philip, had again revolted; but being defeated by Charles in a pitched battle, the city soon after surrendered, when it was dismantled, and deprived of its artillery and ammunition. Louis, before he resolved on renewing the truce with Burgundy, had sent emissaries to incite the inhabitants of Liege to a new insurrection; but upon the opening of the conferences, he despatched fresh instructions, commanding all movements in Liege to be suspended till further orders. It was no longer time: the Liegois had already taken up arms, seized and imprisoned the bishop, putting to death sixteen canons, with other noble persons attached to him, and made themselves toasters of Tongres.

  1. Commines, liv. ii., chap. 5. Preuves sur Commines,

262

The news was brought to Charles a few days after the arrival of Louis at Peronne, with the addition, that the emissaries of the King of France were present in the camp of the rebels 1. In the first transports of his ungovernable fury, Charles loudly proclaimed Louis a traitor and knave, commanded the gates of the town to be instantly closed, and the king to be detained a prisoner in the castle. For three days and nights the excess of his passion would not allow him to take any repose, or to decide upon one of the many projects of vengeance which presented themselves to his mind; and if, during this time, he had received the smallest encouragement from those around him, there is no doubt that the life of his sovereign would have fallen a sacrifice. Happily, however, none of Charles's confidential ministers counselled him to resort to violent measures; and Louis, following the advice of some secret friend, (probably the historian himself, to whom we are indebted for the account of this curious transaction,) manifested the utmost readiness to consent to all the demands imposed on him by Charles, who, on his part, received intelligence that a French army was advancing towards Peronne, to rescue or avenge their sovereign. The treaty, therefore, was concluded without difficulty: by it, those of Arras and Conflans were confirmed, the unmolested enjoyment of the herring fishery was secured to the Netherlanders, and Louis was obliged to promise that he would assist Charles in person to chastise the rebellious Liegois. The circumstances in which the king was placed did not permit him to refuse this injurious and shameful article ; and it was not until he had beheld the city of his allies taken by storm, and abandoned to the pillage of a brutal and rapacious soldiery, that he was permitted to return to France 2.

  1. Commines, liv. ii., chap. 7. Duclos, Hist, de Louis XI., torn, i., lir. 5, p. 378—380.
  2. Commines, liv. ii., chap. 7, 9,10,12,13,14. Recueil des Traites de Leonard, torn, i., p. 89. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. xi., p. 159.

263

Charles, on his departure from Liege, caused the whole city, except the churches and houses of the ecclesiastics, to be burnt down, and a vast number of the inhabitants to be drowned 1.

But the events which occurred not long after in 1470 England, indemnified Louis for the mortification he endured on this occasion, proving as much a source of satisfaction to him, as of anxietssy and difficulty to his rival. Edward IV., brother-in-law of Charles, had, by his marriage with Elizabeth Grey, and the favour he had shown to the different members of her family, estranged many of his friends and partizans, particularly Richard Nevil, earl of Warwick, to whom he was chiefly indebted for his crown. Warwick, therefore, having gained over the king's brother, George, Duke of Clarence, by a marriage with his eldest daughter, these two noblemen joined with several others of the disaffected in raising a body of troops to dethrone Edward, and restore Henry VI. to his kingdom; for which purpose, Louis, who held a watchful eye upon the transactions in England, promised his active assistance. Their enterprise, however, proved abortive; and they found themselves obliged to disband their forces and retire into Devonshire, whence they sailed toward Calais, of which Warwick was governor. Here they were refused admission by Vauclerc, the deputy-governor, and being forced again to put to sea, seized several Dutch merchant ships, besides the whole of the Dutch and Flemish fleet, returning from Rochelle 2.

  1. AEgid. de Roya, ad ann. 1468, p. 100, Com., liv, ii., chap. 14.
  2. Com., liv. iii., chap. 4.

264

The fact that some French ships, sent to meet Warwick and Clarence, had mainly contributed to this capture, and their having been permitted to bring their prizes into the port of Honfleur, enraged the Duke of Burgundy to the highest degree; he declared to Louis, that he should consider the protection afforded to the English nobles as an infraction of the treaty of Peronne, and wrote a threatening letter to the Archbishop of Narbonne and the bastard of Bourbon, then at the head of the admiralty of France 1. Nor did he allow his anger to evaporate in words, but speedily equipped a fleet, which, under the command of Henry van Borselen, lord of Veere, drove the ships belonging to Warwick to the coast of Normandy, and forced the crews to land; a sharp enCounter between the English and Netherlander^, ended in favour of the latter; several of the English vessels were burnt, and ten of the largest brought as prizes into the ports of Zealand 2.

Louis, fearing further hostilities on the part of Charles, if he allowed Warwick to remain longer in France, found it advisable to insist on his immediate return to England, when Borselen again put to sea, to prevent his landing in that kingdom. A storm, however, dispersed the Netherland fleet, and Warwick came safely to anchor in the harbour of Dartmouth. Edward, immersed in indolent pleasures, had neglected to take timely precautions for his own safety, and the party of Warwick increased within a few days after his arrival to 60,000 strong.

  1. The letter, strongly characteristic of the writer, was conceived in these terms:—" Archbishop, and you Admiral!—The ships which you say were sent by the king to meet the English, have already attacked the fleet of my subjects returning to my states. But, by St. George.' if you do not see to this, I myself, by the help of God, will take order for it, without waiting for your permission, your reasons, or your justice, for they are too arbitrary and too tedious."—Duclos, Hist, de Louis XI, torn, ii., liv. 6, p. 12,13.
  2. Reigersberg, ii. deel., bl. 359. Velius Hoorn, bl. 53.

205

The king advanced to meet the rebel forces near Nottingham, where, as the two armies lay encamped close to each other, a portion of Warwick's troops suddenly attacked the king's camp by night. In the confusion and surprise, the royal forces, scarcely attempting any resistance, were scattered in every direction; and Edward himself had barely time to escape, with a small retinue, to Lynn, in Norfolk, where some Dutch ships were fortunately lying, in one of which he embarked, and made sail* with all speed towards Holland. Evading the pursuit of some vessels belonging to the Hanse Towns, the king and his followers landed in safety near Alkmaar. Here lie found Louis van Brugges, lord of Gruythuyzen, the Stadtholder of Hollaud and Zealand, who received him with courtesy, conducted him to the Hague, and provided necessaries for himself and his followers; since in the hurry of his flight, the king was unable to secure either his money or jewels, and had been obliged to reward the services of the skipper who conveyed him over with the cloak, trimmed with costly fur, which he then wore 1.

The news of his arrival was anything rather than agreeable to Charles, who, it is said, would have been far better pleased to hear of his brother-in-law's death, than of his safe landing 2. He was, as far as personal inclinations went, attached to the family of Lancaster, with which he was connected through his mother, Isabella of Portugal; and it was from motives of policy alone that he had allied himself with the house of York 3. He declared, therefore, that he was by no means to be regarded as hostile to Henry VI., his kinsman, since he had no intention whatever of meddling in the contests for the English crown. Finding, however, that his advances were not attended with the desired effect, of weakening the alliance of Henry with Louis XI.

  1. Com., liv. iii., chap. 5.
  2. Idem, chap. 6.
  3. Idem, chap. 4,

266

Charles secretly furnished his brother-in-law with a sum of 50,000 florins, and provided funds for the equipment of four large vessels at the port of Veere, in Zealand; but fearful of drawing on himself a war with France and England united, he, at the same time, publicly forbade any of his subjects to aid or serve the dethroned king. The Dutch ships being joined by fourteen vessels from the Hanse Towns, hired and paid by Charles, Edward set sail with this fleet to England, where he was restored to the 1471 throne by a revolution as sudden as that which had the year before precipitated him from it. He did not forget, in his renewed prosperity, the services of those who had so effectually assisted him in his adversity; he made Henry van Borselen, commander of the fleet which brought him to England, his chamberlain and a member of the privy council; and in the next year created the Lord of Gruythuyzen, earl of Winchester, with permission to quarter the arms of England in the corner of his shield 1,2.

While Henry VI. was yet upon the throne of England Louis of France concluded with him a truce for ten years, both parties engaging to assist each other against their respective enemies. As this agreement was chiefly directed against Charles of Burgundy, Louis, having obtained from an assembly of the nobles of France a decision that the treaty of Peronne was contrary to the fundamental laws of the kingdom, and that the king was, moreover, discharged from his obligation to observe it, by the subsequent misconduct of Charles, immediately began to prepare for hostilities 3.

  1. Com., liv. iii., chap. 6. Acta Pub., toin. v., par. 3, p. 25.
  2. The permission to wear the whole, or part of the arms of a royal or noble family, was not uncommon, as a reward for some eminent service. —Velly, Hist, de France, torn, v., p. 77.
  3. Rym. Faed., torn. xii., p. 685. Recneil des Traites, torn* i., p. 108.

267

The campaign was opened by the surrender of 1470 St. Quentin and Amiens into the hands of Louis, to the latter of which Charles shortly after laid siege; but after remaining before its walls for six weeks, he found himself unable to effect its reduction, and consented to a truce until the following spring. During the interval, he summoned an assembly of the states of the Netherlands at Brussels, and represented to them, 60 forcibly, that the loss of these towns had been occasioned by his not having troops in readiness to take the field, that he induced them to grant the sum of 120,000 lis d'or for the purpose of keeping a body of 800 horse in constant pay to defend the frontiers, and thus formed the nucleus of a standing military force, which his successors lost no opportunity of seeking to increase 1.

At the expiration of the truce the Duke marched 1471 with so numerous an army towards Amiens, that Louis thought it advisable to avoid giving him battle, contenting himself with being able to cut off the supplies from his camp; and a short campaign was terminated in the October of the same year, by a treaty confirming that of Peronne, as well as the treaties of Arras and Conflans 2.

It was, doubtless, the change of affairs in England which prompted Louis to accept terms so disadvantageous; since Charles's army was reduced to the greatest straits for want of provisions, and could not much longer have kept the field. The condition, moreover, of a considerable portion of the Duke's dominions as such as to render him greatly desirous of a peace.

  1. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. v, cap. 6.
  2. Com., liv. iii., chap. 2. Recueil des Traites, torn, i., p. 116.

268

The heavy imposts which his expensive undertakings obliged him to lay on the people, had long excited murmurs loud and general; especially when, in order to answer his frequent petitions, the governments of the different towns found themselves obliged to impose duties on articles of daily and necessary consumption. Among the rest, the senate of Hoorn had laid an excise of fifteen pence upon every barrel of beer brewed without the walls, and obliged the brewers within the town to purchase a license from the Duke. The people, however, stoutly refused either to drink the town beer, or to pay the tax upon that brought from the Country; and the magistrates, finding themselves unable to carry the measure into effect, applied to the Duke for his support.

The council of Holland sent three commissioners to assist the senate in enforcing the excise, which no sooner reached the ears of the people, than they assembled in numbers before the town hall, the weavers, fullers, and fishers, each under their respective banners, threatening death to the commissioners, and even to the burgomasters themselves. They likewise dragged out all the barrels of beer they could find into the market-place, broke in the tops, and, dipping out the liquor in bowls and platters, shouted insultingly that, "the masters must now keep a sharp look out, and reckon how much each had to pay to the excise." The deputies were secretly sent out of the town, and the senate for some days took no measure to still the uproar, avoiding any mention of excise, and satisfying themselves with noting down the names of the ringleaders. The tumult thus died away of itself, when the attorney-general came with some vessels into the harbour before the town, with which he surprised and captured the fishermen as they were in the act of putting out to sea to fish.

269

He then, with the help of the schout, burgomasters, and sheriffs, seized all the fullers and weavers that were to be found in Hoorn, many having already made their escape. Eight of the principal rioters were tried at the Hague, and executed: the rest released themselves from imprisonment by the payment of heavy fines; while sentence of perpetual banishment was pronounced against all such as had fled 1. Cloth-weaving, which had hitherto been a flourishing manufacture at Hoorn, fell afterwards into decay, owing to numbers of weavers and fullers who were driven from their homes on this occasion. The Duke afterwards published two edicts, wherein he commanded, on fain of death* that the excise should be paid not only on beer, but likewise on grain, salt, and wine, as was done in other places 2; and thus doubly sacrificed the privileges of the town, first by making the non-payment of the excise a capital offence, and taking it out of the jurisdiction of the municipal court; and next, by enforcing, on his own authority, the payment of a tax which the senate alone had the right of imposing.

Notwithstanding the warning afforded by Hoorn, similar commotions arose from a like cause in other towns; at Zierikzee, a priest, named John Simonson, and the bailiff, Michael van Heenvlietss, were murdered by the exasperated populace. The Duke's natural brother Anthony, and Adolphus van Ravestein, with the assistance of the Lord of Veere, easily quelled the sedition, causing some of the chief movers to be seized and beheaded. Most of the guilty fled, yet the punishment inflicted by Duke Charles on the whole town was not the less severe; the inhabitants being forced to receive a foreign garrison, and to pay a fine of 30,000 guilders 3.

  1. Velius Hoorn, p. 46—49.
  2. Idem, p. 50—£2.
  3. Boxhorn op Reigersberg, bl. 273. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. xi., p. 161.

270

The truce with France was scarcely concluded, when the refusal of Louis to ratify it caused the war to break out afresh. It became now more than usually oppressive to the Netherlander^ from the injury it inflicted on their fisheries, which were constantly interrupted by the ships of war that Louis had fitted out to cruize for this purpose about the coast of Holland

1472 Eighteen herring-busses were captured at one time, and the crews obliged to pay a ransom of 100 golden crowns each; but, on the other hand, some Holland and Zealand vessels, under the command of Paul van Borselen, natural son of the Lord of Veere 1, fell in with the French fleet near the coast of Scotland, and obliged it to retire into the ports of France 2.

Charles, meanwhile, invaded France, took the towns of Nesle and Roye, and though unsuccessful before Beauvais, afterwards mastered some small places in the land of Caux, in Normandy. But the advantages he gained in France were Counterbalanced by the ravages which the French army, under the Count of Auvergne, committed in Burgundy, and the conquests made by Louis over his ally, the Duke of H73 Brittany, which obliged this prince to consent to a truce for a year, wherein Charles himself was included 3.

The Duke now found employment of a more important nature than any results likely to be obtained by hostilities with France. The duchy of Guelderland had devolved, by female succession, upon Arnold van Egmond, a descendant of the most ancient and noble family in Holland.

  1. Henry van Borselen, the same who had afforded such efficient aid to Edward IV. of England.
  2. Com., liv. iii., chap. 9. Velius Hoorn, p. 63.
  3. Com., liv. iii., chap. 9,10,11. Recueil des Traites, torn, i., p. 121.

271

This prince, now advanced in years, had the misfortune, besides losing the affection of his subjects by his negligent government, to be at variance with his young wife and his son Adolphus van Egmond. Instigated by his step-mother, Adolphus placed himself at the head of the disaffected party, caused his father to be seized in his palace at Nimeguen, at the moment of his going to repose, forced him to walk five miles barefoot on the ice, and finally immured him in a prison at Buuren, where he detained him more than five years.

From the depth of his dungeon, however, the unhappy prince found means to make his complaint reach the ears of the Pope, and the emperor, his suzerain, by whom the Duke of Burgundy was authorised to hear and decide between the parties. Adolphus, thinking he should find a favourable judge in the Duke, readily submitted to his arbitration, and for this purpose brought his prisoner to Heusden. In a conference held there, Charles adjudged the duchy of Guelderland with the County of Zutphen to Adolphus, while the old Duke was to retain nothing but his title, the city of Grave, and a pension of 6000 florins. But the unnatural son refused to accede to these terms, declaring that " he would rather throw his father into a well and himself after him, than allow him to possess any portion of his states 1. Perceiving the impression which this impious speech made on the minds of those present, he quitted the town the same night in disguise; but was discovered, arrested, and sent prisoner to Vilvoorden, where he was kept in confinement during the remainder of Charles's life.

  1. J. J. Pontani Hist. Geld., lib. ix., p. 517, et seq. Commines, Hy. iv., chap. 1, Meyer, lib. xvii., ad ann. 1470, p. 349.

272

The old Duke Arnold could not, however, reinstate himself in his dominions, without the assistance of the Duke of Burgundy, t and even then, it was uncertain whether he would be able long to retain his authority; for this reason, therefore, and perhaps to punish his ungrateful son, he sold the duchy of Guelderland and the County of Zutphen to the Duke of Burgundy for 92,000 crowns of gold, besides the expenses already incurred by Charles; but as Duke Arnold died within two months after the conclusion of the treaty, the sum stipulated was never paid. Adolphus of Guelderland was condemned to perpetual imprisonment, and declared to have forfeited all his rights to the duchy, by a court composed of the Knights of the Golden Fleece: and the claim of the Duke of Berg arid Juliers, descended from a collateral branch of the family of the original Dukes of Guelderland, was bought by Charles for the sum of 80,000 Rhenish guilders 1.

As the Duke of Burgundy did not expect that this transfer of their Country would be very palatable to the Guelderlanders, he, having first obtained the confirmation of the emperor, went to receive their allegiance at the head of a force sufficiently powerful to silence all opposition. Nevertheless, the citizens of Nimeguen, to whom was entrusted the guardianship of the children of Adolphus, Charles, and Philippa, ventured to resist his summons, and withstood several murderous assaults; but they were at length forced to surrender, and to pay a fine of 80,000 florins to redeem themselves from pillage. After the reduction of Nimeguen, Charles was readily acknowledged by the rest of the duchy, and in the same year did homage to the Emperor Frederick III. at Treves, for his newly acquired states 2.

  1. Pontanus, Hist. Geld., lik ix., p. 549—552. Pont. Heut., Rer. Bur., lib. v., cap. 7.
  2. Meyer, lib. xvii., ad ann. 1473, p. 367,358. Pont. Heut; Rer. Bur., lib. v., cap. 7.

273

Thus the whole of the Netherlands, with the exception of Friesland, were at this time under the dominion of the house of Burgundy; but the possession of Guelderland, which Charles so eagerly coveted, entailed a long and ruinous war upon his successors.

The favourite object of Charles's ambition was now to be ranked among the sovereigns of Europe, and to revive in his own person the ancient title of King of Burgundy 1. He obtained the emperor's consent to invest him with this much-desired dignity by promising his only daughter and sole heiress, Mary, in marriage to Maximilian, son of Frederic, and a meeting was agreed upon between the two princes, to be held at Treves, for. the purpose of performing the ceremony of the coronation, as well as that of the marriage. Both repaired thither at the time appointed, with a splendid retinue 2; the crown, the sceptre, and the chair of state were already prepared, when the emperor insisted that the marriage of his son with the Lady Mary should be first solemnized; suspecting, not without reason, that Charles, when once crowned, would never fulfil his part of the engagement, since he had often been heard to say, that " On the day of his daughter's marriage, he would shave his head, and become a monk 3."

  1. He, however, possessed no part of the ancient kingdom of Burgundy, which comprised Franche Comté, Dauphiné, Provence, Lyonnois, Savoy, Brescia, and great part of Switzerland.
  2. The attendants of the emperor were more numerous, and excelled those of Charles in nobility of birth; but those of the latter far outshone the imperial train in luxury and magnificence. Snoi., Rer. Bat., lib. xi., p. 163. Charles himself wore a robe of 100,000 ducats value. Meyer, Ann. FL, lib. xvii., ad ann. 1473, p. 370.
  3. Besides Maximilian, he had entertained proposalsof marriage with his daughter, from the Duke Nicholas of Calabria, the Duke of Guyenn^ and Philibert, Duke of Savoy, although he never intended bringing any to a conclusion. Commines, liv<*iii., chap. 8.

274

Charles was equally determined that the coronation should precede the marriage; and the coldness and mistrust which this dispute created in the mind of Frederic was so great, that he suddenly quitted Treves, leaving the Duke overwhelmed with confusion and anger, an object at once of derision and suspicion to the German princes 1.

Thus defeated in his favourite project, Charles was now obliged to turn his ambitious views to another quarter, and since he could not raise his states to a kingdom, he sought to extend them still more widely, by the possession of all the fortified places on the left side of the Rhine, from Nimeguen, where this river enters the Netherlands, to Basle on the confines of Switzerland. Sigismund, Duke of Austria, had in 1468 pledged to him, for the sum of 100,000 Rhenish guilders, some territories in Alsace, with the fort of Ferette, situated in the immediate vicinity of Basle; and this, it was supposed, gave him the first idea of a scheme so wild and impracticable, which he had not even the prudence to conceal, and which, as it appeared to him, an opportunity now presented itself for realizing 2.

On the occasion of some disputes between Robert, J archbishop of Cologne, and the chapter of the diocese, the citizens of Cologne siding with the latter, refused I to acknowledge the authority of the archbishop, and I chose Herman of Hesse as protector of the see.

  1. Dados Hist, de Louis XI., torn, ii., lir. vii., p. 164. Commines, liv. ii., chap. 8. Pont. Heut., lib. v., cap. 8.
  2. Commines, lir. iv., chap, i., p. 86.

275

Herman fortified himself in Nuys, and Robert» being thus shut out from the two principal towns of his diocese» had recourse to the friendship of the Duke of Burgundy, who, regarding the possession of Nuys as the first step towards the attainment of his object» eagerly embraced the proposal of laying siege to it» made him by the archbishop 1. To guard himself from any enterprise on the part of Louis» he prolonged the truce with France until the May of the next year. The friendly 1474 relations of Burgundy with England, had suffered some little interruption in consequence of the Duke's ungenerous conduct towards Edward when obliged to take refuge in his states; but the political interests of the two princes did not admit of the continuance of any estrangement between them 2. In the year after Edward's restoration» therefore, the treaty of commerce and amity was renewed» and Charles now obtained from his brother-in-law, an aid of thirteen men-at-arms and 1000 English archers, still esteemed the best in Europe. In order, moreover, to be prepared when the truce with France should expire, he made another treaty with Edward, engaging himself to assist him with 6000 troops in recovering Normandy and Guienne, and in making good his claims upon the kingdom of France, unjustly possessed by Louis 3. 1474

Shortly after the conclusion of this agreement, Charles marched in person to the siege of Nuys, with an army of 60,000 strong; imagining, doubtless, that at the head of such a force, he should have completed the apparently easy task of reducing it, before the King of England's plans were ripe for execution, or the truce with France expired.

  1. Commines, liv. iv., chap. 1, p. 86. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. v., cap. 8.
  2. Recueil des Traites, torn, i., p. 171. Commines, liv. iii., chap. 8. Ryro. Feed., torn, xi., p. 737-8.
  3. Rym. Feed., torn, xi., p. 701, 808.

276

He was soon undeceived. Herman of Hesse, and his brother the Land* grave of Hesse, had so well fortified and provisioned the town, and it was defended with such steady valour by the garrison and citizens, that despairing of carrying it by assault, the Duke was necessitated to turn the siege into a blockade. The expence proved enormous; and Charles, unable to extort sufficient funds from his exhausted subjects of the lay community, attempted to impose a tax on the clergy. Those of Zealand, and some few in Holland, complied with the demand; hut the greater number found pretexts for delay until after his death. He, however, seized the silver plate in several of the churches, which he caused to be melted down; and levied a contribution of 13,883 livres (tournois) on the newly-acquired province of Guelderland. Holland contributed a subsidy of 14,300 pounds (Flemish); and Zealand the small sum of 2650 pounds only, on account of the injury lately done to the dikes by an irruption of the sea. The whole military force of Holland and Zealand was summoned to the camp, and the payment of the scutage 1 strictly enforced from all the vassals who were unable to attend 2.

Notwithstanding these mighty preparations, mdntli 1475 after month passed away, and found Charles still engaged in this tedious and unprofitable [enterprise: the time had now elapsed when he should have afforded the promised aid to Edward of England, who, in compliance with the terms of the treaty, had entered Picardy at the head of 1500 lances and 15,000 archers.

  1. Money paid in lieu of military service, and called in Holland " Ruytergeld."
  2. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. v., cap. 10. Groote Chronyk, divis. xxx., cap. 84—91. Boxhorn, Nederl. Hist., bl. 293 ct seq. Idem, op Reigersberg, deel. ii., bl. 2C1—279.

277

But Charles, knowing that the besieged began to suffer severely from scarcity of provisions, and having entrenched himself so strongly that the emperor, though he advanced to within a mile of Nuys, accompanied by nearly all the princes of the empire, with an army of 60,000 men, was unable to throw any succours into it, still hoped for a speedy surrender, and determined, with his characteristic obstinacy, to persevere in his attempt, although he was well aware that it had raised him up enemies on every side 1. The Swiss, dreading the neighbourhood of so powerful a prince, and irritated by numerous insults and injuries they had sustained from Hagenbach, the Duke's governor at Ferette, formed a league with the towns of the Upper Rhine, entered into an alliance with the emperor and Louis of France, and under the auspices of the latter concluded a treaty of mutual defence with Sigismund, Duke of Austria. Louis had likewise excited against Charles the hostility of Reynold, Duke of Lorraine, who invaded Luxemburg, and made himself master of several places in that duchy 2. At the expiration of the truce between France and Burgundy, Louis took possession of Montdidier, Roye, Corbie, and other towns belonging to the Duke in Picardy; and Charles, surrounded by difficulties, was glad to save his credit by consenting to the proposition of the Pope's legate, that Nuys should be sequestrated, and placed in the hands of the Pope, until the dispute between the bishop and Herman of Hesse should be decided 3.

  1. Commines, liv. iv., chap. 2. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. v., cap. 10, Snot. Rer. Bat, lib. xi., p. 366.
  2. Commines, liv. iv., chap. 2 ; liv. v., chap. 1. Recueil des Traites, torn, i., p. 175—163.
  3. Commines, liv. iv., chap. 3, 5. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., Kb. v., cap. 10.

278

Meanwhile Edward of England, finding that he received no assistance from his ally, deemed hiknself no longer bound by the article of the treaty with Charles, which stipulated that neither party should make peace without consent of the other, and therefore hearkened to the terms of accommodation proposed by Louis, who promised to pay to Edward the sum of 75,000 crowns, immediately upon the withdrawal of the English troops from France, and an annual stipend of 60,000 crowns during their joint lives: it was agreed, besides, that the dauphin, when of age, should marry Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Edward. The King of England reserved to the Duke of Burgundy the right of acceding to the truce if he so desired. This Charles at first haughtily refused; but as the navy of France had inflicted considerable losses on the commerce of his Dutch subjects, and he was eager, moreover, to wreak his vengeance on the Duke of Lorraine and the Swiss, he afterwards consented to a truce for nine years, which was concluded early in the month of September, at Vervins 1. It was the cause of no small gratification to the Duke of Burgundy that the conduct of Reynold of Lorraine had afforded a pretext for declaring war against him, since the conquest of this duchy, situated between Luxemburg and Burgundy, was an object highly flattering to his ambition. Hardly two months elapsed, after the conclusion of the trace with France, when he invaded Lorraine, and in an incredibly short time subdued the whole duchy, except Nancy, the capital, which sustained a siege of nine weeks, but was at length forced to surrender 2. 1476

  1. Rym. Foed., torn, xii., p. 17, 19. Commines, liv. iv., chap. 6, 8. Velius Hoorn, bl. 55. Recueil des Trait: s, torn, i., p. 134.
  2. Commines, liv. iv., chap. 12.

279

He next turned his arms against the Swiss, the objects at once of his deepest hatred and contempt. In pursuance of the terms of their alliance with Sigismund of Austria, they had assisted him to recover from Charles the fortress of Ferette, but ignorant of their own strength, they afterwards sought, by every means in their power, to appease the resentment of the latter. They offered to break off all their alliances with other states, and to serve in the wars of Burgundy with 6000 men; they represented in the most moving terms, that their poor and barren Country was unworthy of his notice, and that all the riches it possessed would not suffice to furnish spurs and bridles for his army 1.

Yet did their submissiveness rather excite the disdain than soften the anger of Charles. Heedless of their prayers, as soon as his army was in readiness to march, he invaded their Country, and laid siege to Granson, on the lake of Neufchatel. The garrison surrendered on condition that their lives should be spared, notwithstanding which, Charles ordered them all to be put to death. Immediately upon the capture of Granson, a body of Swiss troops was observed marching up to its relief: the Duke, in opposition to the advice of all his officers, advanced to meet them before they had quitted the defiles of the mountains, and engaging in a position where his cavalry had no room to act, his vanguard was quickly driven back, and by its retreat threw the remainder of the army into confusion. The troops with one accord commenced an instantaneous flight, leaving behind the whole of their tents, ammunition, and baggage 2.

  1. The sagacious Louis XI estimated their strength more truly than either themselves or the Duke. On hearing of the intended invasion, he remarked, " I wonder my cousin of Burgundy did not make a truce with me for eighteen years. He is ignorant certainly of how heavy a burden he has taken on his shoulders, or of what a people he has determined to invade." Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib.v., cap. 12.
  2. Com., liv. iv., chap. 12 ; liv. v., chap. i. Snoi. Rer. Bat, lib. xL, p. 166.

280

The mortification of Charles at this unseemly rout was still further enhanced by the cutting jest of his court fool, who, having frequently heard him draw parallels between himself tod Hannibal, cried out, as they ran away together with all the speed they could make, " Master, we are well Hannibalized now 1." The army was saved by the cupidity of the Swiss, who, unable to resist the temptation offered by the plunder of the Burgundian camp, ceased to pursue the fugitives. Yet they were so ignorant of the value of the booty they acquired, that a diamond belonging to the Duke, which was afterwards the second in the French crown, and estimated at the value of 1,800,000 livres, was sold amongst them more than once for a guilder 2".

The consequences of this battle were as disastrous ! as its termination. The Duchess-dowager of Savoy, the Duke of Milan, and Renée of Provence, king of Sicily, who had hitherto rejected all the advances of Louis, immediately forsook the alliance of Burgundy for that of France, while several of the German towns, instead of persisting as before in a doubtful neutrality, openly declared against Charles 3. To wipe out the remembrance of his disgrace, the Duke of Burgundy having reassembled his scattered troops, and reinforced them with a large number of mercenaries from Savoy and Piedmont, laid siege to Morat near Berne. He had been before the town about ten days, when the i Swiss army, commanded by Reynold of Lorraine, came down upon him.

  1. Duclos, torn, ii., liv. 8, p. 214.
  2. Idem, p. 215. Pont. Heut., lib. v., cap. xil.
  3. Commines, Uy. vi., chap. 1, 2.

281

Untaught by the last severe lesson, Charley instead of awaiting them in his entrenchments, homed forward to give them battle. The consequence was a second defeat, more fatal and bloody than the former, above 16,000 men being slain on the Burgundian side 1,2.

Anguish, spite, and shame, at this overthrow, raged in the breast of Charles with such violence, that he fell into a fit of sickness, which appeared to paralyze lus powers both of mind and body 3. For six weeks be lay, refusing alike consolation or companionship, until the news of the capture of Nancy, by Duke Reynold, aroused him at length from his benumbing trance 4.

He advanced by hasty marches to besiege the town, which defended itself with the most undaunted courage, and successfully resisted all his attempts to master it. The inhabitants were reduced to the lowest extremity of famine, and had been forced for some time to feed on dogs, cats, and even reptiles, when Reynold of Lorraine, with an army of French, German, and Swiss troops, encamped not far from the walls, with the design of forcing Charles to raise the siege. Reynold held a secret correspondence with one Nicholas Campobasso, a Neapolitan officer in the Burgundian camp, in whom Charles reposed a blind and fatal confidence 5.

  1. Commines, liv. v., chap. 3. Pont Heat., lib. v., cap. 12.
  2. The continuator of Monstrelet says 20,700; but the numbers stated by the different historians vary from 8000 to 20,000. Duclos, Hist, de Louis XI., liv. viii., p. 224.
  3. The effect of grief on his constitution was very remarkable; he was usually of so sanguine and choleric a temperament, as to be obliged to forego entirely the use of wine; whereas, at this time, it was found necessary to administer to him strong wine, without water, and to apply active stimulants to the vital parts of the body. Com., liv. v., chap. 6.
  4. Commines, liv. v., chap. 5.
  5. It is said, that the treachery of this man was the consequence of Charles's violence of temper: being importuned by him, on one occasion, for money to pay his troops, Charles grew angry, and inflicted on him a j blow, accompanied by threats, an injury which the revengeful Italian never forgave. Snoi. Ber. Bat., lib. xi., p. 167. This is in some degree confirmed by De la Marche, who says that the Count of Campobasso deserted Charles u pour certain deniers que Ie comte disoit que Ie due lui ! devoit." Liv. ii., chap. 8.

282

On the fifth of January, 1477, the two armies came to an engagement, which had scarcely commenced, when Campobasso, with 400 men-at-arms, went over to the enemy. After this desertion, the discomfiture of an army, twice defeated, and totally dispirited, was easy: the flight, begun by a few traitors whom Campobasso had purposely left among the 1477Burgundian troops, was speedy and universal; SOOO men were left dead on the field, among whom were the principal nobles of Burgundy and the Netherlands. Charles himself was slain, but in what manner is not certainly known; it is affirmed, however, that he received his death-wound at the hand of a traitor of Campobasso's party 1.

It was not till three days after, that the body of the unhappy prince was found, wounded in three places, and stripped entirely naked; his face frozen to the ground, and so disfigured, that it was only by some distinctive marks, such as the extreme length of his nails, (which he had left uncut since the defeat at Morat,) and the scar of a wound received at the battle of Montlhéri, that he could be recognized 2. He was honourably buried at Nancy, by command of the Duke of Lorraine; but the Netherlanders could not for a long time be persuaded to believe in the report of his death, imagining that he bad either been carried prisoner to France, or had escaped in safety to Germany, whence he would return at some future day, more terrible than ever 3.

Charles, although three times married, left only one daughter, by Isabella of Portugal, Mary, born February 8th, 1457.

  1. Others say, that in attempting to leap a small brook in his flight, his horse fell in, when he was killed by Claudius Beaumont, a Lorraine nobleman, in pursuit of him, not knowing who he was. Pont. Heut., lib. v., cap. 13, p. 14C.
  2. Snoi Rer. Bat., lib. xi., p. 168. Meyer, lib. xvii., ad ann. 1476, p. 373.
  3. Com., liv. v., chap. 7, 8. Meyer, lib. xvii., ad ann. 1476, p. 373. Duclos, torn, ii., Hv. 8, p. 227. Pont. Heut., lib. v., chap. 13,14.

MARY.

283

The intelligence of Charles's death no sooner reached the ears of Louis, than he hastened to take possession of the duchy of Burgundy, which he re-annexed to France, according to the terms of the grant made by Charles V. to his brother Philip, which provided, that in default of heirs male, this fief should revert to the French crown 1. Before the end of the month of February, also, the towns in Picardy, that had been surrendered to the Duke of Burgundy, opened their gates to Louis, and he 'was already preparing for a descent into Flanders and Artois, intending, it is said, to make himself master of the whole of the states belonging to Mary. Shortly after her accession, the nobles, to whose guardianship she had been committed by Charles before his departure 2, summoned a general assembly of the states of the Netherlands at Ghent, to devise means for arresting the enterprises of Louis, and for raising funds to support the war with France, as well as to consider the state of affairs in the provinces 3,4. Charles, and his father, Philip, had exercised in the Netherlands a species of government far more arbitrary than the inhabitants had until then been accustomed to; and in the measures they pursued» the chartered franchises, and prescriptive customs inherent in the constitution of these states, were almost, if not altogether, lost sight of.

  1. Gam., lir. vi., chap. 1. Font. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. ii., cap. 2.
  2. Among these, the principal were, John, Duke of Cleves, Adolphus of Cleres, Lord of Ravestein, Guido Brimeus, the Sieur D'Imbercourt, and William Hugonet, chancellor of Burgundy.
  3. Com., liv. v., chap. 11,13. Pont. Heut. Rer. Austr., lib. i., cap. 1.
  4. This is the first regular assembly of the states-general of the Netherlands : the County of Holland, before this time, does not appear to have sent deputies to the assemblies of the other states. In negotiations with foreign powers, it treated separately. Ryin. Fced.j torn, x., p. 806—849.

284

It now appeared that a favourable opportunity offered itself for rectifying these abuses; and the assembly, therefore, made the consideration of them a preliminary to the grant of any supplies for the war 1. Upon the proposition being made to assist in defending the duchess against the ambition and evil designs of the King of France, who had, without right or justice, possessed himself of several towns of Burgundy, the states testified every disposition to render all the service in their power to their new sovereign; but at the same time declared, that " the provinces were exhausted and impoverished by the wars of Duke Charles, and that they ought rather to be relieved than further oppressed," adding, that, " for many years, great encroachments had been made on the liberties and privileges of the provinces and towns which they desired to see restored 2.

They insisted so firmly on this resolution, that Mary, finding they were determined to refuse any subsidies till their grievances were redressed, consented to grant charters of privileges to all the states of the Nether* lands. That of Holland and Zealand, commonly called the " Great Charter," contained these provisions: that the duchess should not marry without the consent of the nobles of her family, and of the states; that some of the later subsidies demanded by Duke Charles should be remitted; that the duchess should bestow the offices of the County on natives only; that no one should be able to hold two at the same time; nor should they be let out to farm.

  1. Com., liv. v., chap. 16.
  2. Groot Plakaatb., ii. deel., bl. 658.

285

The council of Holland was henceforth to consist of eight besides the Stadtholder , six Hollanders and two Zealanders, and two supernumeraries, without salary, likewise natives; and no cause properly belonging to the jurisdiction of the municipal courts should be brought before the council, except by way of appeal. The right " de non evocando," or of not being summoned to trial out of the boundaries of their province, should be preserved to all the inhabitants inviolate. The governments of the towns were to be appointed and changed according to the ancient custom 1.

The towns might hold assemblies with each other, or with the states of the rest of the Netherlands, where and as often as they might judge necessary. No new tolls or other burdens should be imposed without consent of the states, and the freedom of trade and commerce should be preserved. Neither the duchess nor her successors should declare war, offensive or defensive, without consent of the states; and in case they did so, none should be bound to serve in such war, notwithstanding any custom, or any command of the late Duke to the contrary. The Dutch language should be used in all decrees and letters-patent. No commands of the sovereign should prevail against the privileges of the towns. No coin should be struck, nor any alteration made in the standard of money, without the advice and approbation of the states, and the mint should continue, as of old time, at Dordrecht. The towns should not be forced to contribute to any petition unless they had first consented to it; and the petition should be demanded of the states by the Count in person.

  1. The power of the Counts to change the governments of the towns, out of the due'course, had heen frequently exercised, even before the time of Philip, but never recognised by the states.

286

The duchess, and her guardians, John, Duke of Cleves, Louis of Bourbon, bishop of Liege, and Adol-phus of Cleves, Stadtholder -general of the Netherlands» affixed their seals to this charter, which they solemnly swore to observe. The assembly of the states, likewise, appointed a council of regency to assist Mary in the government, and obtained from her a promise, that she would in all cases abide by their advice 1.

The articles of this charter have been detailed somewhat at length, because it was afterwards a subject of contention between the Dutch and their sovereigns; and the violation of its provisions formed one of the principal reasons alleged for the deposition of Philip II. in the next century. It was insisted, on the part of the princess, that the charter was invalid as obtained from the Duchess Mary while a minor, and in the power of the citizens of Ghent; whereas the people, on the other hand, justly considered that no new privileges were extorted on this occasion, but those only restored which had been granted or recognised by the former Counts, and for the most part had formed their rule of government before the accession of foreign princes introduced those arbitrary notions of prerogative, which were received in France, but were in the highest degree unsuitable to the free spirit and institutions of the Netherlanders.

So far the relations between the Netherlanders and their young sovereign were on an amicable footing, although the Ghenters persisted in retaining possession of her person; but events soon occurred which interrupted the apparent harmony between them.

  1. Groot Plakaat., ii, decl., bl. 658.

287

While the subject of the charter was under consideration, the duchess, perceiving the sacrifices she must make to gain the support of her subjects in the war with Louis, had sent an embassy to France» consisting of William Hugonet the chancellor, Guy D'Imbercourt, Wolferd van Borselen, lord of Veere, and the stadt-hokfer of Holland, Louis van Gruythuyzen, to treat of peace. Louis, pretending a sincere desire for an accommodation and for the marriage of Mary with the dauphin, by flattering the ambassadors with the hope of obtaining both these objects, induced two of their number, Hugonet and D'Imbercourt, to consent to the preliminary cession of Artois to France. In this particular they went beyond their instructions; and Louis, desiring in fact neither the peace nor the marriage, determined, as a means of breaking off the negotiation, to sacrifice the unhappy ambassadors to the rage of their Countrymen, which he had now ample means in his power of exciting.

Shortly after the departure of Mary's ambassadors, the council of regency had also sent two deputies to Louis, Touteville and Baradot, with instructions to solicit that the king would adhere to the truce for nine years concluded at Vervins, and extend his protection to the heiress of Burgundy. In the first audience they had of Louis, he affected to doubt their powers, as not being recognised by the duchess: on their answering that she had bound herself to govern entirely by the advice of the council, he gave them a letter written by Mary herself, and delivered to him by her ambassadors Hugonet and D'Imbercourt, wherein she declared that her affairs should be conducted according to the counsels of four persons only, the Duchess-dowager of Burgundy, the Lord of RaVestein, Hugonet, and D'Imbercourt, and requesting him to confide all that he wished to communicate to her, to the two latter only.

288

Angry at finding themselves thus duped, Touteville and Baradot returned to Ghent, and in a full council of the town at which Mary was present, brought forward their complaint, declaring that the tenor of their instructions had been controverted, and their character as ambassadors disavowed, by the private letters of the duchess. Mary at first strenuously denied the fact; but on the production of her letter to the king the fatal evidence of her duplicity, struck with confusion at the discovery, and with dismay at the treachery of Louis, she remained silent and trembling 1. The Ghenters became furious: they seized Imbercourt and Hugonet, tried them at the council-house, not for the real delinquency of which they had been guilty, but upon an accusation of having assisted in suppressing the privileges of Ghent, and condemned them to death. Upon hearing that the sentence was about to be carried into execution, Mary, accompanied only by an aged priest, rushed into the midst of the crowd assembled round the scaffold, and with floods of tears, and piercing cries of anguish, supplicated that their lives might be spared. Her prayers were unheeded—the fatal blow was struck before her eyes, and the unhappy victims to popular fury died, asserting to the last their innocence 2. Louis having thus frustrated the negotiations for peace, possessed himself of Arras, Terouenne, and a large portion of Artois; but on the sea, affairs were more prosperous for the Netherlander, since the Hollanders were not only able to protect their own commerce, but likewise to capture twenty large vessels belonging to the enemy, and to bring a very considerable booty into their ports.

  1. Commutes, liv. v., chap. 15,16. ? Commutes, liv. r., chap. 17.
  2. Louis was deeply grieved at hearing of the fatal consequences of his own act, and made ample provision for the families of both the sufferers, whom he took under his special protection*

289

Anxious to provide a general, capable of making head against the French forces, the Ghenters released the parricidal Adolphus of Guelderland from his prison at Vilvoorden, with the design, it is said, of marrying him to the Lady Mary, and gave him the command of an army composed of troops collected from Ghent, Bruges, and Ypres. Adolphus marched without delay to the siege of Tournay, where he was slain in a sally made by the garrison, and thus the young duchess was delivered from an union so abhorrent to her feelings. His death, and the rapid advances made by Louis, who had subdued Artois and the County of Boulogne, and made himself master of Bouchain, Quesnoi, and Avenues, induced the states to hasten the marriage of the duchess 1.

Among the numerous suitors whom her late father had encouraged, the only question was now between Maximilian, son of the emperor of Germany, and the dauphin of France. But with respect to the latter—besides the probability that, from the disparity of age between the parties, the princess would despise her youthful bridegroom—-who had just reached his eighth year, while Mary was now past twenty, there were many reasons of policy that rendered the marriage little desirable to the king; among the rest, was the offence it must necessarily give to Edward of England, to whose daughter Elizabeth, the infant prince bad been contracted for above two years; and Louis would, moreover, have been obliged to receive, as the dower of the princess, Burgundy, Artois, and the rest of her dominions, of which he had already obtained actual possession by conquest.

  1. Pont Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. i., cap. 3, 5, 6. Vellus Hoorn, bl. 64. Commines, liv. r», chap. 14,15,17.

290

The Ghenters, who, being possessed of the person of the duchess, were the chief agents in this matter, were favourable to Maximilian, and the inclinations of Mary herself were supposed to point in the same direction. The contract, therefore, so abruptly brakes off at Treves in 1473 was again renewed, Maximilian was summoned to repair.to Ghent, and the marriage was solemnized in the month of August; not, how* ever, with a magnificence by any means suitable to the union of the son of the emperor with the richest heiress in Europe. It is said, indeed, that the poveity of the imperial exchequer was so excessive that the states were obliged to provide funds to defray the expenses of the bridegroom's journey into the Netherlands 1.

It was provided, by the marriage treaty, that the children born of this union should inherit the provinces on the death of either parent, and that in default of issue, the succession should devolve immediately on the next heir, and not on the survivor 2; This article was probably inserted to avoid the recurrence of disorders similar to those which the widowhood of Jacoba had entailed on the County of Holland. 1478 Maximilian's first care was to conclude a truce for a year with France, and early in the next spring he took the oath to the towns and provinces, and was acknowledged by them as protector of the Lady Mary and of the County in her name 3. The Guelderlanders, making some ineffectual attempts to obtain the duchy for the young Charles, son of Adolphus, did not take the oath of fealty to Mary and Maximilian until the year 1481 4.

  1. Mem. d'Oliv. de la Marche, liv. ii., chap, ix., p. 409, 410. Com., liv. vi., chap 3.
  2. Recueil des Traitus, torn. L, p. 208.
  3. Groot Plakaatb., iv. deel., bl. 7.
  4. Pont, Hcut. Rer. Aust., lib. i., cap. 11.

MARY AND MAXIMILIAN.

291

At the expiration of the truce with France, the king opened the campaign with the invasion of Hainaut, where Condé and several places of less importance capitulated; but on the approach of Maximilian's army to Valenciennes, Louis, who had no inclination to risk the loss of his acquisitions in a battle, and dreaded lest his continued successes should awaken the hostile jealousy of the emperor and England, abandoned Quesnoi and Cambray, burnt the fortifications of Condé, and consented to the Duke's offer of renewing the truce, restoring to him the conquests he had made in Hainaut and Franche Comte 1.

The internal dissensions in Holland, which the iron hand of Charles had crushed for a season, again grew rank after his death, and the two parties of hooks and cods renewed their persecution of each other, with a rage and bitterness, that reduced Holland to a state of extreme misery and desolation. The members of each faction, as they gained the temporary ascendency in the towns, not only thrust out their adversaries from the seats of government, but expelled them from the city itself: even women were driven from their homes with circumstances of violence and cruelty: the villages, no less than the towns, were filled with mistrust and hatred: relatives and neighbours laid wait for each others' lives, while duels and affrays were of daily occurrence 2. Louis van Gruythuyzen had been removed from the Stadtholder ship a few days after the granting of the great charter, (because, being a Fleming, his continuance in the office was contrary to its provisions,) and his place filled by a native, Wolferd van Borselen, lord of Veere. Wolferd, in order to put a stop to the disorders in Holland 1479, summoned a general assembly of the nobles and towns at Rotterdam.

  1. Pont. Heut. Ber. Aust., lib. i., cap. 8, 9.
  2. Velius Hoorn, bl, 60--68.

292

As he was supposed to be favourably inclined towards the hooks, John van Reimerswale, the bailiff, pretending that under cover of an assembly, the hooks designed to make themselves masters of the town, called out the schuttery, or burgher guard, and not satisfied with preventing the entrance of the deputies from those towns which belonged to the hook party, forced the Stadtholder himself to evacuate Rotterdam. This affront the cods followed up by another outrage. On the occasion of an affray at the Hague between the Stadtholder 's servants and those of some nobles of their party, they assembled a number of burghers from the neighbouring towns, bombarded, captured, and plundered the court-house, and drove away the horses from the Stadtholder 's stables. Upon the news of these commotions, Borselen, then at his lordship of Veere, assembled 7000 men from Utrecht and the hook towns of Holland, and marching through Delft to the Hague, repossessed himself of the courthouse, and by way of reprisal, caused the houses of the cods to be pillaged.

On his departure shortly after for Rotterdam, of which he made himself master, the cods, in revenge, began the work of plunder and destruction on the dwellings of the hooks. The Hague being thus kept in continual uproar, van Borselen removed the supreme court of Holland to Rotterdam; but a few councillors of the hook party only attended, and the causes tried before it were confined to those sent up from the towns on the same side. Finding, therefore, the torrent of party spirit too strong for him, the Stadtholder , leaving George, bastard of Brederode, at Rotterdam to conduct affairs as best he might, retired again to Veere 1.

  1. Groote Chronyk, divis. xxxi., cap. 21—23. Reigcrsberg, ii. deeL, bl. 298. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib. i., cap. 11.

293

The presence of the sovereign seemed now to be the only means left for putting a stop to these frightful disorders, 1480  and Maximilian accordingly repaired to Holland, as well for the purpose of restoring peace as of levying a petition, which, according to the terms of the great charter, must be done by the Count in person. The cods, in order to secure his powerful influence to their party, voted with alacrity a subsidy of 160,000 double schilds (of thirty pence) in ready money, and an annual sum of 80,000 schilds for the next eight years. They easily obtained, in return, the removal of Wolferd van Borselen from the 6tadtholdership, and the appointment of George de Lalaing, which, as he was a Hainauter, was a direct violation of one of the provisions of the great charter. The hook members of the council of state were, in like manner, dismissed, and their places filled by persons belonging to the cod party; and Maximilian then left to the new Stadtholder the completion of the work of pacification 1.

As the King of France did not withdraw  1479 his garrisons from Hainaut, according to the terms of the truce, hostilities never entirely ceased during its continuance, and it had no sooner expired, than Maximilian, hoping to repair his losses in Artois, assembled a more numerous army than any he had hitherto commanded, occupied Cambray, which the French garrison had evacuated, and laid siege to Terouanne. Upon the approach of the French forces he raised the siege and gave them battle near the hill of Guineguate, where a dearly bought victory deprived him of the flower of the Netherland nobility, in killed, wounded, and prisoners. The losses of the Netherlanders by sea, also, were very considerable.

  1. Groot Plakaat., ii. deel., bl. 675. Grooote Chron., divis. xx$i.9 cap. 24, 2o. Velius Hoorn, p. 68.

294

The fleet of France, under the command of Admiral Caulon, captured the whole of the vessels engaged in the herring fishery, besides eighty large ships returning with corn from the Baltic, and carried them into the ports of Normandy. It was supposed that more injury was done to the Dutch navy in this year than during the whole of the previous century 1.

1480 Maximilian took advantage of the conclusion of the usual armistice for the winter months, to renew the former treaties between the Netherlands and England, cementing his friendship with Edward by a contract of marriage between his infant son Philip and Anna, third daughter of the king 2. Edward was to send Maximilian a succour of 6000 men against Louis of France, Maximilian binding himself, on the other hand, to pay to Edward the annuity of 50,000 crowns he received from France, in case it should be withdrawn by Louis. This sum, however, which Maximilian had no means of paying, was, by a subsequent agreement, set off against the portion of the young princess of 100,000 crowns, and Edward engaged to declare war against Louis if he should reject the mediation of England. A severe sickness and the intestine commotions of his states, prevented Maximilian from reaping the expected advantage from this alliance; and the truce with France was, at his request, prolonged for another year 3.

The hooks of Leyden had in 1479 been expelled by their adversaries, and taken refuge for the most part in Utrecht; thence they now returned to the number of about 135, and taking advantage of the darkness of a winter morning, scaled the walls of their city, and before the members of the cod party could recover from their surprise, made them prisoners in their houses.

  1. Pont. Heut. Rer. Aust., lib i., cap. 0. Commines, liv. vi., chap. 6. Reigersberg Cliron., ii. deel., bl. 297.
  2. Rym. Fed., torn, xii., pp, 96,110.
  3. Idem, pp. 127, 138. Heraus Ann. Brab., ad aim. 1480. Pont. Heat. Rer. Aust., lib. i., cap. 11.

295

In order to recover Leyden from the possession thus gained by the hooks, the cod towns of the neighbourhood, Haarlem, Delft, and Amsterdam, obtained from the Stadtholder Lalaing a command to besiege it. As the burghers in a situation to bear arms in its defence were 6000 in number, the cods were unable to capture it by assault, but taking possession of the forts in the neighbourhood, reduced it to great straits for want of provisions 1.

While these events took place at Leyden, a party of cods, concealing themselves in two vessels apparently laden with rice, entered the town of Dordrecht, and suddenly attacking the hooks, who were there the ruling party, took many of them prisoners. The burgomaster, Giles Adrianson, who, in his haste to arm himself, had placed a copper pot on his head by way of a helmet, and the sub-schout were slain in the skirmish; the schout, and the other burgomaster, Theodore Beaumont, were arrested, and sent to take their trial at the Hague. Maximilian, being informed of the possession of Dordrecht by the cods, went thither from Rotterdam, and appointed a new government, consisting of men of that party, though without prejudice to the rights and privileges of the town in future. From thence he proceeded to Leyden, which was still in a state of siege, when the burghers, alarmed at his approach, resolved upon a timely submission; the chief persons among them, therefore, having dressed themselves in mourning garments, advanced to meet him without the walls of the town, and sued on their knees for pardon: it was granted with the exception of eighteen of their number 2.

  1. Groote Chronyk, divis.xxxi.,cap. 28. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. xii., p. 172.
  2. Heat., Rer. Aust, lib. L, cap. 11. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. xii., p. 173.

296

Having thus subdued Leyden, Maximilian repaired to the Hague to preside at the trialsof the hook prisoners. Adrian Westfaling, schout, and Theodore Beaumont, burgomaster of Dordrecht, were condemned to death. The chief grounds of their accusation were, the holding assemblies, and making leagues with other towns, preventing the execution of the edicts of the supreme court, under the plea that they were contrary to the privileges of the town; and voting for a general assembly of the states for the purpose of expelling the Duke's foreign troops from the County of Holland.

Although their conduct in these particulars was fully justified by the provisions, as well of the great charter, as of the former charters which it confirmed, the sentence was executed upon them in its utmost severity 1. The lives of nearly all the other prisoners were saved by the intercession of Margaret of York. They were, however, banished; a vast many more of the hook party voluntarily quitted their Country, and such as remained, were studiously deprived of power, and kept out of office by the influence of the Duke and the court 2.

The place of retreat generally chosen by the emigrants, was the city of Utrecht; where since the death of Charles, the authority of the bishop, David of Burgundy, had daily declined, and the influence of his former rival, Gilbert van Brederode, proportionably augmented; and the bishop, in consequence, found his residence in Utrecht rendered so irksome, that he retired to Wyk te Duurstede. To punish the Utrechters for their conduct to their bishop, as well as for the harbour they afforded to the refugees of the hook party, Maximilian confiscated all their property in Holland, and even put the persons of the Utrechters, who were then in the County, under restraint, until the hook exiles should be driven from Utrecht.

  1. Beverwyk Dordrecht, bl. 320.
  2. Groote Chronyk, divis. xxxi., chap. 31.

297

From this source a war arose, which, after a series of petty, but ruinous hostilities, carried on for nearly three years, chiefly with the province of Holland, was ended in 1483 by a treaty, stipulating that Maximilian should thenceforward be acknowledged as temporal protector of Utrecht. In this capacity he nominated Frederic van Egmond his Stadtholder 1.

The spring of the year 1482 was marked by the melancholy death of the young duchess, at the early 1482 age of twenty-five. While enjoying, in company with her husband, the sport of hawking, of which she was passionately fond, the breaking of the saddle-girths occasioned her a violent fell from her horse; and as she was then pregnant, and delicacy prompted her studiously to conceal the injury she had received, it proved fatal within a few days. She had borne to Maximilian three children, Philip, Margaret, and Francis, of whom the latter died in his infancy. Her body was interred at Bruges with great magnificence, and her heart carried to Antwerp, where it was placed in the grave of her mother in the church of St. Michael.

She was by no means handsome in person, her Countenance being disfigured by the large open mouth peculiar to the family of the Burgundian princes, and which her son and grandson inherited, though in a less degree, from her; of a bold and irascible temper, and masculine habits, greatly addicted to hunting and gaming, she was nevertheless tenderly beloved by her husband, who to the end of his life could never mention her, or hear her spoken of, without tears 2.

  1. Velius Hoorn, p. 70, 71. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. xii., p. 173—175. r Commines, liv. vi., chap. 3. Pont. Heut, Rer. Aust., lib. i., cap. 11.
  2. Idem, Elog. Mariae, lib. i., p. 64.

Part 2, Chapter 1

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Part 2

CHAPTER I

219

Philip becomes Sovereign of the greater portion of the Netherland States. Institution of the Order of the Golden Fleece. Effects of Philip*s Government on Holland. War with England. Its unpopularity. Truce. War with the Hanse Towns. Truce. Renewal of party dissensions in Holland. Riots at Haarlem. At Leyden. Philip comes in person to effect the pacification of Holland. Reform of the Church. Revolt of Ghent. Charles, Count of Charolois. Affairs of Utrecht. David of Burgundy made Bishop. Attempt to regain Friesland. Discontents between Philip and the King of France. Death of the King of France. Accession of Louis XI. Intrigues of the Count of Charolois against him. War; and Treaty of Conflans. Charles attacks Liege and Dinant. Changes made by him in Holland. Death of Philip. His love of Peace. Prodigality of his Court.

PHILIP I.

Upon the surrender of Holland, Zealand, Friesland, and Hainaut by Jacoba, Philip became possessed of the most considerable states of the Netherlands. John, Duke of Burgundy, his father, had succeeded to Flanders and Artois, in right of his mother Margaret, sole heiress of Louis van der Male, Count of Flanders. In the year 1429, Philip entered into possession of the County of Namur, by the death of Theodore, its last native prince without issue, of whom he had purchased it during his lifetime for 132,000 crowns of gold 1. To Namur was added in the next year the neighbouring duchy of Brabant, by the death of Philip (brother of John, who married Jacoba of Holland,) without issue; although Margaret, Countess-dowager of Holland, aunt of the late Duke, stood the next in succession, since the right extended to females, Philip prevailed with the states of Brabant to confer on him, as the true heir, that duchy and Limburg, to which the margraviate of Antwerp and the lordship of Mechlin were annexed 2.

  1. Mirei Dip., torn, iv., p. 611, 614. Pont. Heut., Rer. Bur., lib. iv., cap. 3.
  2. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. iv., cap. 4.

220

As he equalled many of the sovereigns of Europe in the extent, and excelled all of them in the riches, of his dominions, so he now began to rival them in the splendour and dignity of his court. On the occasion of his marriage with Elizabeth, or Isabella, daughter of John, king of Portugal, celebrated at Bruges in January 1430, he instituted the famous Order of the Golden Fleece, "to preserve the ancient religion, and to extend and defend the boundaries of the state 1." The insignia of the order were a golden fleece, hanging to a collar likewise of gold, and carved with the Duke's symbol of the steel and flint striking fire, and also two laurel boughs placed crosswise 2; the motto of the order was "Pretium non vile laborum". The long robe worn by the knights at their chapter, was made at first of purple woollen cloth, but exchanged by Charles, the son of Philip, in 1478, for one less appropriate of silken velvet. The number of knights, at the time of their institution, was twenty-four, besides the Duke himself as president, and was subsequently increased by the Emperor Charles V. to fifty-one. The first chapter of the order was not held until November 1431, at the church of St. Peter in Ryssel, when the festival continued three days 3.

  1. Miraei Dip. Belg., torn, i., cap. 110, p. 230.
  2. The latter device had been assumed by Duke John the Bold, with the motto " Flammescet uterque."
  3. Pont. Heut., lib. iv., cap. 3. Meyer, lib. xvi., ad ann. 1429—1431, p. 274, 275. Miraei Dipl. Belg., torn, i., cap. 114, p. 235.

221

The accession of a powerful and ambitious prince to the government of the County, was anything but a source of advantage to the Dutch, excepting, perhaps, in a commercial point of view. Its effects were soon perceived in the declaration made by the council of Holland, that the charters and privileges, acknowledged by the Duke as governor and heir, were of none effect, unless afterwards confirmed by him* as Count. Nor was the diminution of their civil liberties the only evil which foreign dominion brought upon them. They found likewise, that their political welfare, or national attachments, were of no weight compared with the personal interests of their sovereign, or even with the gratification of his passions; and that for purposes subservient to either, they were forced to take part in a war against an ally, with whom they had not only not the slightest cause of quarrel, but to whom they were attached, as well by the ties of interest, as those of habit and inclination. The last nation in Europe with which Holland would voluntarily wage war was perhaps England, and yet it was against her that she was now called upon to lavish her blood and treasure in an unprofitable contest. We will therefore examine briefly the causes of the different relation in which this nation and Burgundy, at present stood towards each other, to what they had formerly done.

The zeal of Philip for the English alliance had received its first check by the marriage of Jacoba with the Duke of Gloucester; but the ready acquiescence of Humphry in the decision of the Pope, and his abandonment of his wife, had softened his resentment; and immediately after his compromise with the Countess in 1428, he obtained for Holland and Zealand, a restoration of the commerce with England, which had been somewhat interrupted, during the previous contests for the County 1.

  1. Rym. Faed., torn, x., p. 403.

222

In the same year, however, the refusal of the Duke of Bedford to allow the city of Orleans, then besieged by the English to be sequestrated to the Duke of Burgundy, on the proposal made by deputies from Orleans to that effect, renewed his feelings of dissatisfaction. Until this time the tide of success had flown uniformly in favour of the English; but the raising of the siege of Orleans, and the subsequent achievements of the renowned Joan d'Arc, with the coronation of Charles VII. at Rheims, changed the face of affairs, and rendered Philip less sanguine of the advantages to be reaped from the connection with England; added to these causes of estrangement, was the death of his sister Anne, duchess of Bedford, and the subsequent marriage of the Duke to his vassal, Jaqueline of Luxemburg, eldest daughter of the Comte de St. Pol, without his consent or knowledge 1.

On the rejection, therefore, of the terms offered by France at the conferences held at Arras, with a view to the conclusion of a peace, the Duke pursued that course, (though not without affecting great hesitation,) 1435 to which he had long been secretly inclined; and concluded a separate treaty with Charles VII., in which the latter, pleading his youth and ignorance as an excuse for his connivance in the murder of Duke John, professed his detestation of the crime, and that he would use every means to bring the perpetrators to justice 2.

Before Philip took the oaths to observe this peace, Pope Eugene IV. despatched from the Council of Basle two cardinals to release him from his engagements to Henry of England, although he had declared to the latter not long before, that he never would grant the Duke of Burgundy any such dispensation 3.

  1. Snoi, Rer. Bat., lib. x., p. 147. Monstrelet, vol. vii., chap. 37,99.
  2. Recueil des Traites de Leonard, toni. i., p. 3. Monstrelet, rol. vil, chap. 68, 87, 88.
  3. Rym. Faed., torn, x., p. 613.

223

The English had so little suspicion of the intention of the Duke, that he had been named one of the delegates to treat of peace on the part of England; and accordingly, their indignation at this treachery, as they termed it, knew no bounds. The populace of London, Tenting their rage indiscriminately on all the subjects of the Duke of Burgundy, spared not, in the general pillage, even the houses of the Holland and Zealand merchants then residing in England, several of whom they seized and murdered. Notwithstanding the outrages committed on this occasion, the regency of England had sufficient confidence in the favourable dispositions of Holland and Zealand, to request the inhabitants, by letters addressed to the principal towns, to take no part in the war which the Duke of Burgundy designed against the nation 1.

They were disappointed, however, in the success of these applications; for whatever the secret wishes of the Hollanders and Zealanders, they were too good subjects to treat with a foreign power, without the knowledge of their sovereign, to whom they immediately sent the letters from England; and this occurrence served but to strengthen the determination that the Duke had already formed of declaring war against England, which he did in the following year. He 1436 opened the campaign with the siege of Calais, which the cowardice or disaffection of his Flemish troops, and the backwardness of the Hollanders in bringing a fleet to his assistance, soon forced him to raise 2.

  1. Rym. Faed., torn, x., p. 611, 637, 646, 662. Monstrelet, vol. vii., cliap. 92, 96. Pont. Heut., lib. vi., cap. 6
  2. Sooi. Rer. Bat., lib. x., p. 148. Monstrelet, vol. vii., chap. 97,100, p. 365,377.

224

Meanwhile, on the appearance of an English fleet in the Zwin, Hugh de Lannoy, Stadtholder , in the room of Francis van Borselen, and the council of Holland, had ordered a general levy of troops, both there and in Zealand; but as it was soon ascertained that the English ships had not only avoided offering any hostility to Zealand, but had even supplied themselves with provisions from thence, the Hollanders declared it useless to advance to the assistance of that province, unless it were attacked; nor would the towns of Haarlem, Delft, Leyden, and Amsterdam, permit their deputies to attend the summons of the Stadtholder to Zierikzee, to consider of means for its defence. While the Hollanders thus manifested their unwillingness to take part in this unpopular war, the seditious state of the Flemish towns, caused by the imposition of a tax on salt, rendered Philip unable to prevent the ravages of the Duke of Gloucester's army, which, marching from Calais, overran Flanders and Hainaut. 1437 The same cause embarrassed all his future operations against the English, and he was at length forced by his rebellious subjects to supplicate the King of England, through his wife, Isabella of Portugal, for the re-establishment of the commerce between the English and the Dutch and Flemings 1. This requisition being granted, was followed by negotiations for a truce, which, prolonged until the year 1443, were at length concluded, and the peace agreed upon, until either party should think proper to renounce it, when he should give three months' notice of his intention 2. During the war between Burgundy and England, the Hollanders were engaged in hostilities more immediately on their own account with the JBasterlings, or Hanse Towns of the Baltic, who had plundered some of their ships, and refused, although repeatedly urged, to make any restitution.

  1. AEgid. de Roya, ad ann. 1435, p. 78. Monstrelet, vol. vii., chap. 108, 109. Rym Faed., torn, x., p. 713, 714, 733.
  2. Rym. Faed., torn, x., p. 769; torn, xi., p. 25, G7.

225

During the conferences held on the subject, the Holland and Zealand ships sailed to the Baltic in quest of corn as usual; but on their return, they were attacked by the vessels of the Hanse towns, the whole of the cargoes seized, and the crews taken prisoners. The Baltic fleet had been awaited with eager expectation in Holland, on account of the general failure of the crops, and its loss caused a severe famine through the Country; the rye loaf now rose to half a guilder (10d.), and the poorer classes were forced to use rape, hempseed, and beans, as substitutes for corn 1. Some approaches towards an accommodation were made by the Duke of Burgundy, which proving fruitless, it was resolved to equip for war all the 1438 vessels, both large and small, then in Holland and Zealand, and to build without delay eighty "baards" (a species of large men-of-war), which were to be supplied by the different towns, in the proportion of from one to four each, according to their capability, or their interest in the issue of the contest 2.

These ships were soon ready to put to sea, when several sharp engagements were fought with the fleet of the Hanse Towns, in which the Dutch generally had the advantage, though without any decisive event, until the spring of 1440, when the former, on its return from the Bay of Biscay, laden with salt, fell in with the Dutch vessels; after a vain attempt to escape, the whole of the fleet was captured with little resistance, when the victors, sparing the lives of their prisoners, set them ashore without ransom, bringing the ships and valuable cargoes into the ports of Holland and Zealand.

  1. Veluis Hoorn, bl. 32.
  2. De Riemer's Graavenhnge, ii. deel., bl. 409.

226

This heavy loss inclined the Hanse Towns towards a peace, which the Dutch, loth to continue a war so injurious to their trade, no less desired.

1441 A truce was therefore concluded with the towns of Lubeck, Hamburgh, Rostok, Stralsund, Wismar, and Lunenburg, for twelve years, within which period their differences were to be adjusted by five towns chosen by each party. This truce being renewed from time to time, had all the beneficial effects of a regular and stable peace 1.

The cessation of foreign wars was, ere long, followed by the renewal of those intestine commotions which had now for so protracted a period been the bane of Holland. Although actual hostilities had ceased between the hook and cod parties with the overthrow of Jacoba, neither the article of the treaty between her and the Duke, directing that no one should reproach another with these names, nor the subsequent efforts of the latter, had been able to extinguish their animosity 2. Philip, indeed, himself attached to the cods, regularly appointed Stadtholder s of that party; and as they, in the continued absence of the sovereign, possessed in a manner the supreme power of the County, the principal offices of the state were constantly filled by their adherents. William de Lalaing, however, who succeeded Lannoy in 1440, having married Yolande, daughter of Reynold van Brederode, the! head of the hook nobles, began to incline more and! more to their faction, and from that time they enjoyed I a considerable share in the administration of affairs.

  1. Velius Hoorn, bl. 33��35.
  2. Pont. Heut., lib. iv., cap. 9.

227

1443 The envy and spleen excited by this change in the breasts of the cod nobles, failed not to aggravate to the utmost the discontent which existed, not without reason, among the people in general. A severe winter, followed by a wet and cold summer, in the year 1443, raised the price of provisions to an excessive height; while an extraordinary ten years' "petition," which had been granted to the Duke, proved at such a time an unusually heavy burden on the working classes 1. Notwithstanding this, another subsidy was soon after demanded of the towns in the assembly of the states; 1444 but the deputies declaring that they were not empowered to consent to any new demand, offered the Duke a loan from their private purses. This generous proposal did not, however, remove the fears of the people that fresh taxes would still be added, and it was industriously circulated by the cods, that the present distresses had arisen from the maladministration of the hook party.

In consequence of these injurious rumours, the populace in many of the towns which were favourable to the cods broke out into sedition. In Haarlem, the cods having gained possession of the town bell, caused it to be rung, at which signal the whole of their party assembled in arms in the marketplace; the hooks hereupon likewise took up arms, and stationed themselves in battle array opposite their adversaries; thus they stood for the space of two days, during the whole of which time a priest walked up and down between the ranks, carrying the host, and thus prevented a blow being struck on either side. A heavy storm of hail at length forced them to retreat; the hooks first, under the conduct of Nicholas van Adrichem, the burgomaster, who fortified himself in his house, where he was afterwards besieged by his own brother, Simon van Adrichem, at the head of the guild of butchers.

  1. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. x., p. 149. Vellus Hoorn, bl. 35.

228

The houses of the other hooks, who had followed his example, were vigorously assaulted 1.

Matters were in this condition when Philip despatched his wife Isabella, in the quality of governess of the County, to appease the tumults. She approached Haarlem, in company with the Stadtholder Lalaing; but the latter, receiving information at Hillegom that the Haarlemmers designed to put him to death if he entered their city, immediately returned to the Hague. Isabella finding, on her arrival at Haarlem, that the inhabitants hesitated to deliver the keys of the town, forbade all communication with them, and threatened to confiscate the estates of all such as did not evacuate Haarlem within four days. This menace procured her admission within the walls, where she induced the hooks to withdraw, under a secret promise that she would bring them back in a short time. They accompanied her to Amsterdam, from which city the cods had been expelled, where they eventually remained, since Isabella subsequently found herself unable to fulfil her promise of re-establishing them in Haarlem 2. On her return to Bruges, she found Philip dissatisfied that the hooks should have been allowed to remain in the sole possession of Amsterdam, and attributing the disturbances that had arisen to the conduct of William Lalaing, the Stadtholder , the Duke deprived him of his office, and placed the government 1445 in the hands of Godwin de Wilde, a Fleming, under the title of president 3. It does not appear that the Hollanders made any remonstrance against this appointment, any more than that of the former Stadtholder s, Lannoy and Lalaing, both of whom were foreigners.

  1. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. x., p. 149.
  2. Pont. Heut., lib. iv. cap. 9. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. x., p. 149.
  3. Goudsche Chron., bl. 181. Snoi. Rot. Bat., lib. x., p. 150.

229

The new governor had scarcely assumed the duties of his office, when the two parties excited violent commotions in the town of Leyden. The immediate cause of the uproar was the substitution, by Duke Philip, of one Simon Frederickson, as schout of the city, in the place of Florence van Boshuyzen, an adherent of the hook party. Boshuyzen called in question the legality of this appointment, and the hooks refused to acknowledge the new schout, who, on the other hand, was supported by the whole power of the cods. At length the leaders of each party summoned the burghers to arms, when the streets and bridges of the city became a scene of violence and bloodshed: the cods, assisted by some forces sent from Delft and the Hague by the command of the President de Wilde, overpowered their adversaries, some of whom were slain, numbers wounded, and one hundred and twenty taken prisoners. Three of them were tried and beheaded at the Hague, but at the intercession of Francis van Borselen, the lives of the remainder were spared, and they were released upon payment of a heavy ransom; so beneficially did this humane and generous nobleman exert the influence which he had constantly maintained at court since the death of the Countess Jacoba. The defeat and dispersion of the hook party restored peace to Leyden, but as several other towns showed symptoms of disorder, the Duke of Burgundy thought it advisable to repair in person to Holland, whither he was accompanied by John of Nassau, lord of Breda, and John of Heusburg, bishop of Liege. Through their mediation the governments of the towns, which Philip, on the occasion of the disturbances, took upon himself to change out of the regular course, were, for the most part, equally divided between the two factions, and by this means the establishment of a good understanding was in a great degree effected.

230

The Duke, moreover, renewed the prohibition of the treaty made between himself and the Countess Jacoba in 1428, against the calling of party names; and the " Rederykers," or rhetoricians, a species of dramatic poets, whose art was much in vogue about this time, particularly in the Netherlands, were forbidden to represent satirical pieces, or to sing songs in ridicule of either party 1. Having thus lessened the incitements to hostilities, Philip took measures to prevent their actual commission, by prohibiting all liveries or distinguishing marks, except for household servants; as well as the wearing of hoods, the creation of new bodies of schuttery (or burgher-guard), and the wearing of armour, swords, long knives, or such like weapons. It is provided likewise, that in case of any death occurring in an affray, the relations on each side who were not present at the time, shall enjoy a peace of six weeks' duration, that they may have an opportunity of compromising the matter 2,3.

  1. The Troubadours of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries were accustomed to recite poems in dialogues sustained by two, three, or more characters, and called " tensiones;" these appear to have suggested the first idea of representing some sacred action, such as the passion of our Saviour, &c,: the popularity of such representations or "mysteries," as they were called, gare rise to a species of farce, which was accustomed to be acted in the streets for the amusement of the populace, the subject being generally afforded by some standing jest of the day, or ludicrous incident that had lately happened; the actors in this rude kind of drama, who were usually the composers of it also, were called " Rederykers."
  2. Scrivelius Haarlem, bl. 260.
  3. A similar ordinance was published in France by St, Louis two hundred years before, when the custom of private war was in full vigour, prohibiting any person to commence hostilities against the friends of his adversary until forty days after the commision of the offence, which was the cause of quarrel. Velly, Hist, de France, torn, v., p. 249. I am inclined to think that the custom of private war constantly prevailed more or less among the nobility in the Netherlands, even to this late period, when it had quite or nearly ceased in France and England; in the former Country it was, by an edict published in 1413, when the dissensions between the Burgundy and Orleans factions were at their height, punishable with imprisonment and confiscation of property. Monstrelet, vol. iii., p. 245.

231

These regulations sufficiently testify to what a lamentable state of disorganization, almost of anarchy, the prevalence of party spirit had reduced Holland.

Philip did not neglect to turn to his own advantage, the peace which he had thus endeavoured to secure. In the year 1447, he demanded a fresh ten years* petition of the states of Holland. They granted it, though with great reluctance; and the Duke sent commissioners into Holland to assess the portion to be paid by each of the different towns, and by the open Country- But the inequality of their valuation became a subject of complaint to many of the towns: the inhabitants of West Friesland and Waterland were 1448 especially dissatisfied with it, and the latter went so far as positively to refuse the payment of more than their customary quota. In order to force them to compliance, the Stadtholder , John de Lannoy, who now succeeded Godwin de Wilde, ordered a general levy of troops, marched into Waterland, and seizing the persons of some of the richest inhabitants, detained them prisoners in the Hague until the people paid to the full their allotted share of the petition 1; the states allowed this arbitrary and unconstitutional proceeding to pass without animadversion.

Having effected the pacification of Holland, Philip turned his attention to the accomplishment of an object which he had long had much at heart; the reform, namely, of those abuses in the Catholic Church, which were already paving the way for its signal overthrow in the next century.

  1. Groote Chron., divis. xxix., cap. 15. Velius Hoorn, bl. 36.

232

Besides the general causes of the disesteem into which the clergy of all the Christian nations had now sunk,—their ambition, luxury, and rapacity, the decay of learning and pietssy among them, their irregular and licentious lives, the simony, and profligate sale of indulgences they universally practised,—there were other reasons which rendered them peculiarly obnoxious to the Hollanders. Holland and Zealand had, from the earliest times, been under the spiritual superintendence of the bishops of Utrecht, and were divided into priories, or deaneries, in each of which the prior, or dean, collected the tithes, church-fines, and other episcopal revenues, on the part of the bishops. This jurisdiction was exercised with more or less authority, as the bishops happened to be on friendly terms or otherwise, with the couuts; and the hostilities for a long period existing between them, having of late years in a great measure ceased, the former had considerably extended their influence, claiming for their own courts the decision of all matters wherein a churchman was in any way concerned, and using this and every other pretext they could plead or invent, to transfer causes from the lay to the ecclesiastical tribunals 1. The clergy, moreover, vehemently insisted upon j the mischievous privilege of sanctuary, which had ! during the late internal troubles, increased to a most pernicious extent, making the churches, in many places little more than a harbour, as well for riotous and seditious persons, as for the most desperate criminals, and rendering the arm of temporal justice well nigh powerless 2. The monks, such even as had renounced the world, and taken a vow of poverty, had possessed themselves of large landed estates 3, and exercised, besides, every species of traffic and commerce: as they were exempt from most of the taxes levied on the laity, they were enabled to undersell them in the market, and thus inflicted incalculable injury on the fair and regular trader 4.

  1. Boxhorn, Nedcrl. Hist., bl. 195.
  2. Velius Hoorn, bl. 40.
  3. A decree had been issued by William III. in 1328, forbidding the sale of lands to monks and priests, tinder penalty of a fine of ten pounds upon every sale ; but it does not appear to have been attended with much effect,—Brandt, Hist, der Ref., boek i., bl. 25.
  4. Boxhorn, Nederl. Hist., bl. 272, 280.

233

As early as the year 1433, Philip had obtained from the Bishop of Utrecht, Rodolph van Diephout, a general edict, whereby the jurisdiction of the deans, as well as the privilege of sanctuary, was greatly limited, the latter being denied entirely to murderers and such as were accused of high treason 1; and some years later, he prohibited, by a severe decree, the trading of monks, and the acquisition of landed property by the mendicant orders 2. Yet, fearing that this attempt to decrease the wealth and influence of the clergy, would draw down upon him the displeasure of the Holy See, he addressed, through John Godfrey, bishop of Arras, a long and courteous letter to Pope Nicholas V., recommending his states to the discipline and protection of his Holiness, and beseeching him to adopt measures to terminate the schism then existing in the church 3. The Pope, pleased to be addressed in submissive terms by so powerful and haughty a prince, consented to send on the occasion of the jubilee of 1450, the Cardinal Nicholas Cusa as his legate, for the purpose of reforming the condition of the church, as well as of granting indulgences.

  1. Groot Plakaat., deel. iii., bl. 391.
  2. Boxhorn, Nederl. Hist., bl. 281, 282.
  3. AEgid. de Roya, ad ann. 1447.. p. 80��84.

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The Pope, however, seems hardly to have examined with due care the orthodoxy of the opinions held by his minister, who, shortly after his arrival, began to promulgate doctrines such as his principal would be little inclined to Countenance. He did indeed openly preach the efficacy of indulgences in rescuing souls from the torments of purgatory; but hesitated not sometimes to add, that " the real remission, such as would avail at the last day, must be sought for in the Holy Scriptures; and that the papal indulgences served rather to enrich the clergy, than amend the laity 1." He openly opposed the superstitious practices then in use, declaring among other things, that the images of the saints should be held in honour only in so far as they recalled the memory of their virtues; but that when worshipped with a reverence that partook of idolatry, they ought to be removed from the churches. The bleeding images of the host also, which were looked upon as powerful to work miracles, and shown to the people for money, ought not, in his opinion, to be exhibited. The spirit of these bold innovations upon the customs, if not the principles, of the Romish Church, found ready approval from a large portion of the lay community, among whom the doctrines of the early reformers, John Huss and Jerome of Prague, introduced on the return of those who had accompanied the Emperor Sigismund as volunteers in his expedition against the heretics of Bohemia in 1420, had now spread to some 1451 extent 2. The Cardinal of Cusa, therefore, was enabled to effect some great and beneficial reforms in the church of Holland, though his efforts were attended with less success at Utrecht; and it was perhaps this temporary reformation of the most crying abuses, which delayed for yet some years the entire abandonment of their national church by the great body of the people.

  1. Boxhorn, Nederl. Hist., bl. 217.
  2. Idem, bl. 230.

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The lavish expenditure constantly maintained by the Duke of Burgundy, had reduced his finances to so low an ebb, that he was obliged to have recourse to unpopular, and even arbitrary measures, for the purpose of replenishing his treasury. Of this nature was the duty on salt, called in France the gabelle, a tax long established in that Country, but hitherto unknown in any of the states of the Netherlands. Philip had not ventured to lay any impost of this kind upon Holland, but in Flanders he demanded eighteen pence upon every sack of salt sold there, which the Ghenters absolutely refused to pay 1; and a new duty on grain, proposed in the next year, met in like manner with an universal and decided negative 2.

In the first emotions of his anger, Philip removed every member, both of the senate and great council of Ghent, from their offices; and the city, being thus deprived of its magistrates, no power was left sufficiently strong to arrest the progress of sedition, for which men's minds were already too well prepared. The burghers, therefore, without delay, took an oath of mutual defence against the Duke, assumed the white hood, the customary badge of revolt, elected (hoofdmannen) captains of the burgher guards, and prepared to sustain a long siege, by laying up plentiful stores of ammunition and provisions. They then commenced hostilities with the siege of Oudenarde, which the Count d'Estampes forced them to raise, and to retire to Ghent with considerable loss.

  1. The plea of the Ghenters that they were unable to rapport this tax was well founded ; since the manufacture of salt, as well as the preparation of salted fish, was to the Flemings and Hollanders an object of extensive commerce. Philip, says the historian of Flanders (Meyer, p. 301), " Imitari enim studuit Gallorum regum detestabiles mores."
  2. Meyer, lib. xvi., ad aim. 1448, 1440, p. 301, 302. AEgid. de Roya, ad ami. 1460, p. 85.

236

Philip immediately placed troops in Dendermonde, Courtrai, and the other towns in the vicinity of Ghent, and several skirmishes were fought between the insurgents and the Duke's forces with alternate success. At length the latter, having attacked the Ghenters near Ruppelmonde, defeated them in a sharp engagement, wherein 2500 of their number were slain 1. 1452

This ill-success was followed by another still more signal defeat, at Hulst and Moerbeke, in which the Hollanders, under the Lord of Veere, bore the principal share. Notwithstanding the utter discomfiture sustained by the Ghenters, whose loss amounted to nearly five thousand slain, they resolutely refused the terms of accommodation proposed by the ambassadors whom the King of France had sent into Flanders to mediate between the contending parties. Upon the failure of the negotiations, the war was renewed with desolating fury; the villages around Ghent were sacked and burnt by each party as they fell into their hands: the prisoners on both sides were massacred without mercy, no quarter was given, and no amount of ransom accepted 2.

Eager to put an end to so ruinous a contest, Philip assembled an immense force, provided with a numerous train of artillery, and entering Flanders in person, captured the fortified village of Gaveren. The Ghenters hereupon rashly determined to stake their fortunes on the chance of a battle, and marching out of Ghent to the number of 24,000, among whom were 7,000 volunteers from England, advanced to the village of Senmerssaken, within a short distance of Gaveren.

  1. AEgid. de Roya, p. 86. Meyer, Ann. Fland., lib. xvi., ad ann. 1440, p. 302. Monstrelet, vol. ix., cbap. 29—83. Pont. Heut. Her. Bar., lib. \v.9 cap. 10,11.
  2. Monstrelet, vol. ix., cbap. 35—38. De la Marche, lir. i., chap. 25, p. 248.

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The Duke hastily drew out his forces in readiness for the attack; but ere the engagement was well begun, the insurgent army was thrown into sudden and irremediable confusion, in consequence, it is said, of the desertion of two English captains, John Fox and John Wood, together with the whole of their Countrymen; by others, the panic was attributed to the explosion of a bag of gunpowder, accidently ignited by the master of the artillery. On the first charge of the enemy, the Ghenters fled in disorder towards the Scheldt, whither they were pursued by the Burgundians, when nearly the whole were slaughtered or drowned, in attempting to escape by crossing the 1453 river. This overwhelming misfortune effectually broke the spirit of the insurgents, who were fain to submit to the mercy of their sovereign. Two thousand of their citizens, headed by the sheriffs, councillors, and captains of the burgher guard, were obliged to meet the Duke a league without the walls of the city, and there to sue for pardon on their knees, bareheaded, barefoot, and ungirded: the citizens were deprived of the banners of their guilds; and the Duke was henceforward to have an equal voice with them in the appointment of their magistrates, whose judicial authority was considerably abridged; the inhabitants likewise bound themselves to liquidate the expenses of the war, and to pay the gabelle for the future 1.

The Duke of Burgundy was so highly gratified with the alacrity which the Hollanders and Zealanders had shown (with a short-sighted policy perhaps) in lending their assistance to subdue the Ghenters, that he promised to release the people from the ten years petition, in case of invasion, or the occurrence of a flood; and confirmed the valuable and important privilege, "de non evocando," that is, that no one should be brought to trial out of the boundaries of the County.

  1. Monstrelet, vol. ix., chap. 44—48. Aegid. de Roya, ad aim. 1453, p. 89.

238

Four cases, however, were excepted: when the cause could not be decided by reason of the contumacy of either of the parties;-when a dispute arose between any two towns which could not be settled by the council at the Hague; in case of any tumult or disorder which the council was unable to appease; and, lastly, all such cases were excepted, as could not be judged at the ordinary courts, without injury to the general laws of the Country 1. A reservation, such as arbitrary princes have ever been fond of inserting in grants of popular privileges, that Philip himself was to be sole judge of when a case of exception arose, considerably qualified this ancient right so deeply cherished by the Dutch nation. It was during the war with the Ghenters that the Count of Charolois, afterwards Charles the " Bold," or " Rash,' first began to draw attention to himself, and to manifest symptoms of that restless and headstrong character, of which we shall ere long have to remark the deplorable effects. Before hostilities had yet broken out, the Duke, his father, not wishing to encourage his passion for war, already excessive, sent him to Zealand in the quality of Stadtholder of the County. There he demanded of the states a petition in the name of Duke Philip, which he had no sooner obtained, than he hastened back to Brabant, to be ready to take a share in the expedition against the Ghenters. Philip still sought to detain him, under the pretext that there was no armour prepared for him. " I would rather," said the proud and impatient prince, " fight in my doublet, than not help my father to subdue these rebellious Ghenters."

  1. Monstrelet, vol. ix., chap. 35. Boxhom op Reigersbeig, ii. deel, bl. 229. Groot Plakaat., bl. 679.

239

To the entreaties of his mother, that he would remain at court for her sake, and for the sake of his subjects, he replied, that, " It would be better for his subjects to lose him young, than to have in him hereafter a cowardly and sluggish master;" and on her urging that it was sufficient for his father, Philip, to be exposed to danger, "It is therefore I ought to go," said he, "lest men think, that when my father and the chief nobility expose their lives for the state, I am prevented by fear from following them 1." At the end of the Ghentish war, 1464 he returned to Zealand, where the severity of his judgments in the supreme court, over which he presided as Stadtholder and representative of the Count, rendered his authority fully as much feared as respected. Upon his marriage with Isabella, daughter of Charles, Duke of Bourbon, which took place in the October of this year, he quitted Holland, and remained some time in Brabant. He had before been married, while yet a child, to Catherine, daughter of Charles VII. of France, who died in 1446, without issue 2.

During Charles's stay in Brabant, events occurred in Utrecht which prepared the way for the future junction of this ecclesiastical state with the rest of the Netherlands. Philip had long desired this see for his natural son, David of Burgundy, bishop of Terouanne; but upon the death of the bishop, Rodolph van Diephout, the chapter unanimously elected, in opposition to David, Gilbert van Brederode, archdeacon of the 1455 cathedral, who was proclaimed in the choir, took possession of the episcopal palace, and obtained confirmation of his temporal authority from the emperor, Frederick III.

  1. Mem. d'Olivier de la Marche, lir. L, chap. 23, p. 228; chap. 27, p. 204. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. v., cap. 1.
  2. Pont. Heut., lib. iv., cap. 15. De la Marche, liv. i., cap. 31, p. 302.

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Although not a single vote had declared in favour of David, Philip, after the election of Gilbert van Brederode, despatched John Godfrey, bishop of Arras, to the court of Rome, charging him to represent 1455 to Calixtus III., then Pope, that Gilbert was ineligible to be a bishop, because he had taken part in the war against the Ghenters; and to petition that his holiness would not only refuse to ratify the election, but bestow the bishopric of Utrecht on David of Burgundy. However ungraceful the objection to Brederode might sound in the mouth of Duke Philip, who had profited by his assistance, and however monstrous the proposal, that the Pope should nominate to a see, which had from time immemorial been elective, it was too agreeable in its nature, and too well supported by flatteries and presents on the part of Duke Philip, to permit his holiness to hesitate long as to the line of conduct he should pursue. He gave audience indeed to the ambassadors of Gilbert, received and retained the customary gift of 4000 ducats, which they brought him, but secretly delivered to the Bishop of Arras letters creating David of Burgundy bishop of Utrecht 1. While the affair was pending, Philip feeling little doubt in what manner it would terminate, and receiving intelligence that the states of Utrecht had appointed Gilbert van Brederode guardian and defender of the see, until the Pope's ratification of his election, prepared to secure by force the reception of his son in the bishopric; and for this purpose repaired to Holland to raise a general levy of troops 2.

  1. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. x., p. 151. Heda in Gisbert. et Dar., p. 291. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. iv., cap. 1G.
  2. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. x., p. 151.

241

The Hollanders rarely failed to take advantage of a conjuncture when their sovereigns required their support, to recover or extend their privileges; and the historian has often to admire their steady patience in waiting their opportunity—the manly, but respectful, earnestness with which they vindicated their claims, and the generous patriotism with which they made vast pecuniary sacrifices for the sake of their highly prized liberties. On this occasion the West Frieslanders and Kemmerlanders, knowing that the Duke must have recourse to their assistance in the projected war against Utrecht, offered him a considerable sum of money for the restoration of the franchises of which they had been deprived in 1426; Alkmaar paid one hundred and ten pounds (Flemish), the whole of Kemmerland one pound for each house, and the remainder in proportion: the Duke, in return, reinstated them in the same privileges as they had enjoyed before that time, while this mark of favour so won upon the Hollanders in general, that they unanimously prepared to assist, both with men and money, the expedition to Utrecht 1.

The inhabitants of that state no sooner heard of the preparations making by Philip, than they resolved to supply the city with a numerous garrison and provisions for a siege; while Reynold van Brederode, Henry van Montfort, and such of the nobility as adhered to the side of Bishop Gilbert, threw themselves within its walls. Immediately on the reception of the Pope's letters of appointment, the Duke sent forward Adrian van Borselen, the husband of one of his natural daughters, with an army into Utrecht. 1456 On his arrival, Amersfoort and Reenen opened their gates without resistance, acknowledging David of Burgundy as bishop; and Philip himself followed shortly after at the head of 14,000 men to besiege the city of Utrecht.

  1. Handvest, van Kemmer., bl. 58. Boxhorn op Veldenaar, bl. 194.

242

The Bishop Gilbert and the citizens were seized with such alarm at his approach, that they gave to the Duke of Cleves, who had before offered his mediation, full powers, in conjunction with some other nobles, to make the best terms they could, in order to preserve them from an assault. An agreement was therefore concluded, by which Gilbert surrendered all claim to the bishopric in favour of David of Burgundy, retaining the archdeaconry of Utrecht and an annuity of 4000 guilders out of the revenues of the see, which were computed at 50,000 Rhenish guilders yearly. After this compromise the new bishop was received without difficulty through the whole state, except the town of Deventer, which did not submit until after a siege of eight weeks duration 1.

Having thus obtained a footing in Utrecht, Philip sought further to gratify his ambition by establishing his dominion over Friesland. Since the loss of Staveren, in the reign of William VI., the Counts of Holland had been deprived of even a shadow of authority in that province. They continued, it is true, to assume the title of Lord of Friesland, and John of Bavaria had even been formally acknowledged by the inhabitants, but they were still, " in fact, a free people, and subject to no foreign rule 2. The state was yet divided by the two factions of nobles and people, (Vetkoopers and Schieringers,) and the violence of their contentions had enfeebled both to such a degree^ that Philip thought it a favourable opportunity for bringing them under subjection. He therefore sent deputies from Utrecht to the Frieslanders of Ooetergouwe and Westergouwe, to promise them advantageous conditions if they would acknowledge him as lord, and threatening to visit them at the head of an army if they refused 3.

  1. Monstrelet, voL fat, chap. 65. Heda In Gisb. et Dav., pp. 292, 29a Snoi. Rer. Bat, lib. x., p. 151.
  2. Mmeas Sylvius de Statu, Europe cap, xxvii., p. 73.
  3. Boxhorn op Veldenaar, bl. 204.

248

The Frieslanders, dreading on the one hand the overwhelming power of the Duke, and unwilling on the other to sacrifice their long cherished independence» chose a middle course; they consented to send deputies to Haarlem, in obedience to the summons of the Duke, bat empowered them only to hear and report upon the terms offered. The Friesland deputies having appeared before the Stadtholder and council of Holland, it was proposed to them that, "the Frieslanders, especially those of Oostergouwe and Westergouwe had, for many years, withdrawn themselves from the authority of their lawful sovereign, contrary to all right and justice, and thus entailed upon their Country his high displeasure; nevertheless, if they would now receive and acknowledge him as lord, he was willing to confirm all their charters and privileges, to promote their commerce, and to raise them to a state of prosperity, similar to that which Holland and Zealand enjoyed under his government. The deputies having reported the result of their embassy to a full assembly of the states of Friesland, it was resolved, not only to leave the Duke's proposal unanswered, but to maintain with their lives and property their independence as ''free Frieslanders 1.

At this juncture, the Emperor Frederic III., whether desiring to assert his sovereignty over Friesland or that he found himself obliged to resort to every possible method of raising supplies, sent one Thomas 1457 von Guristeden, to demand the yearly payment supposed to be due from Friesland to the empire, with the arrears for a considerable period.

  1. Ubbo Emm. Her. Frk, lib. xxy., pp. 380—382. Boxhorn op Veldenaar, bl. 206.

244

The Emperor Sigismund had, in the year 1418, demanded a like tribute, on the ground that Friesland reverted to the empire as a male fief, on the death of William VI. Whether or not it was then paid, appears doubtful; but the Frieslanders now readily consented to its payment, on condition that the emperor would accede to the demands made on their side. These were, that the emperor should forbid Philip, Duke of Burgundy, to assume any authority in the province; and the Frieslanders, under heavy penalties, to acknowledge any lord but the emperor alone; that the emperor should renew the privileges of Charlemagne and Sigismund, with this addition, that no native should be brought to trial out of the boundaries of Friesland. The emperor, eager to grasp the offered monies, accepted the conditions, and despatched a letter-patent to the Duke of Burgundy, commanding him, on pain of his heavy displeasure, to desist from asserting any sovereignty over Friesland, promising to hear, and to do him justice, if he could establish his claim to that province 1. It is probable that Philip would have paid but little regard to the imperial mandate, had he felt much inclination to pursue so unprofitable and inglorious a war; from which, however, he was averted by domestic disquietssudes, and by circumstances which had occurred, calculated to weaken the tie of friendship between himself and France, and to place him in a hostile position with Charles VII., the able and powerful monarch of that Country.

  1. Eg. Beninga, Hist. Orien. Fris., lib. ii., cap. 82. Boxhorn op Veldexiaar, bl. 209, 214.

245

The dauphin of France, afterwards King Louis XL, had for many years been at variance with his father, and retiring from the court to Dauphiné, his appanage, governed that province independently of the royal authority. Charles, at length finding his remonstrances and offers of reconciliation alike ineffectual, sent an army to reduce his rebellious son to submission. Louis, 1466 destitute of support, and surrounded by the royal forces, fled in haste and secrecy to Brussels, where (the Duke being at that time in Utrecht,) he was received by the duchess and court with every demonstration of welcome and respect 1.

It seemed as though he carried the spirit of discord with him, since within a short time of his arrival, similar dissensions arose between Philip of Burgundy, and his son the Count of Charolois. It has been observed, that Philip, fearing the effects of the restless temper of his son at the court, had created him Stadtholder -general of Holland; he had since then been put in possession of several rich lordships in the County, and as he found his influence daily increasing, be began to assume a more haughty tone, and to give evident tokens of dissatisfaction with many parts of his father's government, particularly the favour he evinced towards the house of Croye; of which the head, John de Croye, was the principal minister of the Duke, and stood high in his confidence and esteem; while both himself and his family, were proportionally detested by Charles.

During the residence of the dauphin at Brussels, John de Croye paid constant and assiduous court to him, and this circumstance laid the germ of the hatred that ever after subsisted between Louis and Charles; a hatred which their different characters were well calculated to nourish, and their opposing interests to develop 2.

  1. Pont. Heut. R«r. Bur. lib. iv., cap. 16. Villaret Cont. de Velly, torn. xvL, p. 152.
  2. Mém. de Com., liv. vi., p. 180. De la Marche, liv. L, chap. 33, p. 307, 306. Pout. Heat., lib. iv., cap. 16.

246

The residence of his son at the court of his vassal, must necessarily be regarded by the King of France with feelings of jealousy and vexation. Philip had, upon the arrival of Louis, written a letter couched in most respectful terms, informing him of the event; and had afterwards attempted to reconcile the differences between the father and son; but the entire submission which Charles thought it necessary to exact, and the cold and suspicious temper of the dauphin, rendered his efforts abortive; it may be doubted indeed whether they were very sincere, since Philip could not view himself without pleasure possessed of so powerful a weapon against France.

There were also various other causes of dissatisfaction existing between the two sovereigns; each party made complaints of the violation of the treaty of Arras; and Charles had formed some alliances suspected by the Duke of Burgundy, especially with the emperor and the city of Liege; and had, moreover, promised his daughter Magdalen in marriage to Ladislaus, king of Hungary, rival of Duke Philip for the possession of Luxemburg. The Kings of France and Hungary agreed, at the same time, to unite their forces for the purpose of depriving the Duke, not only of Luxemburg, but likewise of Holland, Zealand, Friesland, and Hainaut; which, as they declared, he had illegally wrested from the Countess Jacoba 1. Ladislaus, dying before the completion of the marriage, left by will his claims upon Luxemburg to Magdalen of France.

In this threatening aspect of affairs, the Duke deemed it advisable to defer a crusade which he had sworn to undertake, on receiving the tidings of the conquest of Constantinople by the Turks in 1453, and to prepare for war nearer his own boundaries 2.

  1. Duclos*, Sup. a 1'HisL de Louis XI., torn, iii., p. 136. Monstrelet, t*L ix., chap. 71, p. 411, chap. 72. Villaret, Cont. de Velly, tom. xvi,p.l91.
  2. Mem. d'Oliv. de la Marche, chap. 90, p. 294.

247

Nevertheless, either unwilling to engage in hostilities at his advanced age, while embarrassed by domestic cabals, or in order to gain time for putting matters in train, he sent John de Croye, with John of Lannoy 1460, Stadtholder of Holland, at the head of a solemn embassy, to demand the cause of the warlike preparations then making at the court of France. The breach, however, still widened, and war appeared inevitable, when the death of Charles VII. changed, for a short time, the state of affairs. The Duke accompanied the new monarch to his kingdom, assisted at his coronation at Rheims, where he did him voluntary homage, not only 1461 for the states he held of France, but for his possessions in general, and attended him to Paris with a train of 240 nobles; while the king, on his side, loaded Philip with compliments and caresses, and conferred on the Count of Charolois, the important office of Lieutenant* General of Normandy 1. Whether the conduct of Louis were prompted by sincere gratitude for the protection afforded him by Burgundy in his time of need, or whether adopted only to flatter the Duke into a compliance with his wishes, it is certain that he took advantage of the favourable dispositions of the latter, to press for the restoration of those towns which had been ceded to him by the peace of Arras. Charles VII. had been forced to buy this peace very dear; by the terms of the treaty, all the towns on the Somme, St. Quentin, Corbye, Amiens, Abbeville, the County of Ponthieu, Dourlens, St. Biquier, Arleux, and Mortaigne, were surrendered to Philip, but redeemable by Charles, or his successors upon payment of 400,000 crowns of gold 2.

  1. Monstrelet, vol. x., chap. 3,12. Pont. Heut., Rer. Bur., lib. iv., cap. 17. Duclos, Hist, de Louis XI., torn, i., liv. ii., p. 127.
  2. Recueil des Traites de Leonard, torn. L, p. 9.

248

Philip bad hitherto constantly refused to restore these towns, but he now consented to deliver them up 1463 to France immediately upon the payment of the stipulated ransom. The Count of Charolois was in Holland when he received intelligence of this transaction, which exasperated still further his hatred, both against Louis, and against John de Croye, by whose advice it was supposed the Duke had acted 1.

Not long after the accession of Louis, Charles had opened a secret correspondence with Francis II., Duke of Brittany, one of the principal members of a dangerous league formed by the nobles of France against him. Their negotiations were carried on through the medium of Jean de Roumillé, vice-chancellor of Brittany; and Louis, aware of the intrigue, determined, if possible, to possess himself of the person of 1464 the agent. For this purpose, he despatched a vessel manned with forty stout mariners, under the command of one Rubempré, to arrest him at Gorinchem, where he was expected to land on his way from England, for the purpose of obtaining an audience of the Count of Charolois, who usually resided there 2. It was this circumstance that gave rise to the report generally spread, that Charles himself was in reality the person aimed at; but though the character of Louis might well justify any such suspicion, yet it is hardly probable that he would seek to remove Charles from the states of his father, where the dissensions he caused so well answered his purpose, and in such a manner as would inevitably arouse the hostility of the whole nation, which it was his interest now more particularly to avoid.

  1. Mém. de Ph. de Commines, liv. i., chap. 1. Monstrelet, vol. x. chap. 23.
  2. Mém. de la Marche, liv. i., chap. 3d, p. 312. Pout. Heut. Her. Bur., lib. v., cap. 1. Monstrelet, vol. x., chap. 29.

249

Whatever the design might have been, it wholly failed. Rubempré was himself seized and thrown into prison, where he remained until 1409. The Duke of Burgundy was at this time holding a conference with King Louis at Heusden; and the Count of Charolois, in giving him information of the attempt, which he failed not to magnify to the utmost, declared, that Louis not only intended to seize him, but likewise to make himself master of the person of the Duke himself; and Philip, either believing, or affecting to believe, that he was no longer in safety near the king, precipitately quitted Heusden. Louis won after sent a solemn embassy to clear himself of this accusation; but his protestations of innocence proved utterly ineffective, nor could he prevent the reconciliation that a sense of their common danger brought about between Philip and his son. Charles having induced his father, during a severe fit of sickness which followed this event, to resign the cares of government into his hands, made the first use of his power by forcing all the members of the family of Croye to quit their offices, which proceeding rekindled the anger of the Duke against him to so violent a degree, that immediately on his recovery he revoked the appointment he had made. But a pacification being once more effected by the intercession of some of the knights of the golden fleece, Philip bestowed on the Count of Charolois the command of an army destined for the invasion of France, in concert with the nobles of that Country engaged in the league called the " Confederation for the public good," whose cause both Philip and Charles now openly espoused 1. 1465

  1. Monstrelet, vol. x., chop. 32, 36. Commiucö, liv. i., chap. 2.

250

At the head of 12,000 horse 1, and a numerous body of infantry, Charles marched with little resistance to the very gates of Paris, whence, as his forces were not sufficient to commence the siege, he retired to Montlhéri, to await the arrival of the Duke of Brittany with his army. The Bang of France, who was in the Botirbonnois at the time of the invasion, returnee} by hasty marches towards1 Paris, determined, if possible, to prevent the junction of his enemies; for this purpose, he made an attack on the Count of Charolois, while yet unsupported by his allies at Montlhéri; but the event of the battle proving indecisive, Louis was unable to effect his design, and Charles marching to Conflans, was there joined by the troops of the insurgent nobles. The confederates were already prepared to surround Paris, when Louis put an end to the war by a stroke of policy at once bold and successful. Accompanied by only four or five attendants, he placed himself in a small boat, and rowiüg up the Seine from Paris, approached close to Conflans. On the shore he perceived the Count of Charolois, standing with the Count de St. Pol, and surrounded by a large body of cavalry. Addressing the former, the king exclaimed, "Brother, will you promise me safety?" " Yes, as a brother," answered Charles. Louis, without further security, immediately sprang ashore, when the two princes embraced as affectionate and long tried friends, after which they held a long and private conference. This was followed by several interviews, which resulted in the treaty of Conflans, whereby Louis, anxious to remove Charles from the heart of his dominions, and determined at any price to dissolve the formidable league against him, consented to reinstate the Duke of Burgundy in the possesrion of the towns on the Somme, provided that, after the death of himself and Philip, they should be redeemable on payment of the sum of 200,000 golden crowns 2.

  1. According to Monstrelet, or his continuator, 28,000 horse, voL x., .310.
  2. Monstrelet, vol. x., chap. 41, 44. Commines, liv. i., chap. 12. Reveil des Traites, torn. i., p. 66.

251

After the conclusion of this peace, Charles proceeded to chastise the insolence of the burghers of Liege and Dinant, who, having made an alliance with Louis on the breaking out of the war between France and. Burgundy, invaded Brabant and Namur, and devastated the whole Country with fire and sword. Charles, on his return from France, laid siege to Liege, defeated an army of Liegois before its walls, and the town, hopeless of assistance from Louis, surrendered on conditions. The citizens were forced to pay a fine of 800,000 Rhenish guilders. Dinant was taken by storm and pillaged, its fortifications razed to the ground, and 8,000 of the inhabitants rowned in the 1466 Maas, by order of Charles 1.

Whether or not the Hollanders took part in either of these expeditions is uncertain; but it is clear that they were by no means exempt from a share in the expenses they entailed on the states. A ten years' petition was levied on Holland and West Friesland, amounting to 55,183 crowns a year; and Zealand was taxed in the same proportion. Charles, during his residence in these provinces, had found means so greatly to increase his influence, that he was little likely to meet with resistance to any of his demands, even if the example of Ghent had not afforded a 8evere lesson to such as might be inclined to offer it. He obtained, as we have seen, considerable baronies both in Holland and Zealand; he reduced the number of the council of state from eight-and-twenty to eight, besides the Stadtholder ; and as he professed to choose them rather for their skill in affairs, than for the nobility of their birth, they became entirely subservient to his will.

  1. Recueil des Traites, torn, i., p. 60. Commines, liv. i., chap. 12. Pont. Heut. Her. Bur., lib. iv., cap, 18.-

252

He likewise deprived the council of the office of auditing the public accounts, which it had hitherto exercised, uniting the chamber of finance at the Hague with that of Brussels 1. This was the first step towards an union between Holland and the rest of the Netherlands, which was afterwards partially, but never entirely, effected. Charles was recalled from Holland into Brabant in the early part of the year 1467, by the declining health of his father, who lay sick at Bruges of a quinsey, which terminated his existence on the 15th of February, in the seventy-second year of his age. He left by his wife, Isabella of Portugal, only one son, Charles. The number of his illegitimate children is said by some to have been thirty, but he made provision for no more than nineteen 2. Philip's humanity, benevolence, affability, and strict regard to justice, obtained for him the surname of Good; while his love of peace, and the advantageous treaties which the extent and importance of his dominions enabled him to make with foreign nations, tended greatly to increase the commerce of his subjects. The Dutch at this time maintained a considerable carrying trade with England, in gold, silver, and jewels 3, besides a valuable traffic in wools, cloths, linen, herrings, and salt, in the refining of which they were possessed of peculiar skill 4 The increase of trade was accompanied by a corresponding improvement in agriculture, particularly in that branch of it so important to Holland, the management of the dykes.

  1. Annal. Belg., torn, ii., p. 1.
  2. Mimi Dip. Belg., torn, ii., p. 1259, et seq.
  3. Rym. Faed., torn, x., p. 403.
  4. Idem, p. 761.

253

These had hitherto been constructed of reed and a species of sea-weed called wier, gathered principally in the island of Wieringen; but a new method was now adopted, of laying down long heayy beams, joined at certain distances by cross beams, made fast with strong iron bolts, and defended against the first break of the waters by a curtain of pile-work.

The wealth thus procured by the genius and industry of the Netherlander», enabled them to sustain the heavy burdens laid upon them by Duke Philip, with a comparative ease which led a contemporary author to suppose that they were, in fact, more lightly taxed than the subjects of other princes 1. As Philip, however, during the whole of his reign kept up a court which surpassed every other in Europe in luxury and magnificence 2, and contrived besides to amass vast sums of money, it is evident that his treasury must have been liberally supplied by his people 3.

  1. Commines, liv. v., chap. 2.
  2. During his attendance on Louis XI. at Paris, when that monarch went to take possession of his kingdom, "he excited the admiration of the Parisians by the splendour of his dress, table, and equipages; the hotel of Artois, where he lived, was hung with the richest tapestries ever seen in France. When he rode through the streets, he wore every day some new dress, or jewel of price—the frontlet of his horse was covered with the richest jewels; in his dining hall was a square sideboard with four steps to each side, which, at dinner time, was covered with the richest gold and silver plate. In the garden of his hotel was pitched a superb tent, covered on the outside with fine velvet, embroidered with mails in gold, and powdered over with gold sparkles. The fusils were the arms of all his Countries and lordships, very richly worked." Monstrelet, vol. x^ chap. 13.
  3. We are told by a native, though not contemporary author, that Philip " received more money from his subjects than they had paid in four centuries together before; but they thought little of it, since he used no force, nor the words' sic volo, sic jubeo.' M Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. iv., cap. xix, p. 120.

254

The supposition of the historian is contradicted also by the feet, that Philip excited a dangerous revolt in Ghent, by the imposition of new and oppressive taxes on the Flemings; while in Holland he introduced the unprecedented and unconstitutional custom of levying petitions for a number of yea, together. He left, at his death, a treasure amounting to 400,000 crowns of gold, and 100,000 marks of silver, with pictures, jewels, and furniture, supposed to be worth two millions more 1. In order to estimate truly the real value of this quantity of the precious metals, we must consider their scarcity at this period, and the consequent low price of corn and other necessaries. In years of ordinary plenty the price of the bushel of rye, (at that time the principal ingredient in the common bread of the Country,) was one penny halfpenny; for the same quantity of wheat two pence farthing; a stoup (two quarts) of Rhenish wine one penny halfpenny; for a cask of butter and 400 lbs. of cheese together, ninety-six Rhenish florins, or seven shillings and sixpence; a weight of hay, sufficient for the feeding of a cow during a whole winter, one shilling and sixpence; for a fat pig three shillings and nine-pence; for an ox thirteen shillings and sixpence 2. Owing to the failure of the crops in the year 1437, the bushel of wheat rose to an English noble, and during the famine caused by the capture of the fleet returning with corn from the Baltic in the next year, half a guilder was paid for the rye loaf 3. From 1455 to 1460, years of scarcity, the bushel of rye sold for somewhat more than eight-pence halfpenny.

  1. De la Marche, liv. i., chap. 87, p. 329.
  2. Recherches sur le Commerce, torn, i., pp. 197—199.
  3. Velius Hoorn, p. 32.

255

The dearth was followed, as it usually happens, by seasons of great abundance, so that in 1464 a bushel of wheat, the same of barley, rye, and oats^ a stoup of wine, a capon and a goose, were sold together for an old gold crown, value twenty-two pence 1,2. The salaries of public officers were proportionably low; the members of the council appointed by Philip and Jacoba jointly, had each a salary of 20/., 25/., or 30/., per annum 3; and that of the president was fixed at 120/. yearly 4. In the year 1426 the Duke of Burgundy appointing Herman Gaasbeek and Roland van Uytkerken, captains-general in Holland, gave them six florins, or ten shillings a day, for their expenses, and twelve florins and a half, or about one guinea a day for the maintenance of twenty-five men at anus and their horses 5. Thus the necessary expenses of the government must have been comparatively small* and the principal portion of the large sums Philip drew into his treasury, was expended on his private pleasures, or in festivals, shows, and entertainments.

The example of prodigality set by the sovereign infected his whole court: the nobles vied with each other in squandering their incomes upon articles of effeminate luxury, or puerile ostentation; and the poverty they thus entailed upon themselves and their posterity, was made a subject of bitter reproach to them under his successors. It is said that Philip encouraged this disposition among them, in order to render their dependence upon himself the more absolute.

  1. Heda, p. 293.
  2. Thus we see that the importation of corn did not prevent, as might be expected, great fluctuation in the price: the periods of scarcity were, however, of much shorter duration than in those Countries which depended on their own supplies.
  3. 400, 500, or 1000 schilds at 28 gros, or halfpence.
  4. 1200 ryders of 48 gros each.
  5. Recherches sur le Commerce, torn. i., pp. 212, 213.

256

But however imperfectly the true principles of government may have been understood at this period, we can hardly suppose that a prince so clear sighted as Philip, would have pursued such a mistaken course of policy as that of seeking to strengthen his authority by surrounding the ducal chair with a needy and rapacious nobility.

Nor was poverty the only evil which increasing luxury brought in its train; indolence, voluptuousness, and sensuality, were carried to an excess hitherto unheard of: both men and women adopted the most absurd and extravagant modes in dress 1 and equipage, and accustomed themselves to unbounded license in conversation and manners 2. With the exception of some of the nobility, however, the people of Holland and Zealand, at a distance from the court, which generally resided at Brussels, escaped its contaminating influence, and preserved their native integrity and purity of morals entire amidst the general corruption 3. Nevertheless, they were far from being exempt from national vices. The cabalsof the hook and cod parties had disseminated among them a spirit of faction, a bitterness of party hatred, and a disregard of law and order which brutalized their manners, annihilated all feelings of true patriotism, and afforded the sovereign a pretext for adopting measures to restrain their excesses, highly inimical to their civil liberties.

  1. On one occasion the Duke, being obliged by illness to hare his head shaved, issued an order that all the nobility in his states should in like manner shave their heads; five hundred were found willing to obey this injunction; with respect to the recusants, one Pierre Vacquembac, with others, were commanded to seize such as they could lay hands on, and cut off their hair by force. De la Marche, liv. i., chap. 34, p. 310.
  2. Commines, liv. i., chap. 2. De la Marche, liv. i, chap. 29, p. 287; chap. 37. Monstrelet, vol. x., chap. 54.
  3. Erasmus, "Auris Batava."

257

The same cause retarded in Holland the progress of literature and the arts, which in Flanders and Brabant, under the munificent patronage and encouragement of Philip, were making rapid advances: the Dutch had no name to oppose to that of John van Eyck, of Bruges, who, in the early part of this century, marked out an sera in the annalsof painting by his invention of oil colours: and it is in the works of foreigners and Flemings, as contemporary historians, of Monstrelet, de Roya, and de Commines, that we must seek for the passing notices of a Country which had produced a John of Leyden and a Melis Stoke.

The beneficial effects of printing in the general advancement of learning and civilization were not as yet perceived, since the expense of printed books being hitherto little less than that of manuscripts, the possession of them was still confined to the wealthy few. The honour of this invention is, as it is well known, disputed with Mentz by Haarlem. It is not my purpose to enter into this interminable controversy, but merely to observe, that if any share in the merit of a discovery is to be ascribed to him who first presents it in such a state of perfection as to draw the attention of mankind to its beauty or utility, so much is certainly due to Lawrence Coster of Haarlem 1; since he it was who 1428 gave the first idea of the art, by the invention of the fixed wooden types, which Faust, or Fust, and Schceffer afterwards improved by casting the types in metal, and John Guttemberg of Mentz completed, by making them moveable.

  1. His name was Lawrence John; the surname of "Koster," or churchwarden, being added, because this office, then esteemed honourable in Holland, was hereditary in his family.

258

The Chinese, it is true, had been for many centuries acquainted with a method of obtaining* impressions from figures carved in wood, but as this arfc was generally neglected in Europe, and it does not appear that it was even known in Holland, the invention, as far as Lawrence Coster is concerned, must be regarded as original 1.

  1. It is said to have been made in the following manner. While reposing one day in a wood near Haarlem, Lawrence, in the mere idleness of the moment, cut some letters backwards on a bit of beech-wood, when it occurred to him to take off the impression in the same way as from a seal for the amusement of his daughter's children. Improving' upon the idea, he afterwards, with the help of Thomas Peterson, their father, succeeded in forming a thick glutinous kind of ink, and "with these materials was accustomed to make for them little books containing pictures, and the explanations. Thus he seems to have carried the invention as far as the making of block-books. Boxhorn, Theat. Urb. Holl. in Haar., p. 195.

Part 1, Chapter 6

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Volume I

196

CHAPTER VI

Accession of Jacoba. Hostilities of John of Bavaria. Marriage of Jacoba with John of Brabant. Siege of Dordrecht. Loss of Rotterdam and South Holland. Compromise, Renewal of Hostilities. Dissensions between the Countess and Iwr Husband. Jacoba retires to England. Divorce. Marriage with the Duke of Gloucester. Alliance between Burgundy and England. Duke of Gloucester goes to Hainaut. Returns to England. Jacoba delivered into the lands of the Duke of Burgundy. Her Escape from Confinement. Siege of Schoonhoven. Trait of a Burgher of that Town. Death of John of Bavaria. Duke of Burgundy declared his Heir. Jacoba attacks and defeats her Enemies, Arrival of Reinforcements from England. English defeated near Brouwershaven, and loss of Zealand. Jaeoba in North Holland. Retreats to Gouda. Loss of Zevenbergen. Ill condition of Jacoba's affairs. Deserted by the Duke of Gloucester. Surrender of Gouda, and Compromise. Fourth Marriage, and Death of Jacoba.

JACOBA.

The death of William VI. 1417 left the government of the County in the hands of his young and widowed daughter, who had barely attained the age of seventeen. Yet, endued with understanding far above her years and a courage uncommon to her sex, joined to the most captivating grace and beauty, the Countess had already secured the respect and affection of her subjects, which, after her accession, she neglected no method to retain, by confirming everywhere their ancient charters and privileges; and the Hollanders might have promised themselves long years of tranquillity and happiness under her rule, had it not been for the unprincipled ambition of her paternal uncle, John of Bavaria, surnamed the Ungodly 1, bishop elect of Liege 2.

  1. "Sine pietssate," from his refusal to receive holy orders; others give him the surname of "pitiless," which it is said he obtained by hi cruelties at Liege: but he gave no orders for executions there, except in conjunction with the Duke of Burgundy and Count of Holland. Mon-strelet* vol. ii., chap. 3.
  2. Meyer, lib. xv., ad ann. 1417, p. 250.

197

He had been chosen to this see many years since; but haying constantly refused to receive priest's orders, the burghers of Liege took upon themselves to elect Theodore, son of the Count of Parvis, as their bishop, and forced John to retire to Maestricht, He was afterwards restored to his see, chiefly by the instrumentality of his brother, William of Holland; yet so far forgot the debt of gratitude he owed him, as to endeavour at this time to deprive his only daughter of her inheritance 1. Being resolved to abandon the spiritual condition, and procure himself to be acknowledged Governor of Holland, he repaired to Dordrecht, where he had many partisans, and was proclaimed there, as well as at Briel, in the lordship of Voorne, this estate having been conferred on him by Count William, All the other towns, however, both of Holland and Zealand, and whether espousing the hook or cod party, refused to acknowledge him. Having, therefore, made a league with William van Arkel and John van Egmond, he, with their assistance, possessed himself of Gorinchem. On this commencement of hostilities by her uncle, Jacoba assembled her troops, obtained some auxiliaries from Utrecht and Amersfoort, and placing herself at their head recaptured Gorinchem, where, in a sharp enCounter, the followers of John were defeated, and William of Arkel, with more than a thousand men, slain 2. The presence of so formidable an enemy in her states, made it advisable that the young Countess should marry without delay.

  1. Herman. Cor., Col. ii., p. 1194. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxxii., cap. 3,10.
  2. Gheemeene Chron., Divis. xxvii?., cap. 6,7.

198

Her lather had in his will named as her future husband, John, eldest son of Anthony, late Duke of Brabant 1, and first cousin to Jacoba; and although she showed no inclination to the person of the young prince, the union was so earnestly pressed by her mother and John, Duke of Burgundy, her uncle, that, a dispensation having been procured from the Pope, the 1418 parties were married at Beervlietss early in the following spring 2.

John of Bavaria, to whom this marriage left no pretence for insisting on the regency, saw himself obliged either to resign altogether his claims to the government of Holland, or to adopt decisive measures for obtaining sole possession of it: and as motives of ambition swayed him, far more than those of natural affection, he determined to thrust his niece from the seat of her fathers, and found means to induce the Pope, Martin V., and the Emperor Sigismund, to lend their aid to his project.

Both the Pope and emperor were at this time attending the Council of Constance, opened in 1414 for the purpose of reforming the church in its head and in its members, and of terminating the schism of double Popes, which had now lasted for thirty-six years. Thither, therefore, John sent a trusty ambassador, to resign his bishopric into the hands of the Pope, and to solicit in return a dispensation from holy orders, and liberty to enter the marriage state.

  1. The Duchess Joanna of Brabant had, at the request of Philip I. of Burgundy, settled Brabant on his second son, Anthony; John, the eldest, inheriting Burgundy. Johan, a Leid., lib. xxxii., cap. 5.
  2. Meyer, lib., xv., ad ann. 1417, p. 250. Ghemeene Chron. divis. xxviii., cap. 7.

199

Martin consented without hesitation to his wishes, and a matrimonial alliance with Elizabeth of Luxemburg, widow of Anthony, Duke of Brabant, and niece to the emperor, gained him the favour and support of Sigismund, who declared the County of Holland and Zealand a fief reverted in default of heirs male to the empire, with which he invested John of Bavaria, commanding the nobility, towns» and inhabitants in general» to acknowledge allegiance to him, and releasing them from the oaths they had taken to Jacoba and John of Brabant 1.

Upon the strength of the imperial mandate, John of Bavaria assumed the title of Count, and was acknowledged at Dordrecht; but notwithstanding that he promised the towns an extension of their privileges, and among the most important, bound himself not to coin money without their advice and consent, he found none inclined to forsake their allegiance to the Countess Jacoba; they declared, on the contrary, that "the County of Holland and Zealand was no fief of the empire, nor was the succession in anywise restricted to heirs male 2.

So far from supporting the pretensions of John, the towns of Haarlem, Delft, and Leyden, had raised a loan for Jacoba of five hundred and thirty English nobles by the sale of annuities in Hainaut; and, uniting their forces with those of the other large towns, laid siege to Dordrecht, the expedition being commanded by the young John of Brabant. His troops were not in sufficient number to carry the town by assault, which was so plentifully stored and victualled, that, after a blockade of six weeks, he was obliged to abandon the undertaking from a scarcity of provisions in his own camp 3.

  1. Snff. Pet., p. 156. Ghemeene Chron., divis. xxviii., cap. 7, 8. Rym. Feed., torn, ix., p. 566.
  2. Herm. Cor., Col. ii., p. 1225. Balen Dordrecht, bl. 285. Ghemeene, Chron., divis. xxviii., cap. 9.
  3. Herm. Cor., col. ii., p. 1232.

200

Encouraged by this success, John of Bavaria advanced to Rotterdam, the capture of which John of Brabant found himself unable to prevent, and the former, in consequence, became master of a considerable portion of South Holland. John and Jacoba being precluded by this means from receiving 1419 succours from Brabant, consented to an accommodation under the mediation of Philip, Count of Charolois, son of the Duke of Burgundy, the Duke himself being at this time fully occupied with the affairs of France and England. By the treaty now made, Rotterdam, Dordrecht, and Gorinchem, with a considerable portion of South Holland, were surrendered to John of Bavaria, to hold as a fief of the Count and Countess of Holland; in case Jacoba died without issue, John of Bavaria was to be immediately put in possession of the whole, of her states. The government, moreover, was to be exercised in common by John of Bavaria and John of Brabant for the next five years. The members of the council of state, and the treasurers of the County, the schouts and sheriffs of the towns, with the bailiffs of the open Country, were to be appointed by them jointly; taking the oath, nevertheless, to John of Brabant and Jacoba, who were likewise to enjoy alone the revenues of the Counties of Holland and Hainaut. John of Bavaria agreed on his side to surrender all right to the County founded upon any imperial or papal grant, in consideration of 100,000 English nobles to be paid in two years 2.

  1. Meyer, lib. xvi., ad ann. 1419, p. 261. Suff. Pet., p. 156. Groot Plakaat., 3 deel., bl. 9.

201

Although this treaty was, it should appear, sufliciently favourable to John of Bavaria, he did not long adhere to its provisions, for John and Jacoba going to Brabant soon after, he took advantage of their absence to extend his authority in Holland, conferring upon his own adherents, chiefly members of the cod party, all the public offices, without the intervention of either the Count or Countess. Perceiving the course of conduct pursued by John, Philip van Wassenaar) burgrave of Leyden, and several others of the hook nobles, made a league with the citizens of Utrecht and Amersfoort, at once declared war against him, and took possession of Rhynsburg and other forts belonging to the cods 1. John of Bavaria, upon these unexpected hostilities, repaired to Gouda to assemble his troops whence he advanced directly to the siege of Leyden, garrisoned by four or five hundred Utrechters in addition to the burgher guards 1420. After a siege of about two months, provisions became scarce within the town; and the besieged, despairing of relief, since John and Jacoba were folly occupied in appeasing some disturbances which had arisen in Brabant, listened to the conditions offered them by John of Bavaria and consented to receive him as governor. Leyden, which until then had belonged to burgraves of its own, as a fief of Holland, was henceforward annexed to the County, under the immediate rule of the sovereign 2.

John, then, with the design of invading Brabant itself, marched to the frontier town of Geertruydenberg, which immediately opened its gates; but the citadel, under the command of Theodore van Merwede, held out for some days, and the delay occasioned by its reduction, though short, lost him the chance of conquering Brabant.

  1. Veldenaar Chronyck van Hoi., &c, bl. 118. Suff. Pet., p. 156.
  2. Divasues, Rer. Brab., lib. xviii., ad ann. 1420. Boxhorn, Theat. Urb., p. 100,101.

202

The nobles of that state, dissatisfied with the administration of Duke John, a prince of slow understanding, and addicted to indolent pleasures, summoned his brother Philip, Count de St. Pol from France, and conferred on him the office of governor of the duchy. This gave John of Bavaria a far different antagonist to contend with. Philip, on his arrival, lost no time in collecting a force sufficient to oppose his purposed invasion; and John was able to execute nothing more in Brabant than to surprise and pillage Lillo and Zandvlietss 1.

The feeble John of Brabant, at variance both with his brother and his subjects, was reduced to make a treaty with his rival, whereby he ceded to him Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, for the space of twelve years; and this conduct without bettering the condition of his affairs, served but to increase the dislike with which he had for some time been viewed by the Brabanters; nor was this feeling manifested by them alone. The Countess Jacoba had consented to the marriage with the young Duke of Brabant, without the slightest sentiment of affection towards him, yielding her own inclinations on this point to the persuasions of her mother: nor were the circumstances of their union such as subsequently to conciliate her love or esteem. The princess was in her twenty-second year, of a healthy I constitution and vigorous intellect, lively, spirited, and courageous; her husband, on the contrary, about two) years younger than herself, was feeble alike in body] and mind, indolent, and capricious.

  1. Meyer, lib. xvi., ad aim. 1420, p. 162. Aegidius de Roya, ad amul 1419, p. 74. Heda, in Fred., p. 273.

203

Through his incapacity, she now saw herself stripped of her fairest possessions, nor did there appear any security for her retaining the rest; he, moreover, maintained an illicit connexion with the daughter of a Brabant nobleman; and, with the petty tyranny which little minds are so fond of exercising, he forced her to dismiss all the Holland ladies from her service, and to fill their places with those of Brabant 1. Jacoba, bred up from her infancy in Holland and Hainaut, was devotedly attached to her Country and people; and this last act of injustice, on the part of her husband, increased the contempt and aversion with which she had long regarded him, to an uncontrollable degree. She secretly quitted the court; and, accompanied by her mother, escaped by way of Calais to England, where she was courteously 1421 received by Henry V., and a hundred pounds a month allotted for her maintenance. In the winter of the same year, she held at the baptismal font the infant son of the king, afterwards Henry VI. 2. Jacoba was now determined at all risks to procure the dissolution of the bonds that had become so odious to her; and Humphry, Duke of Gloucester, brother of the king, tempted by her large inheritance, and captivated by her personal charms, eagerly entered into a negotiation with her for a future matrimonial alliance» which had been projected even before her flight from Brabant.

An almost insurmountable difficulty, however, presented itself, in the necessity of procuring a dispensation from the Pope. Martin V. had granted one three years before, against the wishes both of the emperor and John of Bavaria, for her marriage with John of Brabant; and it appeared scarcely reasonable to ask him now to revoke it, when by so doing he must offend besides these princes, to whom her alliance with England would naturally be distasteful, the powerful Duke of Burgundy, who, in case Jaeoba and John of Bavaria should die without issue, stood next in succession to the County.

  1. Monstrelet, vol. v., p. 35, Meyer, lib. xvi., ad ann. 1420,1421, p. 162. Divteus Rer. Brab., lib. xviii., ad ann. 1421.
  2. Monsfcrelet. vol. v., chap. 50. Meyer, lib. xvi., ad ann. 1421, p. 162. Rym. Feed., torn, x., p. 67,120,134.

204

Despairing, therefore, of success in this quarter, Humphry and Jacoba applied to Benedict XIII., who had been deposed by the Council of Pisa in 1409, and was acknowledged only by the King of Arragon. Benedict, flattered with the recognition of his authority, and pleased with the opportunity of acting in opposition to his rival, readily granted a bull of divorce, which they pretended to have obtained from the legitimate Pope, and which Martin V. afterwards publicly declared to be fictitious 1.

Although such a divorce could not, by any means, 1422 be considered as valid, the marriage between the Duke of Gloucester and the Countess Jacoba was, nevertheless, solemnized in the end of the year 1422, having been somewhat delayed by the death of King Henry V. 2. But the advantages accruing from it to either party by no means Counterbalanced the discreditable circumstances under which it was contracted. Humphry could not establish himself in the states of his wife, without the assistance of English troops and money; but though he had been named, after the death of his brother, Protector of the kingdom, he found the people little inclined to make any sacrifice of either the one or the other to advance his private interests. They had now, during seven years, been engaged, with little cessation, in wars with France, which, although attended with brilliant successes, and the conquest of nearly the whole kingdom, inevitably proved an immense drain of men and treasure; while the marriage of Jacoba with the Duke gave cause of offence to an important and useful ally of England.

  1. Monstrelct, vol. ii., chap. 9. Divsus Rer. Brab., lib. xviii., ad ann. 1422. Monstrelet, vol. vi., chap. 31.
  2. AEgid. de Roya, ad ann. 1422.

$05

We have before seen, that an alliance was formed by John, Duke of Burgundy, with Henry V. against France; subsequently to that treaty, he had reconciled himself with the Queen Isabella; but the dauphin being still devoted to the Orleans or Armagnac party, this event, instead of tending to reunite the two factions, served but to exasperate their animosities, and a series of outrage and massacre, revolting to humanity, was closed by a crime which, though but a just measure of retribution to him who suffered, branded with infamy him who, at an age when youth ought to have been a security for innocence, was persuaded to give his assent and Countenance to it. On the faith of a hollow and insidious peace, the Duke of Burgundy consented to an interview with the dauphin on the bridge of Montereau, when he was treacherously assassinated by du Chatel, one of the followers of the latter 1.

The intelligence of this murder naturally roused in the breast of Philip, Count of Charolois, his son, a desire of vengeance, which absorbed all principles of feudal allegiance and all considerations of policy. In conjunction with Queen Isabella, whose hatred towards her son was no less bitter than that of Philip himself, he had concluded with Henry V. the treaty of Troyes, 1420 whereby the succession to the crown, after the death of Charles VI., and the present administration of the kingdom, was conferred on Henry, on his marriage with Catherine, daughter of the King of France: for himself, he stipulated only, that Henry should assist in bringing to justice the dauphin and the other murderers of his father 2.

  1. Monstrelet passim et torn, v., p. 121.
  2. Rym. Feed., torn, ix., p. 825—840.

206

Philip used no less zeal in contributing to cany this treaty into effect, than he bad shown in framing it; and from that time had continued firmly attached to the interests of England. But the proximity of his claims to the County of Holland rendered the marriage of the English Duke with the Countess, in the highest degree, distasteful to him. She had no children by the Duke of Brabant, nor did it appear probable that «he ever would; but her union with Humphry might prove more fruitful, and the birth of a child effectually bar Philip from the succession. He therefore complained 1422 of this step as of an affront offered to himself, to the Duke of Bedford, elder brother of Gloucester, and regent of France, who promised for his brother, that he should submit the question of the legality of his marriage to the decision of the Pope.

He found Humphry, however, determined to resign, on no consideration, either his wife or his claim to her 1424 states; but having obtained for her an act of naturalization from the English parliament, together with subsidies of troops and money, he set out few Hainaut, where, Philip of Burgundy and John of Brabant being unprepared for resistance, the towns universally opened their gates to him 1.

But a very short time elapsed before the Count de St. Pol assembled an army of Burgundians and Bra-banters, who made themselves masters of Braine le Comte, where they put the English garrison to the sword.

  1. Monstrelet, vol. vi., chap. 24, 25. Parl. Hist., torn, i., p. 350. Rym. Feed., torn, x., p. 311. Divans Rer. Brab., ad ann. 1424.

207

Little else occurred during the campaign, except mutual defiances between the Dukes of Burgundy and Gloucester; and Humphry accepting the challenge of the former to single combat, in the presence of the Duke of Bedford, returned to England under pretext of making the necessary preparations, bat in reality, probably, from a conviction that he should not be able long to withstand the power of Burgundy. He left the Countess in Mons, which, shortly after his departure, was threatened with a aiege. Jacoba wrote a letter, couched in the most moving terms, to solicit succours from her husband, which, unhappily, never reached him, being intercepted by the Duke of Burgundy 1: she was delivered by the citizens of Mons into the hands of the Duke's deputies, and conducted to Ghent, to be detained there until the Pope should decide the question of her marriage 2.

After remaining some little time in confinement, Jacoba escaped, in male disguise, to Antwerp, and resuming the attire of her sex, proceeded thence to Woudrichem, which opened its gates to her, as well as Oudewater, Gouda, and Schoonhoven 3. The citadel of the latter resisted for some days the army which the hook nobles assembled to besiege it, but was ultimately forced to surrender on conditions. Their lives and estates were granted to all the defenders except one, named Arnold Beiling, the cause of whose reservation is not known. His conduct on the occasion proved that the high principle of honour, and undaunted courage, which we are accustomed to attribute peculiarly to the knightly and the noble, animated no less strongly the breast of a simple Dutch burgher.

  1. Vide Note G at the end of the volume.
  2. Meyer, ad aim. 1424, p. 268. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. iv., cap. 2. Monstrelet, vol. vi., chap. 26—30, 32.
  3. Divans Rer. Brab., lib. xviii., ad ann. 1424. Monstrelet, vol. vi., chap. 36.

Note G. (Page 207

The following is the letter addressed by the Countess Jacoba to Humphry of Gloucester (commonly called the "Good Duke Humphry), as translated by Johnes from Monstrelet's Chronicle: "

--- My very dear and redoubted lord and father, in the most humble of manners in this world, I recommend myself to your kind favour. May it please you to know, my very redoubted lord and father, that I address myself to you as the most doleful, most ruined, and most treacherously deceived woman living; for, my very dear lord, on Sunday, the I3th of this present month of June, the deputies of your town of Mons returned, and brought with them a treaty that had been agreed on between our fair cousin of Burgundy and our fair cousin of Brabant; which treaty had been made in the absence and without the knowledge of my mother, as she herself signifies to me, and confirmed by her chaplain, Master Gerard Ie Grand.

" My mother, most redoubted lord, has written to me letters, certifying the above treaty haying been made; but that in regard to it, she knew not how to advise me, for that she was herself doubtful how to act. She desired me, however, to call an assembly of the principal burghers of Mons, and learn from them what aid and advice they were willing to give me. Upon this, my sweet lord and father, I went on the morrow to the town-house, and remonstrated with them, that it had been at their request and earnest entreaties that you had left me under their safeguard and on their oaths, that they would be true and loyal subjects, and take especial care of me, so that they should be enabled to give you good accounts on your return; and these oaths had been taken on the holy sacrament at the altar, and on the sacred evangelists.

"To this my harangue, my dear and honoured lord, they simply replied, that they were not sufficiently strong within the town to defend and guard me; and instantaneously they rose in tumult, saying that my people wanted to murder them; and, my sweet lord, they carried matters so far that, in despite of me, they arrested one of your sergeants, called Maquart, whom they immediately beheaded, and hanged very many who were of your party and strongly attached to your interest, such as Bardould de la Porte, his brother Colart, and others, to the number of 250 of you adherents. They also wished to seize Sir Baldwin the treasurer, and Sir Louis de Montfort; but though they did not succeed, I know not what they intend doing; for, my very dear lord, they plainly told me that unless I make peace, they will deliver me into the hands of the Duke of Brabant, and that I shall only remain eight days longer in their town, when I shall be forced to go into Flanders, which will be to me the most painful of events; for I very much fear that, unless you shall hasten to free me from the hands I am now in, I shall never see you more. Alas! my most dear and redoubted father, my whole hope is in your power, seeing, my sweet lord and only delight, that all my sufferings arise from my love to you. I therefore entreat, in the most humble manner possible, and for the love of God, that you would be pleased to haw compassion on me and on my affairs; for you must hasten to succour your most doleful creature, if you do not wish to lose her forever.

" I have hopes that you will do as I beg, for, dear father, have never behaved ill to you in my whole life, and so long as I shall live I will never do any thing to displease you, but I am ready to die for love of you and your noble person.

" Your government pleases me much; and by my faith, my very redoubted lord and prince, my sole consolation and hope, I beg you will consider; by the love of God and of my lord St. George, the melancholy situation of myself and my affairs more maturely than you have hitherto done, for you seem entirely to have forgotten me.

" Nothing more do I know at present than that I ought sooner to have sent Sir Louis de Montfort to you, for he cannot longer remain here, although he attended me when all the rest deserted me; and he will tell you more particularly all that has happened than I can do in a letter. I entreat, therefore, that you will be a kind lord to him, and send me your good pleasure and commands, which I will most heartily obey. This is known to the blessed Son of God, whom I pray to grant you a long and happy life, and that I may have the great joy of seeing you soon.

"Written in the false and traitorous town of Mons, with a doleful heart, the 16th day of June." The letter was signed " your sorrowful and well-beloved daughter, suffering great grief by your commands—your daughter, De Quienebourg."


208

He was condemned to be buried alive, but besought a respite of one month to arrange his affairs, and take leave of his friends: it was granted upon his word of honour alone, and he was permitted to depart without further security. He returned punctually at the time appointed, and the sentence was executed a short distance without the Walls of the town. The confidence with which this singular request was granted, showing, as it does, the habitual reliance placed on the good faith of the Hollanders, is only less admirable than the courageous integrity with which the promise was fulfilled 1.

The death of John 1426 the Ungodly, by poison, administered, as some say, at the instigation of the Countess-dowager, others, by his steward, a knight of the hook party, some months after the return of Jacoba to Holland, although it delivered her from an inveterate and powerful enemy, did not contribute to retrieve her fortunes. He had named Philip of Burgundy his heir in case he should die without issue, and that ambitious prince now took advantage of the event to obtain from John of Brabant the title of governor and heir to the County of Holland; John himself retaining the name of Count, and being acknowledged as such by all the towns which had held to the party of John of Bavaria 2. The Duke of Brabant confirmed the privileges of the nation, engaging that no offices should be given to strangers, and that no money should be coined without the consent of the council and the towns. He declared also, that no exiles of the hook party should be permitted to return to their Country without permission from himself and his council 3.

  1. Boxhorn in Schoonhoven Theat. Urb., p. 299.
  2. Tritenhemii Chron., ad ann. 1425. Meyer Ann. Fland., lib. xvi, ad ann. 1424, p. 268. Suff. Pet., p. 157. AEgid. de Roy., ad ann. 1424. Boxhorn op Reigersberg, 2 deel., bl. 197.
  3. Groot Plakaatb., deel. iii., LI. 13.

209

From this time he does not appear to have concerned himself in any way with the government of the County. He returned immediately after to Brabant, when Philip came into Holland, where he was acknowledged governor by the greater portion of the towns 1.

The Countess Jacoba remained meanwhile at Gouda, where hearing that some towns of the cod party, principally Haarlem, Leyden, and Amsterdam had united their forces to besiege her, she obtained assistance from the Utrechters, who had always remained faithful to her cause, and advanced at the head of her troops to meet her enemies near Alpen, where she gained a considerable victory over them 2. This success was followed by the welcome news, that an English fleet had been equipped for her service by the Duke of 1426 Gloucester, bringing five hundred choice land troops. It arrived, in effect, early in the next year at Schouwen, under the command of the Earl Fitzwalter, whom he had appointed his Stadtholder over Holland and Zealand. Philip, being then at Leyden, assembled an army of 4000 men, and sailed from Rotterdam to Brouwershaven, where the English, joined with the Zealanders of the hook party, were encamped. Immediately on the landing of the cods the troops came to a severe engagement, which lasted the whole day, and terminated to the disadvantage of the English and hooks; 1400 of the former, and some of the principal nobles of Zealand were slain; Fitzwalter himself being forced to seek safety by flight 3.

  1. AEgid. de Roya, ad ann. 1425, p. 73.
  2. Herm. Corn. Col., torn, ii., p. 1265.
  3. Diveus Rer. Brab., lib. xviii., ad ann. 1426. Pont. HeuU Rer. Bar., lib. iv., cap. 2.

210

This unfortunate enCounter lost Jacoba the whole of Zealand: nevertheless, she did not yield to despair, but taking advantage of the absence of Duke Philip from Holland, she engaged the men of Alkmaar, with the Kemmerlanders and West Frieslanders, to lay siege to Haarlem; this undertaking also was unsuccessful; but the Kemmerlanders made themselves masters of Enkhuyzen, Monnikendam, and several forts belonging to the cod party 1; they attempted likewise to gain possession of Hoorn, but found this city determined to defend itself with the utmost vigour. The animosity entertained by the burghers against Jacoba arose from a circumstance which affords but too strong evidence of the disregard into which, during this turbulent period, the numerous laws made to provide for the security of the subject had fallen. A young man, named John Lambertson, the son of Lambert Kuyf, burgomaster of Hoorn, happening to see the Countess at Gouda, incautiously observed, that it was a shame that so noble and lovely a lady should be dragged hither and thither like a common woman." This remark being repeated to Jacoba, the youth was seized, tried, and condemned to death by the supreme court of Holland. The unhappy father pleaded, in the most moving terms and with the offer of a large sum, for the life of his only son. He failed in obtaining a remission of the sentence; but hopes were given him, that at the last hour, on the scaffold, a mandate would arrive from the Lady Jacoba to stay the execution. They proved delusive, and the sufferer was beheaded on the day appointed. The deep resentment which an act of such lawless cruelty excited in the breast of the father was shared by all the members of the government, who came to an unanimous resolution never, in any case, to acknowledge Jacoba as Countess 2,3.

  1. Meyer Ann. Fland., lib. xvi., ad ann. 1426, p. 271. Monstrelet, vol. vi., chap. 38.
  2. Velius Hoorn, boek i., p. 23.
  3. * Slander ("Lastering"), under which denomination this offence would come, was punishable by fine only; and, consequently, not being capital, was within the jurisdiction of the "vierschaar," or municipal court, and did not belong to that of the supreme court of Holland. Grotius Inleydinge, &c, boek iii., deel 36.

211

The burghers, therefore, fortified their town, which as yet lay open, with astonishing rapidity, Lambert Kuyf applying to this purpose the whole of the money which he had offered for his son's ransom, and sent to demand assistance from Duke Philip against the Kemmerlanders. On the arrival of three hundred Picardins, under the command of Villiers de Lisle Adam, they attacked the besiegers in the suburbs of Hoorn, defeated, and put them to flight. The loss of this battle and the advance of Philip in person did not permit Jacoba to continue any longer in North Holland. She therefore retreated once more to Gouda, when all the towns in that quarter opened their gates to Philip. The hooks, exasperated at their defeat before Hoorn, vented their rage upon the town of Enkhuyzen; having collected a few vessels, they surprised it as the burghers were engaged in their midday meal, seized more than a hundred of the principal persons and beheaded them. Under pretext of securing them from similar assaults in future, Philip placed foreign garrisons in the greater number of the towns, and erected a citadel at Hoorn 1. The filling the town with foreign soldiers, an act unprecedented in the history of the Country, was the first of those violent and unpopular measures pursued by Philip and his successors, which, in the next century, lost them so rich and fair a portion of their dominions:

  1. Velius Hoorn, boek L, p. 23, 27, 28. Monstrelet, vol. vi., chap. 38, pp. 176,177.

212

It was followed by others no less inimical to the ancient customs and privileges of the people; the Kemmerlanders were punished for the support they had given to their lawful sovereign, by the forfeiture of their charters and immunities ; they were forbidden to assemble together for any cause, and to use any other arms than common knives without points; the towns and villages which had adhered to Jacoba were condemned to pay a fine of 123,300 crowns within six months, and to be subject to a perpetual tax of four groots (halfpence) for every hearth. Alkmaar was to furnish 8000 crowns as its portion of the fine, to be deprived of its municipal government, and the citadel and walls to be razed to the ground 1. The suspension of their privileges had before been inflicted on the Kemmerlanders by Count William III., in 1324, and it appears that the Counts claimed the power of imposing this penalty on any sufficient cause of offence 2; but that of fixing a permanent impost upon the inhabitants in general, or destroying the walls of the towns, had, on no occasion, been exercised by any of their sovereigns, and formed a precedent equally new and dangerous; the disarming them, too, was a mode of vengeance peculiarly offensive to a brave and spirited people, who were, moreover, bound by their laws to hold themselves in readiness for the defence of the Country. Even those towns which had been friendly to Philip, were obliged to contribute heavy "petitions" for the payment of his troops 3.

After the reduction of North Holland the Duke of Burgundy advanced to the siege of Zevenbergen, the frontier town of South Holland, on the side of Brabant.

  1. Handvesten van Kemmerland, bl. lviii., lix.
  2. Will. Proc., ad ann. 1326.
  3. Velius Hoorn., p. 27.

213

It was defended, during a considerable time, by the valour of Gerard von Stryen, its commander, but was at length forced to surrender; and the Countess Jacoba 1427 found herself reduced to the possession only of Gouda, Schoonhoven, Oudewater, and Montfort 1. Her affairs were now in a.desperate condition. The Pope had not only declared her marriage with the Duke of Brabant valid, but prohibited the contraction of any future marriage between her and the Duke of Gloucester, even after the death of John of Brabant, whose health and strength were rapidly decaying 2. This event 3, which occurred within a short time from the issuing of the papal bull, and the intelligence that the English parliament had granted 20,000 marks expressly for her relief, inspired Jacoba with hopes, nevertheless, that Gloucester would lend effective aid towards reinstating her in possession of her inheritance; and emboldened her to appeal to a general council of the Church against the decree of the Pope 4. But the Duke of Bedford having concluded a truce for his brother with the Duke of Burgundy, forbade him to go to Holland, and Humphry himself showed no inclination to second the efforts of the Countess. In spite of her remonstrances, and of the reproaches of his own Countrywomen 5, he forsook his noble and highborn bride for the charms of Eleanor Cobharn, whom he now married, after her having lived with him some years as his mistress. Jacoba, conscious of possessing, besides her princely birth and rich estates, all the alluring attractions of her sex, was struck to the heart by this cruel and unlooked for desertion.

  1. Schryver*s Graaven, 2 deel, bl. 359. Herm. Corn., col. ii., p. 1275. JSgid. de Roya, ad ann. 1426.
  2. Monstrelet, vol. vi., chap. 41.
  3. This prince, although from his deficiency in talent he appears in so contemptible a light, is said by historians to have been just, pious, and benevolent. His name is honourable to posterity as the founder of the university of Louvain in 1426.
  4. Meyer, lib. xvi., ad ann. 142G, p. 271. Rym. Feed., torn, x., p. 375. Groot Plakaat., deel. iii., bl. 14.
  5. Stowe tells us that, "One Mrs. Stokes, with divers other stout women of London of good account and well apparelled, came openly to the Upper House of Parliament, and delivered letters to the Duke of Gloucester, to the archbishops, and other lords there present, containing matters of rebuke and sharp reprehension to the said Duke, because he would not deliver his wife Jaqueline out of her grievous imprisonment, and suffering her there to remain unkindly, whilst he kept another adulteress, contrary to the law of God and to the honourable estate of matrimony."—Parl. Hist., vol. i., p. 359.

214

She remained shut up and inactive at Gouda, where she spent many long dreary months in constant expectation of a siege. It was delayed in consequence of the absence of the Duke of Burgundy in Flanders. At length, on his arrival before the walls, Jacoba and the hook nobles, seeing no chance of defending themselves against a force so superior to their own, oflered terms of compromise to the Duke, to which he readily listened, being indeed so favourable, that he could hardly desire more, even after the possession of Gouda 1.

By this treaty, Jacoba was to desist from her appeal to a council of the Church against the decree of the Pope; to surrender her states to the administration of Philip as heir and governor, but retain the title of Countess, with an engagement not to contract another marriage without the consent of the Duke, of her mother, and of the three estates 2; in which case, she was to resign, in favour of Philip, her claim to the allegiance of her subjects. The government of Holland, in the Duke's absence, was to be entrusted to nine councillors, of whom the Countess should name three, and the Duke the six others, three natives, and three from other parts of his dominions. (It had been an express stipulation in the marriage articles of Jacoba with the Duke of Touraine, that no foreigners were to be admitted to offices within the County.)

  1. Meyer, lib. xvi., ad ann. 1428, p. 272. Divaeus, Rer. Brab., lib. xviii., ad ann. 1428.
  2. In Hainaut, Zealand, and Friesland, the clergy formed a separate estate.

215

The Duke was to have the sole nomination of all the higher offices, both in the towns and open Country. The future revenues of the County, after the subtraction of salaries to public officers, and other necessary expences, were to be paid to the Countess. (We shall see, hereafter, that under one or other of these pretences, Philip reduced the income thus provided for her, to a 1428 very insufficient sum.) The exiles on both sides were to be permitted to return to their Country, and no one, under a penalty, should reproach another with the party names of hook and cod.

The Duke of Guelderland, and the Bishop of Utrecht, should be at liberty, if they so desired, to accede to the treaty, from which, all such as were concerned in the death of John of Bavaria were excluded 1. Jacoba was obliged to go through the towns of Holland with the Duke, and cause the oaths to be taken to him as heir and governor; and thus deprived of all authority in the government, she retired to Goes in South Beveland 2. The new council of nine was forthwith appointed, with power to nominate and remove bailiffs, schouts, treasurers, and other officers in the Duke's name, and to audit the public accounts. As six of the members of this council were named by the Duke, and the whole held their offices only during his pleasure, it is evident that the interests of the Lady Jacoba could have been very little cared for.

  1. Groot. Flakaat., deel. iii., bl. 14; deel. iv., bl. 2.
  2. Ghemeene Chronyck, diris. xxviii., cap. 39. Monstrelet, vol. vi., chap. 49, 50.

216

The council bad, however, no authority over her revenues, or the granting and withholding of privileges. Having effected this compromise, Philip appointed Francis van Borselen, a Zealand nobleman, his Stadtholder over Holland and Zealand, and returned to Flanders 1. After the loss of her states, the Countess Jacoba lived in comparative retirement at Goes and the Hague; but she soon found that, having neither offices, wealth, nor titles to bestow, her most devoted adherents began to desert her. Her revenues, after payment of the salaries of the public officers, barely sufficed for her support, and on the occasion of any extraordinary expense, she was obliged to have recourse for assistance to her friends of the hook party; but as they had neither advantages, nor even payment to expect in return, they soon became weary of such unprofitable generosity. One friend, and one alone, was left to her in this time of need. Francis van Borselen, although a conspicuous member of the cod party, and appointed by Philip Stadtholder of Holland, was ever ready to assist her with his purse and counsel, though at the risk of alienating his friends, and even of losing his valuable offices. The gratitude and esteem which such conduct naturally excited in the breast of the forsaken princess, soon deepened into feelings of the tenderest attachment; and under their impulse, she consented to a secret marriage with Borselen, though she well knew the penalty which must attach to a discovery 2. This event was soon known to Philip, who had too many of his partizans around her, to admit of its remaining long concealed; nor did he delay to make use of it as a means of depriving Jacoba of her title of Countess, all that now remained of her birthright.

  1. Ghemeene Chronyck, div. xxviii., cap. 40.
  2. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. ix., p. 140. Herm. Cor., col. ii., p. 1832. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. iv., cap. 5.

217

His first measure was to cause Francis van Borselen to be arrested at the Hague, and conducted prisoner to Ruppelmonde; after which, he allowed a report to go abroad, that the unfortunate nobleman was to be released only by death; judging, with good reason, that the desire to save a husband so beloved, would reduce the Countess to such terms of submission as he should dictate 1. The issue justified his expectations. By the terms of the treaty of 1428, it had been provided, that if Jacoba should marry without consent of the Duke, her mother, and the states, she should forfeit the allegiance of her subjects. To this article she now consented without hesitation; and upon condition 1433 that the Duke should release Francis van Borselen and confirm their marriage, she renounced all right and title to the Counties of Holland, Zealand, Friesland, and Hainaut, reserving only a life interest in the baronies of Voorne, South Beveland, and Thoolen, with the tolls of Holland and Zealand: in the event of the Duke dying before her, the County was to revert to herself and her heirs. Philip afterwards created Borselen Count of Oostervant, and appointed him forester of Holland, but deprived him of the office of 8tadtholder 2. Such was the end of the troubled and 1434 disastrous reign of the Countess Jacoba.

  1. Snoi. Her. Bat., lib. ix., p. 140. Meyer Ann. Fland., ad ann. 1433, p. 280, 281.
  2. Ghemeene Chronyck, divis. xxviii., cap. 40. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. iv., cap. 5.

218

There are many points in the character and story of this lovely and unhappy lady, which strongly remind us of the still more unfortunate Mary, queen of Scots: her personal beauty, captivating manners, masculine courage, and extraordinary talent; her early marriage to the heir of the French crown, with the disappointment of her high hopes, caused by his premature death; the disgust and misery attendant on her second union; and her final subjection to the power of an artful and ambitious rival. But, innocent of the crimes or indiscretions of Mary, she escaped also her violent and cruel death; and we may be tempted to believe, that the period which she passed in obscurity, united, for the first time, by the ties of affection, to an object every way worthy of her love and esteem, was the happiest of her life. If so, however, her felicity was but of short duration, 1436 since she died of consumption about two years after her abdication, at the age of thirty-six 1. The last marriage, as well as the other three, having proved childless, the County became permanently united to the already vast possessions of the Duke of Burgundy. In the year 1421, a dreadful and destructive flood happened in Holland, overwhelming seventy-two villages between Dordrecht and Geertruydenberg, twenty of which were never recovered: the loss of life and property was immense, many noble families being reduced almost to beggary. By this inundation, the Biesbosch was formed, and the town of Dordrecht separated from the main land of Holland 2.

  1. Snoi. Rer. Bat., lib. ix., p. 140,141.
  2. Meyer, lib. xvi., ad ann. 1421, p. 264. Heda in Fred., 274. Box-horn in Dord., p. 109,117.

Part 1, Chapter 4

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Volume I

137

CHAPTER IV

JOHN II.

Accession of John of Avennes. Resistance of the Zealand Nobles to his authority. Aided by the Emperor. Peace between the Emperor and Holland. War with Utrecht. Death of the Bishop. Guy of Hainaut appointed in his stead. War with Flanders. Conquest of Zealand—of North Holland. Invasion by the Duke of Brabant: repelled. Holland fried from the Invaders. Succours from France. Battle of Zierikzee. Guy of Flanders taken prisoner. Recovery of Zealand. Death and Character of John II. William III. Marriage. Truce with Flanders. War renewed. Final and lasting peace. Marriage of the Counts Daughters. Affairs of England—of Germany. Subjugation of Friesland. William's domestic government. Dispute with the Kemmerlanders. Staple of Dordrecht. Alliances of the King of England in the Netherlands. Death of the Count. His Children. Character of William. William IV. Renewal of the alliance with England. War between England and France. Battle of Slugs. Siege of Tournay. Truce. War with Utrecht. Truce. William sails to Friesland. Is slain there. Margaret. Claim of the King of England to a share in the County. Margaret acknowledged. Surrenders the government to her son William. Resumes it. War between Margaret and William. Accomodation. Death of Margaret.

Upon the death of his cousin, John of Avennes returned immediately to Holland, where he was acknowledged by the nobles, commons, and towns 1, as Count, in right of his mother, Adelaide, sister of William II. 2 In Zealand, however, he found the party of Wolferd van Borselen among the nobles, sufficiently powerful to offer a formidable resistance to his authority. John van Renesse, who had been 1300 banished by Wolferd, in consequence of an unsuccessful attempt to gain possession of the young Count's person, returned to Holland, after his death, and offered to clear himself of any participation in the treason against Count Florence, which he had concealed, although he did not take any active part in it.

  1. This is the first time that express mention is made of the acknowledgment of the Count by the commons or towns. Melis Stoke says, however, that it was done according to the custom.—" Na den zede."
  2. Wilhelm. Proc., ad ami. 1299. Melis Stoke, boek vii., bl. 1, deel. 3.

138

But as he could not find sureties for his future good conduct, the negotiation was broken off, and Renesse retired into Zealand, where he not only made a reconciliation with the friends and partizans of Borselen, his former rival, but even succeeded him as their leader 1.

Flanders, the general resource of the disaffected subjects of Holland, was now shut out from them the Count being a prisoner in the hands of Philip IV. of France, and the Country overrun by the troops of Charles of Valois 2. Renesse, therefore, turned his eyes towards Albert, emperor of Germany, to whom he represented that Holland and Zealand had now reverted to the empire as an escheated fief, of which it would be easy to take possession, since most of the nobles and towns were strongly averse to the government of a native of Hainaut 3. The emperor, flattering himself that Holland could not long resist his power, sent letters to each of the towns separately, demanding their homage, and shortly after marched at the head of an army, and accompanied by the archbishops of Metz, Treves, and Cologne, as far as Nimeguen. But the towns, instead of complying with the mandates of the emperor, transmitted his letters to Count John, and the people of all ranks assembled round his standard in such numbers, that he was able to advance to Nimeguen with a force far superior to that of the emperor, who, on his approach, hastily retreated to Kranenburg; and, suspecting that he had been purposely deceived by Renesse, consented without hesitation to a treaty proposed by the Archbishop of Cologne, in which he promised to retire immediately, and leave John in quietss possession of the County, on his doing homage for it as a fief of the empire 4.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek iv., bL 272; boek v., bl. 421; boek vii., bl, 2,3, deel. 3.
  2. Velly, Hist, de France, torn, vii., p. 142, 144.
  3. Beka in Wilhelm., ii., p. 102. Melis Stoke, boek vii., bl. 19.
  4. Melis Stoke, boek vii., bl. 21—25. Beka in Wilhelm., p. 102,109.

139

On the arrival of a fleet from Zealand in the Lek, to the assistance of the emperor, they found the treaty already concluded, and were advised by Albert to return without delay to their own Country. During their absence, John of Oostervant, son of the Count of Holland, entered Zealand, ravaged the open Country, threw down the forts, and made himself master of Schouwen, Walcheren, and South Beveland; and as the Zealanders sailed homewards down the Waal, they received intelligence that Count John had posted ships in the mouths of the Lek and Merwe, to intercept their passage. They, therefore, landed, and, after an unsuccessful attempt to surprise Schoonhoven, retired to Flanders, whence they made irruptions from time to time on the coasts of Zealand, where they were distinguished by the name of the exiles 1. In the summer of the next year, John went into Hainaut, leaving the government of Holland and Zealand in the hands of his brother Guy and his third son, William, now about fifteen. He had conferred upon the former, likewise, the lordships of Amstel and 1301 Woerden; and this afforded the Bishop of Utrecht a pretext for attempting the recovery of these estates, the loss of which he suffered with no small impatience. He accordingly marched towards Woerden in person, and laid waste the surrounding Country with fire and sword. Guy and William were at this time in Walcheren, but the burghers and people 2 of the neighbourhood assembled together and prepared for tho defence of Amstel and Woerden, as well as the short* ness of the time permitted.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek vii., bl. 26—34.
  2. The author of the " Vaterlandsche Historie," (boek x., p. 151,) says, that this defence was made by the nobles and towns; but Melis Stoke, from whom he quotes, attributes the principal share in it to the burghers and Country people, " poorters and lant vole," and admires the fidelity and courage displayed by a poor commonalty, " arme gemeente." —boek vii., bl. 56, 60.

140

Notwithstanding their efforts, however, the bishop's troops still outnumbered them, in the proportion of six to one, which did not prevent the Hollanders from invading the bishopric in order to transfer thither the seat of war, and they had advanced as far as the plain of Hoogtwoude, near Utrecht, when they found themselves entirely surrounded by their enemies. Deprived of all means of retreat, the Hollanders had no choice left but to conquer: the fortune of the battle >vas decided by the death of the bishop, who, fighting in the foremost ranks, was struck down by a blow from one of the heavy clubs used in the warfare of that period, the soldiers having a superstitious horror of shedding his blood. This event caused a general flight among his troops, and the Hollanders were admitted without opposition into the city of Utrecht 1. Guy of Hainaut arrived too late to take any part in the contest, but in time to procure for himself the election to the see, which he filled during sixteen years, and by this means Holland was secured from further molestation from that quarter 2.

She was not, however, left without enemies to combat. The Zealand exiles not being permitted by Count William to return to their Country, prevailed with Guy, son of the old Count of Flanders who was still a prisoner in France, to grant them large reinforcements of men and ships for the purpose of invading Walcheren.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek vii., bl. 53—60. Beka in Wilhelm., p. 103.
  2. Idem, p. 106, 100. Melis Stoke, boek vii., bl. 03.

141

This he was now enabled to do, 1302 since an obstinate and decisive battle fought with the French at Courtrai, had placed him in possession of Flanders, which they were forced entirely to evacuate 1. The narrow channel between Walcheren and Beveland was filled with Flemish vessels; and Count William, then in the former island, took post at Arnemuyden, sending forward part of his army to Veere, to oppose the landing of the Flemings. The latter attacked the 1303 Holland troops at Veere, when a considerable number of the Zealanders going over to the side of the Flemings, in the beginning of the engagement, spread such consternation among the remainder, that they fled with precipitation to Arnemuyden. Hither they were pursued by the enemy, when William, with great firmness and courage, made a short stand against them, but his army, being far inferior in numbers, was entirely defeated, and forced to retreat to Middleburg, which city, totally unprovided with supplies or ammunition, surrendered with little resistance. Count William escaped to Zierikzee, leaving Guy entire master of Walcheren 2. Determined to follow up his advantage, Guy endeavoured to carry Zierikzee by assault, but a brave sally on the part of the burghers rendered this attempt abortive; and leaving sufficient troops to carry on the blockade, he turned his steps towards Holland, where the Count, on his return from Hainaut, had, with the assistance of his brother Guy, bishop of Utrecht, assembled a large army at Schiedam 3.

  1. Meyer, Ann. Fland., lib. x., ad ann. 1032, p. 94.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek viii., bl. 92—104, Meyer, Ann. Fland., lib. x., ad ann. 1303, p. 99.
  3. The old chroniclers of Holland always speak of the national armies in this vague manner, never stating the numbers of which they consisted; it arises, perhaps, from the difficulty of ascertaining them exactly, for want of a regular division of the troops; the nobles appearing in the Acid, each at the head of his own vassals, and the citizens of the several towns serving separately under the standard of the town to which they belonged.

142

But, no sooner did the Flemish ships make their appearance in one of the mouths of the Maas, then called the Widel 1, than the Count of Holland opened negotiations for a treaty, whereby he engaged to surrender to Flanders the whole of Zealand, except Zierikzee, which was to have no additional fortifications. No reason whatever can be assigned for his making so disgraceful a compact, since the troops had shown the greatest alacrity in rallying round his standard, and were so eager to engage with the Flemings, that John was obliged to disband them before he could proceed with the negotiations 2.

Guy of Flanders did not long abide by this treaty, however advantageous to him. One of its provisions was to the effect that either party should give four months' notice of his intention to put an end to it, and Count John falling sick late in the autumn, Guy thought he could not choose a more favourable opportunity for renewing the war against him, and accordingly declared the truce terminated in the November following.

The Count, unable from the feeble state of his 1304 health to undergo the slightest exertion, surrendered the whole government of the County into the hands of his son William (now his heir, both the elder brothers being dead, of whom John, Count of Oostervant, was killed at the battle of Courtrai) and retired into Hai-nault for the last time 3.

  1. Supposed to be the channel between Voorn and Putten.—Huydecoper op Stoke, deel. iii., bl. 306.
  2. Wilhelm. Proc., ad ann. 1303. Melis Stoke, boek viii., bl. 106-119.
  3. Melis Stoke, boek viii., bl. 121—125.

143

The greatest zeal in the service of their Country, under the young Prince William, then just eighteen, was found to pervade all ranks of men: the nobility took the field at their own cost, and the towns voluntarily supplied double their quotas of troops, while Guy, bishop of Utrecht, brought to his aid a brave and numerous body of auxiliaries. With this army William embarked on board a considerable fleet of ships, with the design of intercepting the Flemings on their way to Zealand, But finding that they bad already landed in Duyveland, with Count Guy and John of Renesse at their head, the Holland troops hastily left the vessels, without the permission of Count William, and had hardly reached the shore when they were attacked, while yet in disorder, by the Flemings: a severe battle ensued, in which the Hollanders sustained a total defeat: several of the nobility were killed, the Bishop Guy was taken prisoner, and William only avoided the same fete by seeking refuge within the walls of Zierikzee 1. After this victory, Guy of Flanders sailed to North Holland, where the inhabitants, struck with dismay at the overthrow of an army on which they had relied, and whose equipment had left them nearly defenceless; and urged, moreover, by the intrigues and solicitations of John van Renesse, who laboured incessantly to forward Guy's interests, submitted with little resistance, and all the towns in that quarter, except Haarlem received Flemish garrisons 2.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek viii., bl. 126-138. Beka in Guid., p. 106.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek viii., bl. 146, 147. Beka in Guid., p. 106.

144

While affairs were in this troubled condition in North Holland, John IL, Duke of Brabant» with whom Gay of Flanders had formed an alliance the year before, invaded South Holland, made himself master of Zevenberg, and Geertruydenberg, and sat down before Dordrecht This ancient city was saved by the valour of one of its citizens, Nicholas van Putten, then in command of the garrison and burghers. After several sallies by the besieged, the Brabanters found themselves obliged to retreat to Waalwyk, where, being followed and attacked by the Dordrechters, they were defeated with great slaughter, and the Duke, with the remainder of his troops, lost no time in making the best of his way back to Brabant 1.

Guy of Flanders, meanwhile, had marched without check to Utrecht, of which he took possession. Nearly the whole of Holland was now overrun by Flemish troops; Zealand, except Zierikzee, subdued; Count John remained sick in Hainaut, bishop Guy, his brother, was a prisoner, and William shut up in Zierikzee. It seemed, indeed, as if the County had wholly fallen a prey to her ancient and inveterate fo$ when it was at once set free by one of those sudden bursts of enthusiastic energy which are characteristic of this remarkable people.

Witte van Hamstede, a natural son of Florence V., having sailed out of Zierikzee in a single vessel, was driven by stress of weather into Zandfort, and thence proceeded with a few followers to Haarlem, the only town of North Holland which had not submitted to the Flemings. From hence he sent letters to the other towns, upbraiding them with cowardice, and earnestly exhorting them to resist to the last their insolent enemies; he himself being come, he said, to deliver Holland from Flemish tyranny.

  1. Petrus Divans Ann. Brab., lib. x.> ad ann. 1903,1304* Boxhorn in Dordrecht, p. 108. Melis Stoke, boek viii., bl. 1C1,1G2.

145

His call did not remain unanswered: within two days the burghers of Delft, Leyden, and Schiedam, rose with one accord, slew or drove out the Flemish garrisons, and Nicholas van Putten, of Dordrecht, taking advantage of the occasion to attack the Flemings in South Holland, the County in the space of a single week was nearly cleared of her invaders. Guy of Flanders was at Utrecht at the time of this revolution, and immediately on hearing the intelligence, set sail in a number of cogs that were lying in the Yssel, and proceeded through Hollands Diep to the island of Schouwen, with the design of surprising William in Zierikzee; but, finding the garrison prepared to receive him, he retired by way of the Scheldt into Flanders 1. After the departure of the Flemings from Holland, William returned from Zierikzee to Dordrecht, where he was welcomed with the most extravagant joy: the citizens congratulated each other that he was come to avenge their disgrace; every house was illuminated; and the Country people, on hearing of his arrival, flocked in crowds to see him: the Lord Witte van Hamstede also brought a considerable force of Frieslanders and Kemmerlanders to place at his disposal 2.

The recovery of Holland was ere long followed by that of Zealand. Count William, hearing that Guy was preparing a fleet in Flanders for the reduction of Zierikzee, sent to petition for succours from Philip IV. of France. Since the separation of Hainaut from Flanders, the interests of the former state and those of Prance had been closely connected. Philip, therefore, at the request of his ally, sent sixteen Genoese and twenty French vessels to Holland, under the command of Rinaldo di Grimaldi, of Genoa, commonly called " the Admiral," an officer of superior skill and experience 3.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek viii., bl. 168,169—174.
  2. Idem, boek ix., bl. 189—191.
  3. Velly, Hist, de France, torn, vii., p. 324.

146

Hearing that a fleet was preparing in France to assist the Hollanders, Guy of Flanders hastened, before it was in readiness to act, to lay siege to Zierikzee; and made several attempts to carry it by assault, but was constantly repulsed by the valour of the inhabitants. During the whole of the siege, the women shared the fatigues and danger equally with the men: they carried the large stones from the streets to supply the engines on the walls, and when any fire occurred, from the combustible missiles 1 of the besiegers, they undertook to extinguish it alone, that the men might not be called off from the defence 2. Meanwhile the French fleet united with that of Holland in the mouth of the Meuse; and after being long delayed by contrary winds, came within sight of the Flemish ships, eighty in number 3, lying in the Gouwe, between Schouwen and Duyveland, on the evening of the 10th of August 4. Here four of the Holland vessels ran aground on the sands not far from Zierikzee; in consequence of which,

  1. They were chiefly torches fastened to the end of arrows: bat simple as this weapon may appear, it did great execution, as the houses were in general thatched with straw.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek ix., bl. 206, 207.
  3. It is not mentioned of how many vessels the French and Holland fleet consisted ; but it must have been inferior to that of Flanders, «nee the historian says that "he thinks it never happened before that so small a number should fight with so great a force." Melis Stoke, boek ix., bl. 251. He says also, that the Flemings were ten to one on the water, and three to one on land; but this assertion seems hardly worthy of credit. The Flemish historian of later times tells us, on the contrary, that the Hollanders excelled their adversaries in large ships, but that their number of small vessels was inferior.
  4. Melis Stoke, bl. 224—233.

147

William and the French admiral determined to delay the engagement till the following day. Hardly had they come to this resolution, when they perceived the Flemish ships advancing towards them in battle array: as they drew nigh, the Hollanders, encouraged by a short and spirited address from their leader 1 with loud shouts of " Holland, Holland! Paris, Paris " threw a shower of arrows and stones among the enemy, which the Flemings were not slow in returning. In the early part of the battle the latter mastered three of the Holland vessels, and greatly annoyed the rest by missiles thrown from the "cokets," or small stages fastened to their masts. Suddenly, however, the mast of one of the largest ships, to which a turret of this kind was attached, fell with a tremendous crash, and the Hollanders, taking advantage of the confusion, ran alongside, boarded, and took possession of her, putting the crew to the sword. At this moment the four stranded vessels, launched by the tide, came drifting down upon the combatants. The sailors, while they had been forced to remain inactive spectators of the contest, had prepared torches of dry wood, and tow, and other combustibles: these they now threw flaming into the faces of their adversaries, and created considerable disorder among them. The fight, however, was continued by moonlight with unremitting fury until past midnight, when the victory proved decisive on the side of the Hollanders; most of the Flemish ships being either captured or destroyed 2.

  1. Instead of the long and somewhat untimely orations which historians are apt to put into the mouth of their heroes, Melis Stoke attributes to William merely these few words:—" Let us defend ourselves bravely. I see the battle won : God will crown him who dies in heaven, and he who lives will be lauded through the whole world." Boek ix., bl. 251.
  2. Meyer, i., p. 104, gives the number captured as one thousand, but it is scarcely credible,

148

Partial skirmishes were renewed throughout the night with the few that remained, and early the next morning the vessel which contained Count Guy was observed with all her sails up, endeavouring to escape. Being prevented by the lightness of the wind, Grimaldi came up with her, and forced her to close combat: a long and destructive conflict ended in the capture of Count Guy, whom Grimaldi carried prisoner to France 1. The inhabitants of Zierikzee, unable from the uncertain light to distinguish the combatants, spent the night in the deepest anxietssy: they had come to a determination, in case their Countrymen were defeated, to make a general sally, women as well as men, and fight their way as they best might through the camp of the besiegers 2. On the news of the victory obtained by the Hollanders, the Flemish troops left the siege in confusion and dismay, concealing themselves for the most part among the sand-hills of Schouwen, where about five thousand were made prisoners 3.

The imprisonment of Count Guy terminated the war in Zealand, and William was received in Middleburg with lively expressions of satisfaction from all, except the partizans of Flanders, the greater part of whom subsequently quitted the city. The other towns of Zealand speedily followed the example of Middleburg, and many of the disaffected nobles, upon a promise of pardon, returned to their allegiance, while the more zealous adherents of Count Guy retired into Flanders. John van Renesse, the prime mover of these disturbances, was drowned with several others, within a week of the battle of Zierikzee, while attempting to cross the Lek in a ferry-boat; and thus the County was entirely freed from its enemies 4.

  1. Velly, Hist, de France, torn, vii., p. 325. Meyer, Ann. Fland., ad ami. 1304, p. 103,104.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek ix., M. 252—272.
  3. Idem, boek x., bl. 347—370.
  4. Melis Stoke, boek x., bl. 370—388.

149

Count John had scarcely received the intelligence of his son's success, when the sickness under which he had so long languished carried him to the grave, on the 22nd of the same month. John of Avennes was pious, affable, humane, and beneficent; but indolent and irresolute; 1304 negligent in the administration of justice, and averse to any kind of business; passionately fond of hunting and hawking, and too much addicted to the pleasures of the table; " he laughed in his very heart," says his historian, " when he saw a jolly company assembled round him 1."

WILLIAM III.

Although the government of the County had been placed in the hands of William for some time before the death of his father, be received homage anew after that event from the nobles and towns 2. Early in the next year, he repaired to the court of France, to fulfil a contract of marriage which 1305 had been made for him in the lifetime of his father, with Joanna, daughter of Charles of Valois, and niece of King Philip IV 3,4.

Upon his arrival he found a treaty on foot between that Country and Flanders, wherein all the allies on both sides were included, except himself in respect of the Counties of Holland and Zealand. He therefore attempted to negotiate a separate peace with Robert III., successor to the County of Flanders, after the death of the old Count Guy in France, but could not succeed in obtaining anything further than a four years' 1306 truce 5. At its expiration, in the summer of 1310, Robert prepared to invade Hainaut with a considerable 1310 army.

  1. Melis Stoke, bl. 303—406.
  2. Wil. Proc, ad ann. 1305.
  3. Beka in Guid., p. 107.
  4. Vide Note E, at the end of the volume.
  5. Meyer, ann. Fland., lib. iv., ad ann. 1305, p. 109.

Note E. (Page 149.)

With the account of this marriage ends the Rhyme Chronicle of the monk of Egmond, Melis Stoke: a work which, whether in regard to the fidelity and judgment displayed in the relation of the facts, or (considering the age in which it was written) the purity and dignity of the language, is of inestimable value to the literature as well as to the history of Holland; and honourable alike to the author and to the Country which produced him, at a time when rude rhymes and monkish legends constituted the chief of the poetry and history of the northern nations of Europe.

The " Rym-chronyk" is written in the "ottava rima," or verses of eight feet, the measure being preserved less by the exact number of syllables, than by emphases and points, in the same manner as in our own Chaucer: the versification, well sustained throughout is in many parts by no means deficient in softness and harmony, but constantly adheres to the simplicity of history, being wholly destitute of poetical imagery, or rhetorical ornament. The early part of the Chronicle is brief, and often somewhat obscure, being probably intended merely as an introduction to the contemporary history, which commences with the reign of Florence V., when the details become sufficiently full, and the descriptions often graphic and striking; they are intermingled, however, with tedious and common place reflections, which the learned editor, Huydecoper, conjectures with great probability, to have been the interpolations of some of the transcribing monks: indeed, the terse and vigorous style of the author himself may be distinguished by the most superficial reader.

The farewell address to the young Count William, then about nineteen, is so remarkable for its boldness and simplicity, that I cannot resist the temptation of inserting it at length:

—" Lord of Holland, noble Count. I, Melis Stoke, your poor clerk, have finished this work for your behoof, and for the honour of God. Take heed that you lose not the good name you now have: else will your condition be worse than if you had never gained it, and all your foregone labour fruitless. Think always on virtue: give all you can, but be careful what you give, and to whom you give it Look into the mouths of your parasites, and see whether they flatter for gain. Do justice over the whole land, to the lord and to the peasant. Measure out right, and justice to every one according to his deserts; so if he complain, he shall complain without cause: if you do not this, you do ill, and he shall trample you under foot, and say, the devil may serve and love such a master. Reward him who serves you; so will he remain your constant friend. Judge the rich as well as the poor, and let not the poor make lamentation. If you do this, you shall do well. Be courteous in deed and word, and maintain a firm Countenance. Keep moderation in all things. Love the holy Church, and honour clerks, priests, and monks ; so shall our Lord strengthen you. Despise not the poor, but do good to him; that is to do well. God preserve your worldly honour in this life; and after this life, may you come to where holy angels praise the Lord. This may the Child of Mary grant; and let all who love the Count say, Amen."


150

Count William collected a sufficiently numerous body of cavalry to oppose him, but found himself nearly destitute of infantry, since the people of Holland and Zealand, when called upon to serve in the war, perceiving probably that the security of Holland was sacrificed to the welfare of Hainaut, resolutely refused obedience, declaring that they had enough to do in defending their own coasts from the threatened invasion. William was obliged to conclude a treaty with Robert on most disadvantageous terms, agreeing to hold the islands west of the Scheldt as a fief of Flanders; to pay to Guy, the brother of Robert, (the same who had been taken prisoner at Zierikzee,) a yearly sum equal to the revenue of those islands, and to resign all right to Waasland and the four manors 1.

Determined to abide by this covenant no longer than he was obliged, William readily joined Louis X. of France in his subsequent invasion of Flanders. 1315 But the rains which continued during the whole time of the campaign obliged both of the allies to return to their own Country, without having undertaken any action of importance; and in the next year Louis was succeeded by his brother Philip V;, who early showed a disposition to come to terms of t accommodation with 1320 Flanders 2. By the treaty made between France and Flanders, the disputes between the latter and Holland were referred to the arbitration of the King of France; and accordingly an agreement was afterwards entered 1323 into by the two Counts, under the mediation of Charles IV., whereby the Count of Flanders released the Counts of Holland from their homage for the Zealand Islands; and Williamson the other hand, renounced all right to Alost, Waasland, and the four manors.

  1. Meyer, aim. Fland., lib. iv., ad ann. 1310, p. 114.
  2. Beka in Guid., p. 108, Villaret Cont. de Vcllv, torn, viii., p. 43, 44, 83, 84.

151

Future differences were to be settled by the arbitration of six good men, chosen on each side. This treaty was confirmed by the principal towns of Holland, Hainaut, and Flanders 1.

After the conclusion of this propitious peace, which put a final termination to the long and desolating wars between Holland and Flanders, William strengthened himself still further by alliances with the families of the principal sovereigns of Europe. He himself was united to the first cousin of the reigning King of France, and in this year his daughter Margaret became 1324 the wife of Louis of Bavaria, emperor of Germany. The marriage of his younger daughter Philippa, though negotiated under less promising auspices, proved, in the sequel, an alliance no less honourable than advantageous to Holland.

Edward II., king of England, upon the pacification between that Country and France in 1298, had been married to Isabella, daughter of Philip IV.; but from his deficiency in courage and talent, as well as his weak subserviency to contemptible favourites, he failed in securing the love or esteem of the princess. She was now at the court of her brother Charles IV., whither 1325 she had gone for the purpose of making arrangements concerning the homage due for the County of Guienne, but prolonged her stay with a view of forming a party to deprive the husband she detested of the crown, and to place it on the head of her son. Charles IV., though he was said to encourage secretly the design of Isabella, yet, dreading a war with England, publicly refused her any Countenance or assistance, and even commanded her to leave the kingdom; it therefore became necessary to look to some quarter from whence she could receive speedy and efficient aid.

  1. Meyer, aim. Hand., lib. xiL, ad ann. 1322, p. 124. Villaret Cont. de VeUy, torn, viii., p. 135.

152

Such, William of Holland seemed the most likely to afford; and, in order to gain his support, Isabella opened negotiations for a marriage between her eldest son Edward, heir apparent to the crown, and Philippa, second daughter of the Count 1. 1326 Shortly after, she repaired in person to Hainaut, where she interested John de Beaumont, brother of Count William, so successfully in her cause, that he raised a body of three hundred lances 2 for her service 3 The Holland troops set sail in company with the Queen from Dordrecht, and, on their arrival in England, found a large majority of the nation so disgusted with the government of the court favourites, that scarcely an effort was made in defence of the sovereign. The young prince was proclaimed king by the name of Edward III., and within a short time after sent to Holland to demand his promised bride; but on account of the youth of the parties, and that their too near relationship made it necessary to procure a dispensation from the Pope, which there was considerable difficulty in obtaining, the marriage was not concluded till the year 1328, when William himself went over to be present at the ceremony 4.

As this connection led the Count of Holland to mingle in the political affairs of England, so did that of his daughter Margaret involve him in the discords then prevailing between the Emperor Louis VII. and the Pope.

  1. Rym. Feed., torn, iv., p. 153. Johnes's Froissart, chap. 67. (Edit, 1808.) Rym. Feed., torn, iv., p. 168.
  2. Each lance consisting of ten men.
  3. Rym. Foed., torn, iv., p. 271. Johnes's Froissart, chap. 8,12.
  4. Acta Pub. AugL, torn, ii., par. ii., p. 712, 714. Rym. Feed., torn. iv., p. 313. Froissart, chap. 10, 18.

153

At the same time with Louis of Bavaria, Frederick of Austria had been elected emperor; and while the success of the contending parties remained doubtful, Pope John XXII., who hoped to profit by the weakness and dissensions of Germany, and thereby to render Italy independent of the empire, had never in the slightest degree interfered between them 1. But no sooner had Louis consolidated his authority by the defeat and imprisonment of his rival, than John not only claimed the right of judging and deciding on the validity of the election, but declared that the administration of the empire meanwhile belonged to the Holy See; and commanded Louis, under pain of excommunication, to desist from the exercise of the imperial office, until his election had been ratified by the Pope. Finding that this mandate had no effect on the emperor, John declared him excommunicated and deprived of his honours and dignities, absolving from their oath all such as had sworn allegiance to him. The emperor, in his turn, appealed from the sentence of the Pope to a general Council of the Church 2.

But it was in Italy that this contest remained actually to be decided; there the Papal and Imperial factions of Guelf and Ghibelline were at their height, and, as it seemed, nearly equally powerful. The republics of Florence, Sienna, Perugia, and Bologna, with other smaller states, belonged to the former; while Milan, Pisa, Piacenza, and Parma, adhered to the side of the emperor; and the small republic of Lucca, imbued with a strength not its own by the government of the illustrious Castruccio Castracani, was now the rallying point of the Ghibellines. Louis, on the eve of an expedition into Italy, without money, and with a suite of no more than six hundred horse, summoned the 1327 Count of Holland to his assistance, not only as his father-in-law, but as a member of the empire 3,4.

  1. Herman. Corner. Col., torn, ii., p. 992.
  2. Vitodurani Chron. Col., torn, i., p. 1791.
  3. Wil. Proc., ad aim. 1327. Beka in Johan., 3d., p. 113.
  4. This is the only time that I remember to have seen military service demanded of the Counts of Holland, as vassalsof the empire.

154

William, associating with himself the Count of Cleres and Juliers, and the Count of Guelderland, assembled all the troops he could muster, and had even begun his march to Italy, when a message from the Pope, threatening him with excommunication, if he lent any aid to the enterprise of Louis, induced him to abandon his design: probably his own disinclination, and that of the greater portion of the nobles, rendered him glad to avail himself of this pretext for so doing 1. The emperor, supported principally by the talents, influence, and military skill of Castracani, triumphed over the 1328 Guelf faction, and on the 17th of January was crowned with his wife, Margaret of Holland, at Borne, by the Bishops of Castello and Oleria, the Pope being then resident at Avignon 2. As 'the emperors, however, were accustomed to receive the imperial crown from the hands of the Pope, Louis was aware that he could only give the appearance of validity to this ceremony by pronouncing the Holy See vacant: he therefore summoned a general assembly of the clergy at Rome,* in which he declared John deposed as a heretic deserving of death; and, in a second assembly, procured the election of Peter Bainalucci Corvaria in his stead, who assumed the name of Nicholas V 3.

  1. Johan. a Leid,Chron. Belg., lib. xxvii., cap. 24.
  2. Vide Letter of the Empress Margaret to the Abbot of Egmond, in Wil. Proc., ad ann. 1329. Herm. Cor., col. ii., p. 1032.
  3. Vitod. Chron., col. i., p. 1794,1795.

155

But the want of money to pay his troops, and the death of his chief supporter, Castracani, compelled the emperor to desert the new Pope, and return to Germany, when William 1329 of Holland applied his utmost endeavours to reconcile him with Pope John, and even undertook a voyage to the Papal court for that purpose. He had advanced to within three days' journey of Avignon, when John 1330 refused either to treat with or to see him, and he returned angry and disappointed to Holland: nor were his subsequent efforts to this effect attended with any better success, since the empire and the Holy See were never reconciled during the lifetime of Louis 1.

The County of Holland gained, under the administration of William, a considerable accession of territory by the subjection of Friesland. According to the treaty of 1165, made between Holland and Utrecht, they were to divide equally the government and revenues of this province: but since that time both the Counts and the bishops, being in general fully occupied in other matters, had left the Frieslanders nearly unmolested in the enjoyment of their native independence. Now, however, the state of the bishopric presented to Count William a favourable opportunity for securing to himself the sole authority over Friesland. John III., the present bishop, had pledged a considerable portion of his states to the Count of Holland 1327 for the loan of eleven thousand livres tournois, and in a little time had accumulated debts so enormous, that the whole of his revenues, except two thousand livres, were mortgaged to William and his other creditors 2. By this means the influence of the Count of Holland became absolute even within the limits of the diocese: still less, then, might the bishop venture to oppose any design he should form against his more distant possessions: and all inclination to resist was taken from the Frieslanders themselves by the presence of a powerful fleet of Holland ships in the Zuyderzee.

  1. Wil. Proc., ad ann. 1330.
  2. Beka in Johan iii., pp. 114,115. Wil. Proc., ad ans. 1327.

156

They consented, therefore, to become vassalsof Count William by surrendering their estate», to receive them back again as fiefs of Holland, and that he alone should appoint schouts, sheriffs, and other officers in Friesland. They did him homage by elevating him on men's shoulders, standing on a shield; a custom transmitted by the ancient Germans, and long after preserved amongst them 1. They appear to have submitted peaceably to his authority as long as he lived.

Notwithstanding this acquisition, the domestic affairs of William's government by no means corresponded to the brilliancy of his foreign administration. The disproportioned expenses of his court, caused principally by an excessive love he manifested for tournaments; the marriage of his daughters, on which occasion the Counts were accustomed to make "petitions," or Beden, as they were called, to the towns, together with his frequent journeys, cost the Country sums so immense as to excite the astonishment and discontent of the frugal Hollanders, and involved him in altercations with the Kemmerlanders, which, had his authority been less respected, might have proved as injurious to him as the revolts of the West Frieslanders had been to some of his predecessors. On one occasion, when William, according to the custom of the County, demanded in person a " petition" of the Kemmerlanders, they replied, that they would consent to pay it only on condition that the Count would sign a certain charter of privileges, which they presented to him. On his refusal, they persisted in withholding the subsidy, and William withdrew in auger to the Hague, whither he shortly after summoned the deputies from Kemmerland before the council, or supreme court of Holland.

  1. Johan. a Leyd., lib. xxvii., cap. 28. Tacit. Hist., lib. iv., cap. 15.

157

Here they offered to increase sixfold the sum required of them, provided the Count would accept their conditions; but, so far from yielding to their solicitations, he deprived them even of those immunities which they already enjoyed, and had purchased with infinite cost and pains; their sheriffs and burgomasters being imprisoned on a single word from the Count 1. The privileges of the towns, it is evident, stood even yet on a very insecure foundation.

The Dordrechters, in all probability, were in the habit of supplying liberally the demands of the Count, since William granted them freedom from tolls through the whole County, and extended still further the staple right they already enjoyed 2 in prejudice of the ancient privileges of the other towns. The people of Dordrecht exercised their rights with so little restraint, and with so many acts of extortion, that they not only roused the hostility of the whole of North Holland, but excited the anger of the Count himself, their principal defender. He commanded a general levy against them, the tidings of which reduced them to speedy submission; they were deprived of all their later privileges, and had no small difficulty in retaining those which they before possessed 3.

William, during the latter part of his life, was grievously tormented and enfeebled by the gout 4: yet his helpless condition did not prevent his espousing actively the cause of his son-in-law, Edward of England, now about to enforce his imaginary claims to the crown of France.

  1. Wil. Proc., ad ann. 1324.
  2. The privilege of having all merchandize brought up or down the Lek and Merwe exposed for sale first in their city.
  3. Wil. Proc., ad ann. 1325,1326.
  4. Wil. Proc., ad ann. 1332.

158

He induced the Duke of Brabant, the Archbishop of Cologne, and the Marquis of Juliers, to enter into the alliance with England, and 1337 he himself engaged to furnish the king with one thousand men at arms, at his own cost, who should remain a year in his service; and, in case of necessity, this subsidy was to be increased by a like number, to be paid by the king from the time he landed in the Netherlands. Edward, on his side, agreed to allow the Count, and his son the Count of Zealand, the yearly stipend of six thousand livres, in lieu of the annuity he had hitherto enjoyed from the King of France; and that Crevecoeur, St. Alliges, and St. Surpeth, in the Cambresis, should remain in possession of the Count of Zealand, who bound himself to fulfil the obligations of this treaty after his father's death 1. Scarcely a fortnight elapsed from the time of its signature when this event occurred. Worn out by his infirmities, the old Count expired at Valenciennes, on the 7th of June, leaving one son, William, who succeeded him, and four daughters, Margaret, empress of Germany, Philippa, queen of England, Joanna, married to the Count of Juliers, and Elizabeth 2.

William, besides the appellation of Good, or Pious, added to his name, was termed the Master of Knights and the Chief of Princes; he was brave in war, affable to his subjects, strict in the administration of justice, and his reputation for valour and sagacity stood so high, that Germany, France, and England eagerly courted his alliance 3.

  1. Acta Pub. Angl., torn, ii., par. 2, pp. 928,955,970,971,972. Froissart, vol. i., chap. 27.
  2. Beka in Johan., iii., pp. 115,107.
  3. Froissart,- vol. i., chap. 28. Beka in Johan., p. 115.

159

Yet was his government not altogether a happy one for Holland: he depressed the rising industry of the towns by the demand of enormous "petitions," to supply a lavish, and often unnecessary expenditure; and he is accused of sacrificing the interests of Holland to those of Hainaut, or, as his contemporary historian expresses it, " forsaking the fruitful Leah for the more beautiful Rachel 1. Added to this, he was negligent of the commercial interests of his subjects, since, although Edward III. forbad the exportation of wools from England 2, and gave special permission to the Brabanters to purchase them in that Country, while he encouraged the cloth manufacturers of Zealand to settle and carry on their trade in his dominions, it does not appear that the Count of Holland offered the slightest remonstrance against these acts, though so injurious to the manufactures of the County 3. He, however, effected a measure of great advantage to Holland, by incorporating with it the lordships of Amstel and Woerden after the death of his uncle, Guy, bishop of Utrecht; and from this time may be dated the rise of the celebrated city of Amsterdam 4.

The famine and plague which desolated the greater portion of Europe in the early part of this century, visited Holland with equal severity, but with less fatal effects, owing to the shortness of its duration: within a very few months after the scarcity had reached its greatest height, the Country, owing to plentiful crops, and the importation of corn from the Baltic, which now began to increase considerably, was blessed with such abundance, that the price of rye, a grain much used by the people in their manufacture of bread, fell from fifteen-pence to threepence halfpenny the bushel 5.

  1. Wil. Proc., ad ann. 1323.
  2. The prohibition was afterwards taken off, but the trade continued subject to many restrictions. Acta pub., torn, ii., par. 2, pp. 1322,1158, 1225. The staple of wool was at length (1362,) fixed at Calais. Rapin, Hist. Eng., book x., p. 437.
  3. Acte Pub. Aug., torn, ii., par. 2, pp. 943, 971, 969.
  4. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxvii., cap. 13.
  5. Wil. Proc, ad ann. 1314. Beka in Johan, p. 109.

160

WILLIAM IV.

1337 The first act of William's government was to renew the treaty made by his father with Edward of England, stipulating that, if summoned by the emperor, his vicar or lieutenant, to defend the boundaries of the empire, he would supply one thousand men at arms, to be paid by the king, at the rate of fifteen Florentine guilders, or forty-five shillings, a month, each man: and, in case of necessity, the Count should levy one thousand additional men at arms for the king's service: besides the expenses of the troops, Edward was to pay the Count the sum of thirty | thousand pounds sterling 1. The immense sacrifice at which Edward purchased the alliance of the princes of the Netherlands cannot fail to excite our astonishment, and events, in fact, proved that he rated it far above its 1338 value. On the king's arrival at Antwerp, he found how irreparable was the loss he had sustained in the old Count, his father-in-law, the centre and soul of the confederacy; since the allies now came to an unanimous resolution, that they could not engage in war against France without the command of the emperor, the liege lord of the greater portion of them. Edward immediately despatched the Count of Juliers to the imperial court, and through the influence of the Empress Margaret, his wife's sister, obtained the title of vicar-general of the empire 2, and the privilege of coining money in that quality.

  1. Acta, Pub. Ang., torn, ii., par. 2, p. 984.
  2. The Earl of Guelderland.was created a Duke on this ocasion.—Herm. Cor., Col. ii., p. 1054.

161

The emperor, likewise, addressed letters to the towns of Holland, "commanding and admonishing" them to furnish readily their quotas 1338 of armed men for the Count's service 1.

Thus satisfied, the allied armies united with Edward to lay siege to Cambray; but, finding that its reduction would prove a work of time, the king broke up the siege and began his march towards Picardy. Thither the Count of Holland refused to follow him, asserting that, being a vassal of the King of France, in respect of Hainaut, he was bound rather to defend than assist in invading his dominions. Edward, out of revenge, took his way through Hainaut, which suffered grievously from the passage of his troops. As this was in direct violation of a promise made by the king, not to allow Hainaut to sustain any injury, William immediately joined the French camp at Vironfosse. The two armies separated at the end of the campaign, without having come to any engagement 2.

In the next year, the Count of Holland, exasperated 1339 at the circumstance of Philip's having given the officers of the French army permission to supply themselves with provisions and money by plundering his territories, again returned to the English alliance, and declared war against France, which he now invaded, and took some places of small note; but, on the other hand, his County of Hainaut was cruelly ravaged by the French troops, under the Duke of Normandy, who laid siege to Thyn Eveque. The Count, anxious to preserve this fortress, besought the assistance of King Edward, then in England. In compliance with the solicitations of his ally, Edward embarked on the 22nd of June at Dover, and fell in with the French fleet of one hundred and twenty large, besides numerous smaller vessels, near Sluys.

  1. Froissart, vol. L, ch. 31, 3d. Beka in Johan., iii., p. 115. Boxhom, Theat. Urb. Holl., p. 133.
  2. Froissart, toI. i., ch. 37, 39, 41. Acta Pub., torn, ii., par. 2, p. 1088.

162

It does not appear that either William or the Hollanders had any share in the signal victory gained by the English and Flemish on this occasion; but the Count was present at a meeting of the confederates subsequently held at Vilvoorden, where the siege of Tournay was resolved on, and attended the king thither at the head of a powerful and well-equipped body of cavalry from Holland and Zealand. He did not, however, remain with the king's camp during the whole of the siege, but employed his troops in gaining possession of Mortaigne, St. Amand, and some other small towns 1.

While Edward was engaged in this enterprise, Joanna, Countess-dowager of Holland, 1340 his mother-in-law, sister to the French King, interposed her good offices between the belligerent powers, and a truce for nine months was brought about by her mediation, which was afterwards prolonged for two years 2.

It has been before mentioned, that the finances of the see of Utrecht were reduced to so dilapidated a condition, that the bishop, John III., had been forced to alienate nearly the whole of his revenues. His successor, John van Arkel, had, on the contrary, managed his affairs so well, that within a short time after his succession, he redeemed the whole of Overyssel, pledged to the Duke of Guelderland; and, in order to live with more frugality, he withdrew to Grenoble, leaving his brother Robert van Arkel, protector of the bishopric in his absence. Whether because the Count of Holland himself expected this trust, or upon some other ground of offence, he declared war against Utrecht immediately after the bishop's departure, and laid siege to the city with an army composed of one Duke (probably of Brabant), thirteen Counts, fifty-two barons, thirteen hundred knights, and twenty-eight thousand choice troops 3.

  1. Froissart, chap. 40—49, 51, 52, 59. Herm. Cor., col. ii., p. 1057.
  2. Froissart, vol. i., chap. 62. Herm. Cor., col. ii., p. 1058.
  3. Beka in Johan., iv., p. 117,118.

163

He had remained six weeks before the town, when he was induced by his uncle, John de Beaumont, to conclude a truce, to which he 1345 consented only on condition that four hundred citizens should sue for pardon, kneeling before him, barefoot and bareheaded, and that he should receive a sum of twenty thousand pounds Flemish for the expences of the war 1. When we call to mind the termination of a like siege in 1138, we cannot help being struck with the vast change which had taken place in the relative situation of the Count and bishop.

From Utrecht, William returned to Dordrecht, Whence he sailed shortly after to the Zuyderzee, for the purpose of chastising the Frieslanders, who, irritated by his continual and heavy exactions, had taken up arms against him. A storm separating his ships, the troops were forced to land in small bodies in different parts of the Country; the Frieslanders attacking them while thus divided, slew three thousand seven hundred; and the Count himself, with some of his nobility, being surrounded by a great number of the enemy, was killed exactly on the spot where the ancient sovereigns of Friesland were accustomed to hold their supreme court 2. He left no children by his wife, Joanna of Brabant. She afterwards married Wenceslaus, Count of Luxemburg, into whose family she brought the rich duchy of Brabant 3.

  1. Herm. Cor., col. ii., p. 1069. Beka in Johan., iv., p. 118.
  2. Vit. Chron., col. i., p. 1913. Beka in Johan., iv., p. 118. Froissart, vol. ii., chap. 115.
  3. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxix., cap. 4.

164

William was the first Count of Holland who resumed the imperfect fiefs which devolved to the County in default of direct heirs, and divided them amongst his vassals, instead of granting them to one of the nearest collateral heirs, upon payment of a reasonable price, as his predecessors were accustomed to do 1,2.

It is under the government of this Count, also, that we meet with the first mention of loans. To enable him to carry on the war with Utrecht, he urged the towns of Holland and Zealand to lend him a sum equivalent to three hundred pounds of our money, promising not to levy any more petitions till this debt were paid. The towns made it a condition of their compliance, that he should grant them new privileges, and required that the nobles should become surety for him 3.

Margaret.

William dying without issue, his nearest heirs were his four sisters; and as the County had always been an undivided hereditary state, it appeared naturally to devolve on Margaret the eldest. Edward, king of England, however, the husband of Philippa, the second daughter of William III., put in his claim to a share of the inheritance, and appointed Otho, lord of Cuyck, John de Clynton, and Adam de Shareshull, to arrange the terms of the division 4.

As the Emperor Louis considered himself entitled to the whole of the states, whether as husband of the elder daughter, or as suzerain of a fief escheated to the empire on failure of direct heirs, he delayed not to invest his wife with the titles of Countess of Holland, Zealand, Friesland, and Hainaut.

  1. Phil, a Leid. de Cure Reip., cap. 89, p. 276.
  2. This must not be confounded with the relief, which was paid by all heirs on coming into possession of a fief.
  3. Brief van Willem IV., in Jan van Hout, p. 25.
  4. Acta Pub. Aug., torn, iii., par. 1, p. 65, 80.

165

In spite of the rigorous season, Margaret repaired in the month of January to Holland, to secure herself in possession of 13*6 her states before the King of England could gain a footing there. The people took advantage of her anxietssy to be acknowledged, to obtain some desired rights and immunities, of which the most important was the engagement she entered into for herself and her successors, never to undertake a war beyond the limits of the County, unless with consent of the nobles, commons, and " good towns"; and if she did so, none should be bound to serve except by their own fovour and freewill 1. She was then unanimously acknowledged by all the members of the state, but shortly after recalled by her husband to Bavaria. As Louis, the eldest son of the emperor, had resigned his right to the succession 2 she sent her second son, William, then in early youth, to take the administration of affairs during her absence, surrendering to him 1347 Holland, Zealand, Friesland, and Hainaut, and retaining for herself merely a pension of ten thousand old crowns. After the death of the emperor, which happened in the October of 1347, Margaret, finding that William was either unable to pay, or purposely withheld this trifling annuity, and irritated at his breach of faith, returned to Holland, and resuming the government, obliged William to retire into Hainaut 3. He did not, however, remain tranquil under this deprivation, but secretly used every means in his power to conciliate the favour of the nobles; and the dissensions 1349 that now arose between the mother and son gave form and vigour to the two parties of nobles and people, which in this century divided Holland, as well as Germany and France 4.

  1. Beka in JohaiL, iv., p. 119. Vit Chron., Col. ii., p. 1913. Groot Plakaat, boek, 5 deel, bl. 713.
  2. Dip]. Ludovic, ad ann. Egmondani, p. 228.
  3. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxix., cap. 2,11. Beka in Johan», iv., p. 119.
  4. Vide account of the War between the Nobles and People in France. Froissart, vol. ii., chap. 180—182; likewise Schmidt, Hist, des Alle., liv. vii., chap. 10 ; also note F at the end of volume.

Note F. (Page 165)

A moment's reflection on the relative situation of the two classes at this period will show us, that hatred and dissensions must of necessity spring up between them. The feudal system was now on the decline: the sovereigns by such restraints as they had been able to impose on the custom of private war, and on the exercise of the hereditary jurisdictions of the nobles, (by the encouragement of appeals from the Barons, Courts to their own,) had lessened considerably the dread and respect which this order had formerly inspired: while the towns had, during the crusades, risen from various causes in wealth and importance.

The communication with the east, during the same period, had inspired the nobility with a taste for luxury and magnificence, which the extended commerce of the towns enabled them to gratify: and as the estates of the former no longer sufficed to supply their multiplied wants, and they had no other means of increasing their resources than the inadequate and uncertain expedient of military plunder, they were frequently reduced to solicit loans from the rich and industrious burghers, and were accordingly at once dependent upon, and jealous of them.

Debased by their poverty, and insolent from the pride of their high birth, they alternately cringed to, and plundered the wealthy and peaceful traders. The commons, on the other hand, sustaining alone the pecuniary burdens of the state, envied the privileges enjoyed by the nobles, whom they detested for their tyranny, rapacity, and debauchery, and despised for their ignorance and indolence, and the puerile vanity which led them to squander their incomes in splendid festivals and gauds for the decoration of their persons; while they themselves, beginning now pretty generally to assert and use the right of taking up arms in their own defence, rather sought to repel violence by violence, and repay aggression with aggression, than to shelter themselves under thé protection and restraint of the laws.

The sovereigns meanwhile, now supporting the people with a view of creating a balance to the aristocratic power, and flattering them in order to draw supplies from their pockets to their own empty exchequer—now prompted by ancient prejudices, and their instinctive dread of popular control, to lend their favour and Countenance to the nobles—rather exasperated than curbed the rancorous passions that agitated both.


166

The nobles espoused the side of William, while the people and inhabitants of the towns, with the exception of the larger and more aristocratic cities, adhered to Margaret, who was supported besides by the Lord of Brederode, and a few others of the most popular nobility. The former were called by the party name of " Cods," because the cod devours all the smaller fish; and the latter by that of "Hook," because with that apparently insignificant instrument one is able to catch the cod 1. It does not appear what occasion gave rise to these very primitive appellations, so characteristic of the people and their pursuits.

The cods, dissatisfied ere long with the somewhat feeble administration of Margaret, sent repeated messages to William in Hainaut, intreating him to come without delay into Holland, and assume the government of the County. After some hesitation, real or affected, he complied with their request, and secretly repaired to Gorinchem, where he was met by the men of Delft, who brought him in triumph into their city; and shortly after, most of the principal towns of HoIland and West Friesland acknowledged him as Count 2. Perceiving that the party of the hooks was not sufficiently strong to reinstate her in the government of Holland, Margaret besought the assistance of the King of England against her son, which she obtained, by promising to resign the government of the County for a certain number of years into the hands of Edward 3.

  1. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxix., cap. 116. Appendix ad Beka Suffridi Petri, p. 144.
  2. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxix., cap. 17.
  3. Acta Pub. Aug., torn, iii., par. i., p. 206—212.

167

During the negotiation, the "cods" in Holland seized and destroyed seventeen castles belonging to the hook nobles, who had gone to join Margaret in Hai-nault 1. As soon, therefore, as she could collect a fleet 1351 of English, French, and Hainaut ships, she sailed to the Island of Walcheren, where she fell in with a number of Holland vessels, commanded by her son in person. A sharp engagement ensued, in which William was totally defeated, and forced to retreat to Holland. Margaret, anxious to improve her advantage, followed him to the Maas, where, William having received some reinforcements, another desperate battle was fought, ending in the entire discomfiture of Margaret. A vast number of her adherents were slain, and Theodore van Brederode, one of the few nobles who espoused her cause, and the chief stay of her party, was taken prisoner. The remainder of the hook nobles were afterwards banished, and their castles and houses razed to the ground 2.

Margaret fled to England, where she prevailed upon the king to mediate a peace between herself and her son. She was shortly after followed by William himself, who married there Matilda, eldest daughter of Henry, Duke of Lancaster 3,4. William likewise accepted the mediation of Edward; but after affairs had been pending for a considerable time 5, the decision was referred to John de Beaumont, uncle to Margaret, and Walrave of Luxemburg.

  1. Suff. Pet, p. 144.
  2. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxix., cap. 18,19. Beka in Johan., iv., p. 119.
  3. Acta Pub., torn, iii., par. L, p. 227—236.
  4. Coheiress with Blanche, married to John of Ghent, the king's third son, who became by this marriage Duke of Lancaster; Matilda being, for some reason or other, excluded from the inheritance.
  5. Edward demanded that all the castles and forts besieged by either party should meanwhile be delivered up to his ambassadors, so that it may be supposed he was in no hurry to conclude. Acta Pub., torn. iiL, par. L, p. 234—236.

168

According to the terms of the agreement made under their auspices, 1354 William retained Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, while Hainaut remained in the possession of Margaret during her life, with a yearly income of about two thousand four hundred pounds (twenty-eight thousand pounds of forty groots) 1.

Margaret did not long survive the reconciliation with her son. She died in 1356, and thus the County was again transferred to a foreign family, passing from the house of Hainaut into that of Bavaria 2.

  1. Groot Plakaatb., 3 deel., bl. iv. Schryvei^s Graaven, 2 deel, bl. 80.
  2. Johan a Leid., lib. xxx., cap. 15.

Part 1, Chapter 5

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Volume I

169

CHAPTER V

William V. War with Utrecht. Mediation between Brabant and Flanders. William visits England. His Lunacy. Government of his Brother Albert. Parties of the Hooks and Cods. Albert favours the Hooks. Revolt of the Cod Nobles, and of Delft. Claims of Edward III. of England surrendered. Interference of Holland in the Affairs of Flanders. Matrimonial Alliances between Burgundy and Holland. Death of the Countess of Holland. Favour of Alice van Poelgeest and the Cod Nobles at Court. Murder of Alice by the Hooks. William, Son of Albert, retires to France. Returns to his Father. Expeditions to Friesland. Truce. Revolt of the Lord of Arkel. Compromise. Death and Character of Albert. His Widow renounces her Claims on his Estate. William VI. Violence of Party-spirit. Disturbances in the Towns. Hostilities committed by the Lord of Arkel. Solicits the Aid of Guelderland. Treaty between Holland and Guelderland. Hollanders evacuate Friesland. Marriage of the Count's Daughter, Jacoba with the Duke of Touraine. Duke of Touraine becomes Dauphin. Affairs of France. Death of the Dauphin. Nobles and Towns acknowledge Jacoba as Successor to the County. Death and Character of William VI. Herring Fishery.

WILLIAM V

We find ho event worthy to arrest our attention during the reign of this prince, since the only transactions in which he was engaged, were a petty warfare with the Bishop of Utrecht, unattended by any important results; and the mediation of a peace between Wenceslaus, Duke of Brabant, and the Count of Flanders. As the price of his interference on this occasion, 1357 he received from the former the lordship of Heusden, and having afterwards adjudged the town of Mechlin, the subject of contention, to Louis of Flanders, this decision, whereby Brabant was deprived of both these possessions, gave rise to the old saying common in the Country, "Heusden mine, Mechlin thine. 1

  1. Beka in Johan., iv., p. 119. Johan. a Leid, lib. xxx., cap. 16.

170

Edward of England, finding it impossible to overcome the opposition of the Hollanders and Zealanders, to any dismemberment of their State, had, during the life of Margaret, ceased to press his claims, and subsequently acknowledged William, who now went to the court of England to pay a visit of ceremony to the king and his aunt the Queen Philippa 1. After his return, he began to show symptoms of aberration of intellect, which soon increased to uncontrollable frenzy. He killed with his own hand, and without any cause of offence, Gerard van Wateringen, a nobleman highly esteemed in the Country; in consequence of which act he was deprived of the government, and placed in confinement at the Hague, whence he was removed to the Castle of Quesnoi in Hainaut, where he continued a hopeless lunatic until his death, which did not occur till twenty years afterwards 2. It was thought that the remorse which William endured for his conduct towards his mother, was the occasion of this calamity; but as he is represented to have been naturally of a fierce and cruel disposition, it is probable that the seeds of his malady had always lurked in his constitution.

As William and the Emperor Louis his father, had declared Albert, younger brother of the former, heir to the County, if he should die without issue, the government in the present case appeared naturally to devolve on him, as standing next in succession. The cods, however, thinking that Albert was inclined to the party of the hooks, and that they should consequently be deprived of the authority which now rested wholly in their hands, used their utmost efforts to obtain the nomination of Matilda of Lancaster, the wife of William, to the regency, although, (such is the perversion of party spirit,) their principal objection against the government of the Countess Margaret, had been the dislike they felt to be ruled by a woman, "vervrouwd."

  1. Acta Pubi Aug., tern. Hi., par. L, p. 252, 364.
  2. Johan. a Leid, lib. xxx., cap. 17; xxxi., cap. 29. Annal. Egmund, cap. 61.

171

As, however, they found it impossible to sustain the claims of Matilda upon any plausible ground, since she was a foreigner, and had no children to succeed, they yielded to the wishes of the nation in general, and acknowledged Albert as governor 1, 1359 , securing a pension of 12,000 schilde (750/.) to the Countess Matilda 2.

ALBERT.

On assuming the administration, Albert pledged himself to govern during his brother's incapacity, with the assistance of the "good towns," and according to the advice of those whom he and the good towns should appoint; and to do justice in all cases according to the laws and customs of the land6. Albert's first care was to diminish somewhat of the power of the cods, by bestowing the offices of the County upon the nobles of the hook party; the principal of these, Reynold van Brederode, he invested with the office of Bailiff of Kemmerland, of which he deprived John van Blomestein, a cod nobleman. On Reynold's first journey as bailiff through Kemmerland, he was attacked by a party of cods, who lay in wait for him near Kastrichem, three of his retinue were killed, and he escaped with his life only by taking sanctuary in the church of the village. Immediately after this outrage, the cods shut themselves up in the fort of Heemskerk, where they maintained a siege of eleven weeks, chiefly by the assistance of the citizens of Delft, who themselves broke out into open rebellion, chose Henry van Woerden, Gilbert van Nyenrode, with other nobles, as their leaders, and making an irruption into the Hague, threw open all the prisons, and carried the inmates with them back to Delft.

  1. Suff. Pet, p. 147. • Boxhorn op Reigersberg, deel. i., bl. 293.
  2. *Ruwaard," a word signifying Conservator of the Peace.

172

Albert was at that time in Zealand, but on the news of these commotions, repaired immediately to Holland, raised a general levy of troops, and laid siege to Delft. The citizens withstood the powerful force which he brought against them in person, for the space of more than ten weeks. At length they were obliged to surrender, on condition that the town should pay a fine of 40,000 schilds 1, that its walls should be thrown down, and that the inhabitants should humbly sue for pardon, from which their leaders and the strangers found among them were excluded. Only one of the nobles, Henry van Woerden, suffered death; the rest made their escape to Heusden, which they held out during a twelvemonth, and, in fine, obtained a pardon, on promise of making a pilgrimage to the Holy Land 2. Edward III. of England, although he had acknowledged William as Count of Holland, Zealand, Hainaut, and Friesland, perhaps from his being too much engaged in the wars with France to enforce his pretensions, was yet so far from having surrendered the claim of Philippa, that, after her death, which happened in 1364 this year, he bestowed the portion to which she was entitled on his son Edmund, Earl of Cambridge, between whom and Margaret, daughter of Louis van der Male, Count of Flanders, a negotiation of marriage was then on foot 3. It was upon the knowledge of this fact, probably, that Albert summoned an assembly of the nobles and towns at Geertruydenberg, and obtained from them a decree, that the late Queen of England had no right to any portion of Holland, which being one undivided County, had lawfully devolved upon Count William, in right of his mother, and upon himself as governor 4.

  1. An old coin, value 15d.
  2. Johan. k Leid, lib. xxxi., cap. 3, 4, 5, 6. Suff. Pet., p. 147. Beka in Johan., p. 121. Boxhom, Theat. Urb., p. 163.
  3. Acta Pub. Ang., torn, iii., par. ii., p. 779. Froissart, vol. iii., ch. 226.
  4. Boxhorn op Rcigersberg, deel. i., bl. 68.

173

Fortified with this declaration, and provided with full powers from the towns, Albert set out for the court of England, accompanied by several 1366 nobles» in order to terminate the affair, which, nevertheless, was not done until six years after. The good fortune that had hitherto attended the arms of Edward in France, had then so far deserted him, that he was no longer in a condition voluntarily to provoke an enemy, or lose an ally; and he therefore gratified the Governor of Holland by a final surrender of all claims 1372 in right of his wife, to a share in the inheritance of William III 1.

Although the continual wars between Holland and Flanders had now ceased, the former found herself still involved in the affairs of her former foe, though in 1370s) a somewhat different manner; and, on the present occasion, the feelings of the people and government were arrayed in opposition to each other. The extravagance and rapacity of Louis van der Male, Count of Flanders, had excited discontent and hatred among his subjects, especially the inhabitants of Ghent, who, weary of his extortions, at length flatly refused to contribute another farthing 2. The Count, deeply offended, quitted Ghent, and retired to Bruges, the inhabitants of which town having accommodated him with a moderate sum, obtained permission to dig a canal from the river Leys, above Ghent, to Bruges.

  1. Acta Pub. Aug., torn, iii., par. ii., p. 789, 946—947.
  2. Meyer, Ann, Bland., lib. xiii., ad ann. 1379, p. 170. Herm. Cor., col. ii., p. 1131.

174

To these causes of discontent wfcs added the imprisonment of a burgess of Ghent by the court's bailiff; in contravention of the privileges of the city. Irritated by these circumstances, the Ghenters broke out into hostilities assumed the white hood» the usual insignia of revolt drove the pioneers from the canal at Bruges; murdered the Count's bailiff, who, with two hundred men, had been sent to arrest the ringleaders; and plundered and burnt Adeghem, a favourite Country residence of Louis, near Ghent 1.

From this beginning, the revolt soon extended itself to the other towns: the burghers chose leaden from among themselves, and, under their command, laid siege to Oudenarde, and made an assault on Dendermonde, which still continued faithful to the Count. They were foiled in the latter enterprise by the courage and conduct of Theodore van Brederode, a Holland nobleman, whom Louis had placed in command of the garrison; but the siege of Oudenarde 1380 lasted until a compromise was effected between the 1381 Count and his subjects, which, however, was soon broken, and Louis, in the next year, having subdued Courtray and Ypres, laid siege to Ghent 2.

Albert of Holland constantly supported the cause of Louis, and afforded him such assistance as he was able, which, nevertheless, was but trifling, since he himself was slenderly provided with funds, and the inclinations of the great majority of his subjects were decidedly favourable to the success of the insurgents.

  1. Froissart, vol. v., chap. 20—23. Pontus Heuterus, Rer. Burgund., lib. ii., cap. 7.
  2. Meyer, Ann. Fland., lib. xiii., ad ann. 1370,1380,1381, p. 172—17& Froissart, chap. 25, 26, 50.

175

In defiance of his express prohibition, they continued daring the whole war to send them stores of provision, ammunition, and other necessaries, especially daring the siege of Ghent, when the inhabitants, having secured the conveyance by water from Holland and Zealand, received from thence regular supplies of meal and bread, when shut out by the besieging army from the resources of their own Country. But their aid, however liberally afforded, was insufficient to prevent scarcity among the immense multitude collected within the walls of the town; and it became at last so excessive, that the men of Ghent besought the mediation of the Duchess of Brabant and Albert of Holland, to procure peace and pardon from their sovereign. Six of their number, therefore, with the ambassadors of the two princes, repaired for this purpose to Louis, at Bruges, who, well knowing the straits to which the town was reduced, haughtily replied, that "he would consent to no peace unless the whole population, both male and female, from the age of fifteen to sixty, came out to meet him on the road to Bruges, barefoot and bareheaded, with halters about their necks, when he would pardon or put them to death, according to his pleasure 1. This answer being reported to the citizens, it was determined to select five thousand of their choicest troops, and to send them, under the command of Philip van Artevelde, to attack the Count in Bruges. They accordingly marched thither, when Louis no sooner heard of their approach, than he collected his troops, to the number of forty thousand, among whom were eight hundred lances, and advanced about a league beyond the town to give them battle, determined to extirpate them to a man, and thus put an end to the war.

  1. Froiasart, vol. vi., chap. 1, 2,13,14. Meyer, Ann, Fland., ad ann, 1381, p. 180^-183.

176

The host of enemies in front, with ruin and starvation behind, gave to the Ghenters the courage of despair; at the first fierce onset, they drove back the citizens of Bruges: the lances, though composed of the flower of the nobility and knights of Flanders, made not the smallest resistance; the flight soon became universal. The Count, with about forty more, hurried back to Bruges, closely pursued by the Ghent men, who entered at the same time with the fugitives, and speedily made themselves masters of the city. Louis himself escaped capture only by means of a poor woman, who concealed him in her hut, whence he fled in disguise, and by night, to Lille, in Brabant. After this victory, all the towns in Flanders, except Oudenarde and Dendermonde, submitted to the Ghenters 1382 . In this distress, Louis was forced to supplicate the aid of his liege lord, Charles VI., king of France, who, at the age of fourteen, marched into Flanders in person, at the head of a powerful army, and defeated the insurgents in a battle near Roozbeech, where their leader, Philip van Artevelde, was slain 1.

This event restored, in some measure, the affaire of Louis; but the Ghenters obtaining not long after the assistance of a large body of English troops, under the command of the Bishop of Norwich, he was unable to effect the pacification of his states during his lifetime. 1384 His death, which happened in January, 1384, made way for the succession of Philip, Duke of Burgundy 2 in right of his wife, Margaret, the only legitimate child of Louis, to the Counties of Flanders and Artois; and these rich and flourishing provinces thus became a portion of the Burgundian state.

  1. Meyer, lib. adii., ad ann. 1381—1382, p. 183—191. Froissart* vol. vL, chap. 16,17,19, 45. Herm. Cor., col. ii., p. 1133,1137.
  2. Philip was the youngest son of John II., king of France, by whom he was invested with the duchy of Burgundy, after the death of Elides, the last male descendant of Robert I. of France, who had received the duchy as a fief from King Henry I., his brother, in 1032.—Villaret Con. de Velly, torn, ix., p. 484.

177

Margaret was likewise heiress to the duchy of Brabant, through her aunt, Joanna, the present duchess, (widow, first, of William IV. of Holland, and afterwards, of Wenceslaus of Luxemburg,) who, in order to extend still further the influence of her family in the Netherlands, laboured effectually to promote an union between the houses of Burgundy and Holland. Through her means, a double marriage was concluded between William, Count of Oostervant, eldest son of the Count of Holland, and Margaret, daughter of Philip of Burgundy; and between John, eldest son of the Duke of Burgundy, and Margaret, daughter of Albert. Their nuptials, attended by the King of France in person, 1385 were celebrated at Cambray, in a style of unparalleled magnificence. After his accession to the County of Flanders, Philip of Burgundy made a reconciliation with his new subjects, granting to the citizens of Ghent full pardon and restitution of all their franchises and immunities, on condition only of their return to obedience 1.

The marriage of William and Margaret was followed early in the next spring by the death of their mother, Margaret, daughter of the Duke of Brieg, in Silesia; an event which caused a great change in the state of parties, and much confusion in Holland. Albert, after the loss of his wife, formed an illicit connection with Alice van Poelgeest, the daughter of a nobleman of the cod party, whose youth, beauty, and insinuating manners, soon gained such an ascendancy over the mind of her lover, that the whole court was henceforward governed according to her caprices.

  1. Froissart, vol. vi., chap. 54, 67, 73, 74; vol. vii., chap. 21. VOL I. N

178

The cod party, in consequence, daily increased in power and influence, to the great dissatisfaction of the hook nobles, now long accustomed to enjoy alone the favour and Countenance of their sovereign; and instigated at once by ambition and revenge^ they resolved upon a deed of horror and blood, to which, it is said, they induced William van Oostervant to lend his assistance 1. A number of them assembled at the Hague, where the Lady Alice was then residing at the 1390 court-house, and on the night of the 21st of August forced their way, completely armed, into her apartment. On their entrance, William Kuser, the Count's steward, threw himself before them to defend the terrified girl from their violence. He was slaughtered on the spot; and, a moment after, Alice herself fell dead, and covered with wounds, at their feet 2 The instant they had perpetrated this act of savage atrocity, the murderers betook themselves to flight. However deeply Albert might have felt the outrage committed against his feelings and dignity, yet, whether from the number and station of the guilty, or that there still lingered some relics of goodwill towards his former friends, he took no measures to bring them to justice, until urged by the importunate solicitations of Conrad Kuser, the father of the murdered man, when he at length determined to cite the hook nobles, to the number of fifty-four, who were supposed to have had a share in the transaction, before the supreme court of 1393 Holland.

  1. Petrus Suffridus accuses William of participation in this crime, and the accusation has been adopted by later authors, but, as it seems, without sufficient foundation. Neither John of Leyden, his contemporary, nor Beka, attribute to him any share in it; that he befriended the perpetrators when brought to justice three years after, is undoubted; among them were some of the most illustrious of the nobility, and his personal friends (" diligens predictos nobiles." Johan a Leid., lib. xxxL, cap. 47) ; but that he should, if he had been a party concerned, hare forsaken his accomplices to attend a tournament in England a month after, is highly improbable: he is mentioned by Froissart as being present at the one held about Michaelmas in this year by Richard IL, when he was made knight of the garter. Vol. x., chap. 21.
  2. Johan, a Leid., lib. xxxi., cap. 37—42. Suff. Pet, p. 149.

179

As not one appeared, their lives and estates were declared forfeit. William van Oostervant repeatedly besought his father to pardon the criminals; but, finding him deaf to his intreaties, he retired in anger to the fortress of Altena, and thence to the court of France, whither he had been summoned to do 1394 homage for the County of Oostervant 1.

While there a circumstance occurred, which was the occasion of bringing about a reconciliation between the father and son. As the Count of Oostervant sat one day at the king's table, a herald reproached him with having neither shield nor arms, since both lay buried with his great-uncle William 2 on the shore of Friesland. Stung with this affront, and eager to wipe out the disgrace, William solicited permission of Philip, 1395 Duke of Burgundy, to accompany his son, John de Nevers, in the crusade he was then preparing against the Turks in Hungary. Philip advised him rather to seek a reconciliation with his father, by proposing an expedition into Friesland, that he might at once avenge the death of his uncle, and re-conquer his inheritance; an enterprise which the present condition of Friesland rendered it highly probable would be successful 3.

Since the death of William IV., the Counts of Holland had not attempted to interfere in the government of Friesland, or even to get themselves acknowledged as lords of it.

  1. Johan a Leid., lib. xxxi., cap. 47, 48. Beka in Floren., p. 121, Froiasart, vol. x., chap. 21.
  2. William IV, who was kiUed in Friesland in 1345.
  3. Johan a Leid., lib. xxxi., cap. 60. Froiasart, vol. xi., chap. SO.

180

Meanwhile, two factions had sprung up of the nobles and people, analogous to those of the cods and hooks in Holland 1 which persecuted each other with unrelenting fury; and the Country, distracted and enfeebled by their dissensions, appeared to present an easy prey to the conqueipr, Albert, therefore, was readily induced to favour the designs of his son, and to entrust to him the conduct of the proposed expedition: he solicited succours from France and England, who each sent a body of troops to his aid, the former under the command of the Count Waleren de St. Pol, the latter under the Earl of Cornwall: 1396 these joined the army of Holland, strengthened still ; further by a number of German auxiliaries, at Enkhuysen 2. From hence the allied troops set sail on the 22nd of August, in a fleet of four thousand and forty ships 3, and arrived in safety and good order at the Kuinder, where the landing was to be effected. The Frieslanders, meanwhile, had not neglected to take; measures for their defence; they made an alliance with the Bishop of Utrecht, preventing by this means the passage of the Holland troops into their Country by land; and assembled together in arms to the number of thirty thousand men.

  1. They are distinguished by the untranslatable terms of " Vetkoope» and Schieringers."
  2. Ubbo Emmius Rer. Frisic, lib. xiv., p. 227. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxxi., cap. 50, 61. Froissart, vol. xi., chap. 37, 38.
  3. This number appears immense; but John of Leyden, a contemporary, estimates the number of troops to be conveyed across the Zuydenee at one hundred and eighty thousand, in which the historian of Friesland agrees. Froissart says they were more than one hundred thousand; consequently, if, as we may suppose, the vessels were for the most part small, they must have had this number for their transport, since five and twenty men would have been a sufficient average complement for each. The men of Haarlem alone are said to have supplied twelve hundred mariners. Froissart, vol. xi., chap. 3D.

181

Unfortunately, however, they refused to follow the wise counsel of one of the chief of their nobility, Juwo Juwinga, who advised that they should shut themselves up in their fortresses, allowing the enemy to land unmolested, and to waste their strength in sieges, when hunger would soon compel their retreat out of a Country totally destitute of the means of supporting so vast a multitude. Heedless of his monition, the Frieslanders advanced to meet the invaders in three divisions, and declaring that they would prefer to die " free Frieslanders," rather than submit to a foreign master, they determined to make their stand at the dyke nearest the landing-place. They were full of spirit and courage; but being ill armed, and clad only in coats of leather or coarse cloth, they were ill able to withstand the well-tempered weapons and heavy armour of their enemies, who were said, moreover, to have amounted to one hundred and eighty thousand strong. In spite of these disadvantages, they maintained a fierce and obstinate contest for some hours: fourteen hundred were slain, and the rest forced to take flight; numbers more perished in the pursuit, in which only fifty were made prisoners, since they persisted to the last in their resolution rather to die than yield. The victorious army carried fire and sword through the Country, but on the other hand suffered much injury from the frequent skirmishes in which they were engaged by the Frieslanders, until the approach of the rainy season obliged them to retire into winter quarters: they carried with them the body of Count William, which had been taken up from the place of its sepulture. Count Albert was, for the time, acknowledged Lord of Friesland 1.

  1. Froiwart, vol. xi. chap. 39. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxxi., cap. 51,

182

But little more than a year elapsed, however, before the Frieslanders again threw off their forced subjection, surprised Staveren, and forced the garrison to evacuate. At the same time, the people of the Ommeland of Groningen made a treaty of union with the town, one of the articles of which purported, that 1398 they should mutually assist each other to keep the Hollanders out of their Country. From henceforward Groningen and the Ommeland remained permanently united. William of Oostervant once more conducted an army into Friesland, and forced the inhabitants to do homage to his father, and to promise a subsidy of sixpence for every house: but no sooner had he departed than they again revolted; and at length Count 1400 Albert found himself obliged to make a truce with them for six years, without insisting upon their acknowledgment of him as lord of Friesland 1.

The principal reason which prompted him to the adoption of this unpalatable measure was the exhausted condition of his finances. He had been obliged to sell, or mortgage, several of his personal estates; the towns likewise, and many private individuals, had bought annuities of him, stripping themselves of their ready money to supply his necessities; but notwithstanding their efforts he now found himself destitute of resources to carry on the war: added to this, was the rebellion of one of his own subjects, which, giving him full employment in Holland, left him no leisure to pursue the subjugation of Friesland 2.

John, lord of Arkel, had long filled the office of Stadtholder 3 of Holland, Zealand, and Friesland, as well as that of treasurer of the Count's private domains, without having given any account of his administration of the revenues.

  1. Ubbo Emmius, lib. xvi., xvii. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxxi., cap. 55.
  2. Velius Chronyck van Hoorn, p. 14. Handvesten van Kemmerland in't Vat. Hist, boek ii., deel. 20.
  3. This office appears to have been created by Count Albert.

183

This was now sharply demanded of him by the connt; but Arkel, a man of an ambitious and insolent temper, instead of obeying, declared war against his sovereign, and endeavoured to take by surprise the strong frontier town of Oudewater: failing 1401 in this attempt, he made an irruption into Krimpen, whence he returned with considerable booty to Gorinchem, a town confided to his government by Albert some time before 1. The warfare had lasted two years, rather to the advantage of John of Arkel, when William, of Oostervant, himself took the command of 1403 an army, composed of native troops and auxiliaries from England, Cleves, and Utrecht, for the raising of which the towns once more contributed funds, and laid siege to Gorinchem. But although the immense number of his soldiers enabled him to surround the town entirely, and cut off all communication from without, he could not, after a blockade of twelve weeks, force it to a surrender. He therefore listened to the terms of accommodation proposed by the mediation of his brother, the bishop elect of Liege, that John van Arkel should retain all his possessions, but be obliged to sue for pardon on his knees, and permit the connt'8 flag to wave a whole day on the tower of Arkel. As Arkel's principal object was to evade the inspection of his accounts, he gladly acceded to any terms of which that was not made a condition 2.

This was- the last event of importance which occurred under Count Albert's administration. He died on the 15th of December of the next year, at the 1404 age of sixty-seven, having governed the County for forty-six years.

  1. Heda in Fred., p. 266. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxri., cap. 60, 61.
  2. Johan. a Leid., lib» xxxi., cap. 61, 62, Heda in Tred., p. 267. , Suff. Pek, p. 151.

184

By his first wife, Margaret, daughter of the Duke of Brieg, he left three sons, William, who succeeded him, Albert, Duke of Mubingen, and John, bishop elect of Liege; and four daughters, Joanna of Luxemburg, queen of Bohemia, who died without issue; Catherine, duchess of Guelderland, who likewise died childless; Margaret, married to John, son of the Duke of Burgundy; and another Joanna, wife of the Duke of Austria. He had no issue by his second wife, Margaret of Cleves, who survived him 1. Albert appears to have been, on the whole, a mild, just, and pious prince, but remarkably deficient in talent, energy, and decision. He allowed the hook and cod party alternately to obtain the mastery over him, and both to exercise with impunity deeds of violence and injustice 2; nor had he sufficient courage and activity to quell in time the sedition of his rebellious subject, the Lord of Arkel, with whom, as we have seen, he was forced to make a discreditable compromise: the people also regarded his authority with so little reverence, that, during the revolt of the Ghenters, they persisted in supplying them with provisions in despite of his strict prohibition.

  1. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxxi., cap. 2.
  2. Two remarkable instances of his feeble and irresolute character are given by different authora. A certain toll-gatherer, appointed by the Count, having practised great extortions in Merkenshoeck, near Dordrecht, was admonished by several letters from Otho, lord of Arkel, to desist: finding his remonstrances of no avail, Otho despatched some of his attendants to seize the offender and put him to death. Immediately after the commission of this act he went to the Hague, followed by a numerous retinue of servants and soldiers, to demand pardon of the Count, which was not only granted, but new honours were conferred upon him. Johan» a Leid., lib. xxxi., cap. 11. On another occasion, Albert, instigated by some calumniators, had caused the Lord of Adinghem, a nobleman of Hainaut, to be beheaded: his seven brothers, taking up arms to avenge his death, forced Albert to conclude a dishonourable treaty with them, of which one condition was, that he should endow a church with thirteen canons to pray for the soul of the deceased. Suff. Pet., p. 147.

185

Under a government so little feared or respected, it may be supposed that all classes of people accustomed themselves to exercise a liberty greater than they had hitherto enjoyed; while his constant necessities enabled the towns to purchase of him many valuable additions to their privileges. The debts which he left unpaid at his death were so heavy that his widow found it advisable to make a "boedel-afetandt," or formal renunciation of all claim to his estate. The particulars of this ceremony, not uncommon in the Netherlands 1, are thus described: the widow, having chosen a guardian, demanded, through him, permission, before a court composed of the bailiff of the place and four assessors, to renounce the hereditary estate of her husband, according to the law of Rhynktnd. Permission being given, the body of the Count was placed on a bier and brought before the door of the court: the lady, then, dressed in borrowed clothes, and retaining nothing in her possession which she had received from her late husband, went out with a straw in her hand: this she gave to her guardian, who threw it on the bier, renouncing and surrendering in her name the right of dower, and all interest in the estate of the late Count, and in all debts due to or from him 2,3.

  1. Shortly before, the widow of Guy de Chatillon had refused in like manner to administer to the effects of her husband. Froissart, rol. arii., chap. 22.
  2. Politike Regeeringe van den Briel. Vat. Hist., boek xi., No. 21. Crrotius, Inleydinge tot de Hollandtsche Rechtsgeleerdheyt, p. 76.
  3. It was an ancient custom among the Franks to renounce an alliance of service by breaking and throwing a straw. Velly, Hist, de France, torn, ii., p. 203.

186

WILLIAM VI.

As William had for along period before his father's death performed all the more active functions of the government, it might have been supposed that his accession to the title of Count would have caused little or no change in the state of affairs; nevertheless, the animosities between the cod and hook parties, which appeared to have been mitigated for a few yean, now revived with increased fury. The cods had regained their ascendancy with the rise of Alice van Poelgeest, and though many of the hook nobles, suspected of a knowledge or participation in her murder, had been included in the reconciliation between William and Albert in 1395, they were never admitted to any share of power. Now, however, by the favour of Count William, they were advanced to offices in the County, and to a participation in the government of the towns; which the cods being as unwilling to lose as the hooks were eager to obtain, for neither party yielded to the other in cupidity or ambition, their rivalry caused violent commotions in several towns, particularly Delft, Haarlem, and Amsterdam, where a number of the most respectable burghers lost their lives. Dordrecht narrowly escaped a general massacre 1.

Half of the senate of this town is changed on a certain day in every year, the Count appointing the new members from a double number, nominated by the great council of forty; but this year, William, fearing lest any change might be the occasion of disturbances, left the same magistrates in office, a proceeding as yet unheard of in the towns. The majority of the members of the senate at that time were of the cod party, and, after this unexpected mark of favour from their Count, they began to guide affairs entirely according to their pleasure, and to exercise acts of oppression on the hooks.

  1. Johan. a Leid, lib. xxxi., cap. 61.

187

This excited murmurs of discontent among the people, mostly inclining to the latter, and they took occasion to present frequent petitions for the reformation of abuses, which they alleged to exist; a course F of conduct so deeply resented by the cods, that, with a I view of keeping the citizens in check, they passed a I resolution in the senate, that a fort should be erected I within the walls of the town. The burghers, hardly [believing they would carry so bold a measure into execution, made no movement, but quietssly allowed it to be finished, provided with ammunition, and garrisoned with the adherents of the cod party. Numbers of the people then assembled in arms around the fort, and were no sooner perceived by the cods within, than with a loud shout of " Assault, assault!" they sent a shower of arrows among them. The burghers in return attacked the fort with such vigour, that they forced the cods to evacuate it, and retreat on every side. Many of both parties were killed; but the leaders of the hooks stopped the slaughter upon the retreat of their adversaries, securing only the persons of their chiefs. The Bailiff and Treasurer of South Holland, the Schout of Dordrecht, with two burgomasters, and four sheriffs, were committed to the city gaol, where they remained for some time in considerable danger of being sacrificed to the popular vengeance. On the arrival of Count William to appease the tumult, he testified high disapprobation of these lawless proceedings ; but at the same time appointed new magistrates, and gave the senate permission to banish a certain number of persons from Holland. The remainder of the cods effected a reconciliation with the new government early in the following year, and peace was by degrees restored to Dordrecht 1.

The disturbed state of the towns was not the only difficulty with which William had to contend in the first years of his government.

  1. Balen Dordrecht, bl. 283 et seq.

18S

The Lord of Arkel, dreading, probably, that he should now be forced to 1405 surrender his accounts, again took up arms, and made himself master of Woudrichem, which he plundered and burnt. But the Count having besieged and taken his forts of Gaspen and Everstein, he repaired for assistance to Reynold, Duke of Guelderland, whose sister he had married; and, in order to bind him the 1407 more closely to his interests, he surrendered to him his Lordship of Arkel, on condition that it should never be dismembered from the Duchy of Guelderland 1. Arkel shared the usual fate of the feeble who seek the protection of the powerful. After some ineffective hostilities, the Duke of Guelderland and Count of Holland agreed to a truce, which was followed by a treaty of peace, wherein the interests of Arkel were wholly sacrificed. Reynold of Guelderland surrendered Gorinchem and the Lordship of Arkel to the Count of Holland for 100,000 French crowns, on condition that the castle of Ayen, and the Lordship of Born, should 1412 be conferred on William, son of the Lord of Arkel, with a pension of five thousand guilders during his life. This treaty was concluded, as may be supposed, without the intervention or consent of the Lord of Arkel, who was then in Brabant. He was afterwards seized by the Lord of Zevenbergen, and brought prisoner to the Hague: thence he was conducted to Gouda, and finally to Zevenbergen, where he remained in confinement until 1426, when he was released, and died not long after. Of how much disquietss he had been the occasion to William, may be judged from the recompense bestowed on the Lord of Zevenbergen for his capture, amounting to four thousand five hundred French crowns, as well as considerable sums to those who had assisted him 2.

  1. Johan. a Leid, lib. xxxii., cap. 8. Suff. Pet., p. 153.
  2. Heda in Fred., p. 268, 269. Johan. a Leid, lib. xxxii., cap. 16, 22.

189

The Hollanders, under the government of William, entirely lost their footing in Friesland: Staveren only had remained in the actual possession of the Count, by the truce made between Albert and the Frieslanders in the year 1400. The truce had since been renewed from time to time, and the last, made in 1412, now drew to a close. The Frieslanders, observing that but negligent watch was kept by the garrison of Staveren, suddenly surprized the city, drove out the Holland troops, and forced them to evacuate the whole province. William, enraged as he might have been at this loss, made no attempt to repossess himself of Staveren; but, on the contrary, concluded a truce with the Frieslanders, who thus at length found themselves free from all foreign dominion; and in the year 1417 they obtained from the Emperor Sigismund a charter, confirming the entire independence of their state 1. William was the less inclined to undertake any expedition into Friesland, as the alliance he had formed between his only daughter, Jacoba, or Jacqueline, and a son of the King of France, involved him in some degree in the cabalsof that court.

The insanity of the king, Charles VI., and the weak and vicious character of the queen, Isabella of Bavaria, had rendered the royal authority in France utterly inefficient, giving unrestrained licence to the ambition of the nobles, and leaving the kingdom a prey to the fury of the rival factions, so celebrated in history, of Burgundy and Orleans.

  1. Ubbo Emmius " Rerum Frisicarum," lib. xviL xviii. Johan. a !*&, lib. xxxii., cap. 19.

190

It was during the ascendancy of the former that John, Duke of Touraine, 1406 second son of the King of France, had been betrothed to Jacoba of Holland, niece of the Duke of Burgundy 1. John had, since that time, resided chiefly with his future father-in-law; but owing to the youth of the parties, the marriage was not completed until 1415, when Jacoba was declared heir to Hainaut. Holland, and Friesland; which, after the death of William, were to be governed by the Duke of Touraine, and to descend undivided to the eldest son, or, in default of heirs male, to the eldest daughter, of this marriage. The ancient laws, privileges, and customs of the land were to be preserved unimpaired, and no offices conferred on foreigners 2.

By the death of his elder brother, Louis, without issue, John succeeded, a few months after, to the title of dauphin, and became heir-apparent to the French crown. Immediately upon that event, therefore, ambassadors were despatched to Hainaut to invite him to the court of his father; but the state of France was not such as to induce William to risk the safety of the young prince, the husband of his only child, by sending him thither. That Country, besides being desolated by civil dissensions, was now engaged in a dangerous and ruinous war with Henry V. of England: nine thousand of her bravest knights lay dead on the field of Agincourt, and the hope of arresting the progress of the conqueror appeared almost chimerical. The Orleans faction had now entire possession of the courts and iewed both William and the young dauphin with dislike and suspicion, on account of their close connection with the Duke of Burgundy.

  1. Monstrelet, vol. i., chap 27.
  2. ViUaret Con. de Velly, torn, xii., p. 470. Groot Plakaatb., 3 deel, bl.6.

191

These feelings were still further increased on finding that the deputies sent by the Duke to Valenciennes, during the stay of the French Ambassadors there, had been admitted to more than one secret conference with the Count, while the latter were obliged to content themselves with a public audience. In consideration of these circumstances, William persisted in retaining the dauphin under his own protection.

While matters were thus pending, the Emperor Sigismund arrived at Dordrecht, on his way from the court of Paris to that of London, whither he was accompanied 1416 by the Count of Holland, for the purpose of negotiating in concert a peace between France and England 1. But whether Sigismund had never been sincere in his endeavours to effect a reconciliation, or that, finding it impossible to bring the belligerents to reasonable terms, he thought it best, considering the enfeebled and distracted condition of France, to consult his own interest by siding with the stronger, he abandoned ere long the character of mediator, and concluded with England a treaty of alliance against France. William, disgusted at this selfish policy, abruptly left England, without waiting for the emperor, having succeeded only in effecting a truce between England and France for five months, which was afterwards prolonged 2.

Repose being thus for a season secured to France from without, William determined to use his endeavours to allay the distractions prevailing within the kingdom. He therefore yielded to the reiterated solicitations of the French ambassadors, and conducted the Dauphin as far as Compeigne, he himself proceeding to Paris to arrange the terms of his reception. After long contestations with the members of the Orleans faction in that court, William declared, formally, that the young prince should either come to court in company with the Duke of Burgundy, or return immediately to Hainanlt 3.

  1. Rym. Feed., torn, ix., p. 362. Johan. k Leid., lib. xxxii., cap. 22.
  2. Rym* Feed., torn, ix., p. 380. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxxii., cap. 22.
  3. Monstrelet, vol. iv., chap. 46, p. 256.

192

Either his dread of the Orleans party must have been extreme, to make him insist in such a determined manner on the return of the Duke of Burgundy to a court where he was so justly obnoxious 1, or he must have entertained for him an esteem and confidence but ill deserved or requited; since John, the most crafty and selfish prince of the age in which he lived, made about this time a secret treaty of alliance with England, wherein the interests of the young dauphin were wholly sacrificed, inasmuch as he acknowledged the right of Henry and his heirs to the kingdom of France, promising to aid him to the 1416 utmost of his power against his enemies in that Country, and declaring null and void any exception before made in favour of the dauphin 2.

The French government, finding William so obstinately resolved upon the subject of the Duke of Burgundy, determined to arrest him; but, having obtained intelligence of their design, he precipitately quitted Paris, attended by only two servants, and retired to Compeigne. On his arrival there, he found, with mingled grief and consternation, that the object 1417 of all his anxietssy and cares lay at the point of death, occasioned, as some say, by the bursting of a tumour in the head 3, but the more general opinion prevailed, that the youth died by poison 4.

  1. Rym. Feed., torn, ix., p. 995.
  2. From his assassination of the Duke of Orleans (1407), and his open avowal and justification of that crime.
  3. Monstrelet, vol. i., chap. 46, p. 256.
  4. According to John of Leyden, a magnificent suit of armour was sent him, poisoned, which, with the eagerness of youth, he immediately put on, and died a short time after: the historian does not mention from whence it came.—Lib. xxxii., cap. 26. -Aegidius de Roya gives a similar account, with the addition that the armour was sent by his mother (Chron. Belg., ad ann. 1417, p. 70); an opinion adopted by Heda, p. 171. Meyer, liowever, says, that he lived eight days after, which would seem to contradict the suspicion of poison.—P. 260.

193

Both the Burgundian and Orleans parties accused each other of this crime, but suspicion chiefly rested on the Duke of Anjou, who both feared and hated the Duke of Burgundy, and whose son-in-law, Charles, due de Ponthieu, became by this untimely death heir apparent to the crown 1.

To William his loss was irreparable. The succession to the County had been settled on his only legitimate child, Jacoba, with the condition that the government was to remain in the hands of her husband. On both the previous occasions, when the County had been left without a male heir, a great proportion of the Hollanders had shown a vehement dislike to submit to the authority of a female; and he, therefore, dreaded lest the claims of his daughter might be set aside in favour of his brother, John, bishop elect of Liege. To guard against any such attempt, he assembled the nobles and towns of Holland, who, at his requisition, solemnly swore to acknowledge Jacoba lawful heir and successor, in case he should die without a son. Most of the principal nobles and the large towns of Holland signed this agreement, as well as the states of Zealand; and William, thinking he had now placed the succession of his daughter on a firm footing, returned to Hainaut 2.

  1. Meyer Ann. Fland., lib. xv., ad ann. 1417, p. 250. Pont. Heut., Hb. iii., cap. 8.
  2. Heda in Fred., p. 271, 280. Groot Plakaat., deel. iii., bl. 8.

194

Here he soon after died, from a swelling in the thigh, which he was persuaded to have lanced, in order to relieve the pain; but the exhaustion attendant on the operation, combined with grief for the miserable fate of the young dauphin, proved too much for his constitution: he languished only a few days, and died at Bouchain, in May, 1417 1. He was a prince of undoubted courage and conduct in war; and in his domestic government, he appears to have been guilty of no act of injustice or oppression during his whole reign. Such was the opinion generally entertained of his integrity and prudence, that the two hostile and embittered factions of Burgundy and Orleans did not hesitate to choose him as arbiter of their differences, and guarantee for the security of both parties 2: he was, moreover, handsome in person, and "a knight of a gallant and noble bearing, excelling most others of his time in tilting 3'.

It was perhaps a proof of his judgment, that he made no endeavour to reduce Friesland to submission. A vast expense of blood and treasure had already been lavished upon this futile and chimerical project, which, even if successful, would only have added to Holland a number of restless and unprofitable subjects; and he might be well satisfied to have made instead the more useful, though less imposing acquisitions, of the lordship of Arkel 4, and the strong town of Ysselstein, surrendered to him by the Lord of Egmond, both of which he permanently united to Holland: the fortifications of the latter were razed in the beginning of the next reign, after an attempt made by John van Egmond and William van Ysselstein to repossess themselves of their paternal inheritance 5.

  1. Meyer Ann., lib. xv., ad ann. 1417, p. 250. Johan. k Leid., lib. xxxii., cap. 25, 27.
  2. Villaret, Con. de Velly, torn, xiii., p. 74.
  3. Pont. Heut. Rer. Bur., lib. hi., cap. 5. Froissart, vol. x., chap. 21, and passim.
  4. This ancient barony had been granted, it is said, in the early part of the tenth century, to one Heyneman, a Hungarian refugee in the service of Theodore II.—Johan. a Leid., lib, vii., cap. 27.
  5. Heda in Fred., p. 271. * Veliua, Chronyck van Hoorn, boek i., p. 17.

195

During the reign of William, the herring fishery, a source of such immense national wealth to Holland, began rapidly to increase. In 1414, Jacob Beukelson, of Beervlietss, discovered the new and excellent method still in use, of drying and barrelling herrings, and two years after, the .first large herring sein was manufactured at Hoorn *•


Part 1, Chapter 3

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Volume I

107

CHAPTER III

Florence V. Minority. Government of Florence, his Uncle. Char-ten granted to Zealand. Treaty with Flanders. Death of Florence the Elder. Otho of Guelderlana\ Agent. Revolt of the Kemmerlanders. Florence assumes the Government. Bis Marriage. War with West Friesland. Alliance with England. Subjugation of West Friesland. Revolt of the Zealand Noblesy and War with Flanders. Pacification. Pretensions to the Scottish Crown. Rupture of the Friendship between Holland and England. Treaty with France. Conspiracy of the Nobles. Death and Character of Florence. Minority of John I. State of Holland. Divided Regency. John of Avenues. War with Utrecht and West Friesland. And Flanders. Return of Count John from England. Departure of John of Avenues. Wolferd van Borselen made Governor. Finally subdues the West Frieslanders. Peace with Utrecht. Ambition and Influence of Borselen. Dispute with Dordrecht. Death of Borselen and of the Bailiff of South Holland. Return of John of Avennes. Death of the Count. County transferred to the Family of Hainaut.

FLORENCE V.

1255 Florence was born during the time that the emperor, his father, 1 was besieging Charles of Anjou in Valenciennes, and was consequently scarcely two years old at the time of his death; he was, nevertheless, immediately acknowledged by the nobles, and the government of the County, during his minority, was confided to-his uncle Florence, who had gained considerable reputar tipn in the war with Margaret of Flanders. Equally inclined with his brother to favour the increase and advancement of the towns, the governor granted charters of privileges to nearly all those of Zealand which did not yet enjoy them 2.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek ill., bl. 110. Schiyver's Graaven, i. deel., bl. 507.
  2. k Melis Stoke, boek iv., bl. 181.

108

He likewise concluded the treaty of peace with Flanders, begun in the last year: it was agreed that the Counts of Holland should continue to hold the five islands as a fief of Flanders; that the Count of Flanders should receive ten thousand pounds (Flemish) from Holland; and that either Florence, or the young Count, when he came of age, should marry Beatrice, daughter of Guy of Dampierre: Guy, and his brother John, were released from their imprisonment upon payment of heavy ransoms 1. 1258 The County did not long enjoy the pacific government of Florence the Elder, since he was killed in a tournament at Antwerp, little more than two years after his accession 2. Upon his death, Adelaide, Countess-dowager of Hainaut, the widow of John of Avennes, assumed the guardianship of the young Count, and the administration of affairs, under the title of Governess of Holland; but the nobles, disdaining to submit to female rule, invited Otho of Guelderland, cousin of Adelaide, to undertake the government of the County, until Count Florence should attain his majority; the person of the infant prince still remaining, nevertheless, under the care of his aunt 3.

During the administration of Otho, a dangerous revolt broke out among the people of Kemmerland, who, uniting with those of Friesland and Waterland, declared their determination to expel all the nobles from the Country, and raze their castles to the ground. They first took possession of Amsterdam, the lord of which, Gilbert van Amstel, either unable to make resistance against the insurgents, or desirous of employing them to avenge a private quarrel he had with the Bishop of Utrecht, consented to become their leader, and immediately conducted them to the siege of that city.

  1. Meyer, Ann. Fland., lib. ix., ad ann. 1256, p. 78.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek iv., bl. 184.
  3. Idem, bl. 180—101.

109

Perceiving the multitude approach, the citizens ran to arms, and hastily manned the walls and bulwarks of the town. A parley ensued, when one of the Kemmerlanders vehemently exhorted the besieged to banish all the nobles from Utrecht, and divide their wealth among the poor. Fired by his oration, the people quitted the walls, seized upon the magistrates, whom they forced to resign their offices, drove them, with all the nobles, out of the town, and admitting the besiegers within the gates, made a league of eternal amity with them. After remaining a short time at Utrecht, the insurgents returned to Kemmerland, and laid siege to Haarlem, which was gallantly defended by the nobles and burgesses, until John Persyn, a soldier of the garrison, leaving the town in disguise, set fire to several houses and villages belonging to the besiegers. The Kemmerlanders then, seeing the conflagration behind them, hastily retreated, and being pursued by the men of Haarlem, a considerable number were slain, and the remainder dispersed. Utrecht shortly after submitted to the authority of the bishop. The cause of this insurrection appears to have been, the extortion practiced upon the people by the nobles, most of whom, as we have observed, exercised the right of levying taxes in their own domains 1.

1271 On the death of the Count of Guelderland, Florence, being then seventeen, took the conduct of affairs into his own hands, and about the same time completed his marriage with Beatrice of Flanders, as agreed upon by the treaty of 1256 2. Early in the next year he made preparations for an expedition into West Friesland, for the purpose of avenging his father's death. He carried on the war for five years, with various success and leaving his subjects in that province still unsubdued, repaired in 1277 to Bois le Dae, where he received knighthood from John, Duke of Brabant.

  1. Beka in Johan., p. 92, 93,
  2. Melis Stoke, boek iv., bl. 193,194.

110

On his return to Holland, he banished, for some unknown cause of offence, his aunt Adelaide, and all her children, from his dominions 1.

1282 After a few years of repose, Florence, still intent on avenging the death of his father, again sailed to West Friesland, accompanied by a large fleet of ships, and effected a landing at Wydenesse: the Friez-landers, on the tidings of his approach, assembled in great numbers near the village of Schellinghout, where they were attacked by the Holland troops, and after a desperate battle, totally defeated; twelve hundred remained dead on the field; the rest were put to flight, and many more killed in the pursuit. Florence, with his army, followed them as far as Hoogtwoude, which was plundered and burnt. Here an aged man among the prisoners, upon a promise that his life should be spared, discovered to him the spot where the body of his father had been buried. No sooner had he obtained this long-wished-for treasure, than he left Friesland, carrying the corpse to Middleburg, where he caused it to be interred with royal magnificence 2. Upon this occasion, he dispatched a letter containing an account of his victory over his " mortal enemies,'' to Edward I., king of England, with whom he was at this time upon terms of the closest alliance 3. The trade carried on by the Hollanders with England was now become highly valuable to both nations; the former giving a high price for the English wools for their cloth manufactures, while they procured thence (chiefly, perhaps from Cornwall) their silver for the purpose of coinage 4.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek ir., bh 195—204.
  2. Beka in Johan., p. 94. Melis Stoke, boek iv., bl. 211—215.
  3. Rym. Feed., toni. ii., p. 223.
  4. Rym. Feed., p. 284.

111

A quarrel between the merchants of the two Countries, some years before this time, had been followed by numerous acts of piracy on the part of the Zealanders, in consequence of which, Edward, in the year 1275, ordered that all Zealand ships coming into the ports of England should be arrested. Florence, unwilling to lose a commerce so advantageous to his subjects, granted shortly after a safe conduct to all English merchants trading to his states; but four years elapsed before he was able to obtain permission for the ships of Zealand to frequent the ports of England as usual 1.

1281 About the same time, with the grant of this per mission, a treaty was set on foot for the marriage of Margaret, the daughter of Count Florence, with Alphonso, son of the King of England. Margaret was 'to have as her portion, whichever moietssy of the County of Holland the king should choose, and to inherit the whole, in case Florence died without a son; the disputes between the merchants were, by the same treaty, eferred to arbitrators chosen on both sides 2.

1285 The birth of a son to Florence shortly after, and the subsequent death of Alphonso, rendered this contract ineffectual; but prior to the latter event, another  marriage was agreed upon, between John, the Count's infant son, and Elizabeth, daughter of Edward; the king engaging to pay fifty thousand livres 3 (tournois) as her portion, and the Count settling upon her a dowry of six thousand livres 4. According to the terms of the treaty, John was sent to the court of the King of England, where he remained until the completion of the marriage 5.

  1. Rym. Feed., p. 59, 62,156.
  2. Idem, torn, ii., p. 175,176, 177.
  3. 9114/. 13#. 4d. Recherches sur le Com., torn. L, p. 176, note 41.
  4. 1093/. 15*. Od. Idem.
  5. Melis Stoke, 2 deel., bl. 239. Ryin. Feed., torn, ii., p. 307.

112

The friendship cemented by this alliance, was highly advantageous to the commerce of Holland: the staple of English wool was fixed at Dordrecht 1, a town of extensive trade in wines, grain, salt, iron, wood, and cloths: and the subjects of the Count were permitted to fish, without restriction, on the English coast at Yarmouth 2. This is the first grant we find of a privilege, which the Dutch continued to enjoy, with little interruption, until the time of Cromwell.

1286 After the departure of the army of Holland from West Friesland, the inhabitants renewed their hostilities, and made several unsuccessful attacks upon a fort which the Count had built at Wydenesse; but a dreadful storm, which this year laid the whole of the Country on both sides the Zuyderzee entirely under water 3, proved the means of enabling Count* Florence to effect their complete subjugation. The floods rose to such a height, that every part of the province was accessible to a numerous fleet of small vessels called cogs, well manned, and placed under the command of Theodore* lord of Brederode; the inhabitants of the several towns, being unprovided with a sufficient number of boats to oppose those of the Count, found their communication with each other wholly cut off; and thus reduced to a state of blockade, and unable to render the slightest mutual assistance, they severally acknowledged the authority of Count Florence 4.

  1. The chronicler observes, that " this did not last long, for it was an English Contract:"
  2. Melis Stoke, boek iv., bl. 243, 244. Rym. Feed., torn, ii., p. 688.
  3. The flood overwhelmed fifteen islands in Zealand, and destroyed fifteen thousand persons. jEgid. de Roy a, ad aim. 1287.
  4. Wilhelm. Procurator ran Egmond ad ann. 1287.

113

In the summer of the same year, Florence repaired in person to West Friesland, built strong castles in different parts of the province, made great improvements in the roads, granted a charter and freedom from tolls to the city of Medemblick, and took such pains to conciliate the good-will of the Frieslanders, that before the end of his reign we shall find them acting the part of affectionate and devoted subjects 1. It was fortunate for Count Florence that he was able to effect thus speedily the pacification of Friesland, since the discontents which had spread among his nobles, ere long, raised him up other enemies.

The evils of feudal government began at this period to be severely felt: the nobles, safe in their fortified castles, and supreme in their petty domains, exercised unbounded sway over their vassals, whose right of appeal to the superior lord against any act of tyranny or aggression on the part of their masters, proved a mere phantom, in the hands of the poor and feeble, against the rich and powerful. Rendered thus subservient by fear, and alike unable and unwilling to refuse obedience to any command of their lord, however unlawful, the vassalsof every noble formed a band of satellites ready at all times to do his bidding, whether it were to make war upon those with whom he had any cause of feud, to plunder the peaceful and industrious trader, or to resist the authority of his sovereign; to whom, indeed, supported by them, and protected by his privileges, he yielded just as much deference as he thought fit, and no more.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek ir., bl. 224—227.

114

We shall therefore find the able monarchs, who at this time governed the principal nations of Europe, Philip IV. of France, and Edward I. of England, agreeing in the system of policy which tended to encourage the rising wealth and influence of the towns, in order to depress by their means the exorbitant power of the nobles, dangerous alike to the authority of the monarch and the security of the people. The feudal system was, it is true, considerably modified in Holland, since th8 nobles do not appear to have ever enjoyed the privilege of coinage, as in France, Spain, England 1, and some parts of Germany; a privilege, indeed, which could hardly have been tolerated among a mercantile people, such as the Dutch; the high jurisdiction also, or right of trying capital offences, belonged to them only in a few instances: but on the other hand, they possessed an unlimited power of taxation in their states, atid exercised it sometimes to an extent which, as we have seen, aroused the people to revolt. The Counts, in their attempts to restrain their excesses, found themselves destitute alike of the influence generally possessed by the sovereign of a large state* and the reverence which the name of king naturally inspires; while they were, at the same time, deficient to a far greater degree in actual coercive force 2.

  1. This injurious custom, as well as the exercise of the high jurisdiction, appears to have been carried to a great extent in England, if we may judge from the quotation of Du Cange from Wilhelmus Neubrigensis : " Erant in Anglie quodaramodo. tot Reges, vel potius tyranni, quot Domini castellorum, habentes singuli percussuram proprii numismatis, et potestatem subditis Regio more dicendi juris," Du Cange, in Moneta.
  2. We shall find that «o late as the year 1403, when the power of the nobility had greatly declined, that the Count was obliged to strengthen his army with foreign auxiliaries, in order to reduce a single rebellious noble to obedience.

115

So much the more, therefore, would they be desirous of creating a balance to their power, and accordingly, the predecessors of Count Florence bad, from the beginning of this century, granted valuable charters of immunities, from time to time, to the different towns; and Florence himself on all occasions favored their interests, and those of the people, in opposition to the nobles, Sutch conduct naturally excited the jealousy of that order, and a tax of the fourth penny, arbitrarily levied by the Count on Zealand 1, provoked the principal lords of the province, headed by Wolferd van Boraelen, and John van Renesse, to raise the standard of rebel* lion, and to offer their allegiance to Guy, Count of Flanders. 1287 The Counts of Flanders were never found to turn a deaf ear to any proposal of creating annoyance and disquietss to their Jlolland neighbours, and Guy readily consented to make common cause with the nobles; and joining his troops to those they had collected, laid siege to Middleburg, which city agreed to surrender, if not relieved within a certain time 2. On the advance of Count Florence to Zeirikzee, at the head of a large body of land and sea forces, for the purpose of raising the siege of Middleburg, further hostilities were suspended by the mediation of John, Duke of Brabant; Guy evacuated Walcheren, on the promise of Florence to pardon, and restore to their estates, all the nobles engaged in the rebellion, except Wolferd van Borselen, who was banished 3.

  1. Wilhelm. Procurator ad ann. 1287 does not say on what species of property this tax was levied, or whether Florence attempted to impose it en the nobles, but the consequences that ensued would lead one to suppose that he did so. The military vassals were, by the tenure of their fiefs, exempt from taxation.
  2. Wilhelm. Procurator ad ann. 1287. Melis Stoke, boek iy., bl. 228-298.
  3. Melis Stoke, boek iv., bl. 233r-238.

116

The happy termination of this revolt permitted Count Florence to undertake a journey to England, for the purpose of advancing his pretensions to the throne of Scotland, vacant by the death of Margaret, commonly called the Maid of Norway, grand-daughter and heiress of Alexander III. Florence was descended in a direct line from Ada, daughter of Henry, eldest son of David I., king of Scotland, who married, in the year 1162, Florence III., Count of Holland. 1291 On this ground he appeared among the numerous competition for the crown, who, at the conferences held at Norham, submitted their claims to Edward I. of England 1, and however remote his pretensions, the native historians inform us that his renunciation of them was purchased by the successful candidate with a considerable sum of money, and the contemporary chronicler, Melis Stoke, reprobates, in no very measured terms, the advice that persuaded him thus, like another Esau, to sell his birthright 2,3.

The amity between the, two courts* which this transaction appeared likely still further to consolidate, was in a very few years broken, on the occasion of a war between Holland and Flanders. Guy, whether unable to resist the temptation of possessing himself the islands of Zealand, or whether irritated by the non-observance of the last treaty on the part of Florence, 1295 made a sudden irruption into the island of South Beveland. Florence solicited in vain succors from the King of England, who evaded his request under various pretexts, and took no further interest in the cause of his ally, than to delegate the Lord of Cuyck to mediate their differences.

  1. Rym. Foed., torn, ii., p. 531, 532.
  2. " I would," he says, " that the man were hung by the neck wko gave him such counsel! How durst he think of advising him to sell a kingdom which was his by inheritance?" Had the partisans of all the rivals been equally zealous with the rhymer, it would have cost Scotland even more warfare and bloodshed than it did, before their claims were settled.
  3. Melis Stoke, boek iv., bl. 240. Wilhelm. Proc. ad aim. 1287.

117

Though the Zealanders defeated the Flemings, and forced them to retire into their own Country, yet Florence felt no less indignation at this breach of friendship on the part of Edward, whose interests now prompted him to court the alliance of Guy of Flanders, in preference to that of Holland 1.

1285 The mutual piracies and aggressions exercised for some years by the crews of the French and English vessels in the channel, had given rise to a war between the two Countries; and Edward, anxious to secure the support of the powerful vassal of his opponent, proposed a marriage between his eldest son and Philippa, daughter of Count Guy; bestowed on him the sum of three hundred thousand livres in payment of the auxiliaries he should furnish during the war, and removed the staple of English wool from Dordrecht to Bruges and Mechlin, to the great detriment of the trade and manufactures of Holland 2.

Finding that Edward had thus made a league with his enemy, Florence determined to accept the offers of friendship made him by Philip of France, who courted the alliance of foreign princes, no less eagerly than Edward. He therefore repaired -to that court in person, accompanied by several of his nobles, towards the end of the same year, and the two sovereigns concluded a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, with the reservation only, that the Count of Holland should not be bound to engage in an offensive war against the emperor, or the King of England. 1296 Philip was to make no peace without including Holland, and to indemnify the Count in case Edward should refuse to complete the marriage between the Princess Elisabeth and his son 3.

  1. Rym. Feed., torn, ii., p. 677. Melis Stoke, boek iv., bl. 247—256.
  2. Rym. Feed., torn, ii., p. 737. • Melis Stoke, boek iv., bJ. 244.
  3. Damerat, Corps Dip., torn i., p. L, p. 295. Melis Stoke, boek ir., bl. 254—257.

118

From a stipulation made by the French king, that his friends and allies should be at liberty to provide themselves with vessels, provisions, and ammunition in Holland, we may conclude that commerce and shipping were at this period in a very flourishing condition.

The news of the alliance between Holland and France excited to a high degree the wrath of the King i of England: he wrote to the emperor, complaining of j the ingratitude of his vassal, the Count of Holland, and j declared that he would detain John, his son, in prison unless it were immediately dissolved 1; and it is supposed, that at this time he first formed the design of seizing the person of Florence and conveying him to imprisonment, either in England or Flanders; a scheme which he was not long in finding instruments able and willing to execute, though the event was probably more fatal than he had anticipated.

It has been observed, that the disregard in which Count Florence held the nobility, had excited the greater number a spirit of jealousy and hostility against him ; he was, moreover, severe in punishing any act of oppression or injustice which they might commit upon the people: the late treaty with France also, was generally displeasing to them, although some few had become parties to it, by affixing their signatures as guarantees 2. Besides these causes of dissatisfaction, which were common to the whole body of nobles, the Count had aroused in the breasts of many individuals among them, feelings of personal hatred and revenge.

  1. Rym. Feed, torn, ii., p* 117. Wilhelm. Proc ad ami. 1396.
  2. Wilhelm. Proc. ad ann. 1206, 1287.

119

Gilbert* lord of Amstel, had, some years before, been engaged in a petty warfare against his liege lord the Bishop of Utrecht, and the Count of Holland coming to the assistance of the latter, had defeated his rebellious vassal, and forced him to surrender his lordship of Amstel, which he conferred upon John Persyn, the same who had signalized himself in suppressing the rerolt of the Kemmerlanders, conducted by Gilbert van Amstel. Hermann, lord of Woerden, Gilbert's confederate and ally, had in like manner been forced to resign Woerden into the hands of Florence, from whom he received it again in usufruct 1. In addition to the enmity of these two powerful nobles, Florence had excited that of the Lord of Heusden, by a disreputable connection he maintained with his daughter; and was said to have beheaded the brother of Gerard van Velsen, and detained himself in prison for more than a year, in consequence of a false accusation made against them by some of the courtiers; and to have injured the latter still more deeply in the person of his wife 2. Nevertheless, these nobles were afterwards received into favour by the Count, and lived for some time on terms of apparent amity with him; Gerard van Velsen was made his privy councillor, and the Lords of Amstel and Woerden enjoyed high consideration and influence at his court; the name of the former also, and that of the Lord of Heusden, we find among the twelve who were made knights of St. James, a new order of knighthood created by Florence in 1290 3. Gratitude for recent favours, however, failed to obliterate the memory of ancient wrongs.

  1. Beka in Johan., ii., p. 98. Melis Stoke, boek iv., bl. 206—210.
  2. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxiv., cap. 26.
  3. Melis Stoke, boek ir., bL 256—266. Mirei Dip. Belg., torn, i., cap. 441.

120

Gerard van Velsen first imparted to Hermann van Woerden a design of seizing the Count's person, and placing him in confinement; and under pretext of reconciling a feud, appointed a meeting with the Lords of Heusden, Cuyck, and several other nobles, to be held at Bergen op Zoom. The Lord of Cuyck had engaged himself for the sum of two thousand livres (tournois) yearly, to perform any service the King of England might require of him 1.

The nobles, on meeting at Bergen, readily entered into the conspiracy planned by Velsen, the Lord of Cuyck promising them the support and assistance of the Duke of Brabant, the Count of Flanders, and the King of England; and a subsequent conference was in fact held at Cambray, where the whole scheme was discussed and resolved on, before ambassadors from each of these princes. Florence, in entire ignorance of the machinations plotting against him, was not aroused tó caution even by a letter from the Lord of Cuyck, renouncing his allegiance in insolent terms: he observed jocosely, that but few Hollanders could now remain in their Country, since the Lord of Cuyck had undertaken to drive even him out. He allowed the priest who had been the bearer of this bold defiance to depart unmolested 2.

Since the strong attachment of the citizens and people towards their Count rendered the execution of any treasonable enterprise difficult and even dangerous in Holland, the conspirators waited until Florence should go to Utrecht, where he had appointed to be on a certain day in June, to make a reconciliation between the Lords of Amstel and Woerden, and the relatives of the Lord of Zuylen, whom they had slain.

  1. Rym. Fowl., torn, ii., p. 677.
  2. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxiv., cap. 27. Melis Stoke, boek ir., bl. 264— 276.

121

After the reconciliation, Florence, unsuspicious of evil, gave a magnificent entertainment, at which all the conspirators were present. It is said, that, just as the feast began, the Count was admonished of his approaching fete by a poor woman, who presented to him a paper, containing these words: " Son of a king, be mindful of the prophecy of the Psalmist: mine own familiar friend, in whom I trusted, which did eat of my bread, hath lifted up his heel against me 1. Heedless of the warning, the Count, seated between Amstel and Woerden, indulged in mirth and festivity to a late hour of the night. After he had retired to rest, the conspirators made use of the time to arrange their plans without the walls of the city, where they stationed parties of their followers in ambush, one on the banks of the Vecht, and two more further inland, but carefully concealing their purpose from them. Amstel remained in Utrecht and, early the next morning, awakening the Count from his slumber, he invited him to accompany himself and the other nobles on a hawking excursion. Florence, springing up with alacrity, was soon equipped, and, before his departure, asked Amstel to drink a stirrup-cup to St. Gertrude 2. The traitor took the cup from his master's hand, saying, "God protect you; I will ride forward," and draining its contents, galloped off. Fearful of losing any part of the sport, the Count quickly followed, leaving behind all his attendants, except a couple of pages.

  1. Beka in Johan., ii., p. 98. Melis Stoke, boek iv., bl. 281.
  2. The stirrup or leave-taking cup was, in the Netherlands and Germany, usually drunk to St. Gertrude, the patron saint of travellers. ^-Huydecop. op Stoke, deel. ii., bl. 844, 845. St. Gertrude was the sister of Grimoald, mayor of the palace to Sigebert, king of Austrasia; she founded the church at Geertruydenberg, about the middle of the seventh century.—Mirei Dip. Belg., lib. i., cap. 24. I cannot discover why she was considered as the protector of travellers.

122

About two miles distant from Utrecht, he perceived Hermann van Woerden, and riding towards him, inquired where the hawking was held. He was immediately surrounded by Amstel, Woerden, Velsen, and several others, all of whom, not suspecting their design, he greeted in a friendly manner. Woerden then seized the bridle of his horse, saying to him, " My master, your high flights are ended, you shall drive us no longer, you are now our prisoner, whether you will or not." The Count believing him only in jest, laughed merrily, when one Arnold van Benshorp snatched the falcon in a rude manner from his wrist: then, at length awakened to a sense of the danger of his situation, he attempted to draw his sword, but was prevented by Velsen, who threatened "to cleave his head in two," if he made the least movement. One of the pages, attempting to defend his master, deceived a severe wound, but was able to escape with the other to Utrecht, while the conspirators conveyed their prisoner to Muyden, at the mouth of the Vecht, with the design probably of transporting him thence by sea to England 1. No sooner had the rumour of the Count's imprisonment been noised abroad, than the West Frieslanders rose in a body, and uniting themselves to the people of Kemmerland and Waterland, speedily manned a number of vessels, and presented themselves before Muyden. But as they were without a leader, and had neither ammunition nor materials for a siege, they were unable to effect the release of their sovereign, and could only prevent his being carried to England.

  1. Melia Stoke, boek iv., bl. 283—292.

123

Finding this scheme, therefore, impracticable, the conspirators determined upon conveying him by land to Brabant or Flanders; gagged and disguised, with his feet and hands bound, and mounted on a sorry horse, they conducted their unhappy prisoner, on the fifth day of his confinement, towards Naarden; but knowing that the high roads were beset by the people eager to achieve his deliverance, they chose a circuitous route, through bye-paths and morasses. Hardly had they advanced half way to Naarden, when Velsen, who rode forward to reconnoitre, enCountered a large body of the inhabitants of that city. To his demand of what they wanted, " That which you bring, our Count," was the reply. Hereupon, Velsen rode back with all the speed he could make, to give the rest of his party warning of their approach. The nobles, unable to resist so numerous a force, attempted to avoid them by flight; but in leaping a ditch, the Count's feeble horse fell with his rider Into the mire, and finding it impossible to extricate him before the arrival of his deliverers, who were close behind, they murdered their helpless victim with more than twenty wounds. When the Naardeners and Frieslanders came up, they found their prince already at the point of death, but instant vengeance was executed on two servants, who had not time to draw out their weapons from his body. Velsen escaped, wounded and with difficulty, to Kronenburg, where he found the other conspirators already arrived, The body of Count Florence was embalmed, and, at the desire of the Frieslanders, carried to Alkmaar, and laid in the church there, but was finally buried at Rhynsburg 1.

The personal character of Florence, as well as the state of affairs in the County, rendered his death a cause of deep lamentation to the Hollanders; brave in the field, and sagacious in the cabinet, he possessed all those qualities which secure the esteem or captivate the affection of mankind. Just, liberal, and magnanimous, he was a firm and constant protector of his people against the oppression of the nobles.

  1. Wilhelm. Proc. ad ann. 1296. Melis Stoke, boek ?., bl. 549—365,419.

124

Like most of his race, his Countenance was ruddy and handsome, and his person well-formed and active; he was remarkable, also, for his ready eloquence, and for his rare skill in music 1.

Of the conspirators, Woerden and Amstel fled their Country, and died in exile; but the greater part fortified themselves in the castle of Kronenburg, which being besieged and taken, Velsen and some others were made prisoners, while the remainder were rescued by the interference of the Lord of Cuyck and the Count of Cleves. Gerard van Velsen was tried at Dordrecht, severely tortured, and, together with William of Zoenden, one of his accomplices, broken on the wheel 2.

The aristocratic power in Holland never afterwards recovered the shock it underwent on this occasion; besides those of the nobles who were openly convicted of a share in the assassination of Count Florence, many others were suspected of a secret participation in this crime, and the contempt and detestation they incurred, extended in some degree to the whole body of the nobility, whose moral influence was thus nearly annihilated, while its actual strength was enfeebled by the death or banishment of so many of its most powerful members. This occurred, too, at a juncture when the towns, favored by the privileges which Florence and his immediate predecessors had bestowed on them, and increasing in wealth and importance, were enabled to secure that political influence in the state which the nobles daily lost» and which, in other Countries, was obtained by the sovereign, on the decay of the feudal aristocracy 3.

  1. Beka in Johan., ii., p. 99.
  2. iWilhelm. Proc. ad aim. 1296. Melis Stoke, boek v., bl. 872—382. Beka in Johan., ii., p. 99.
  3. By the Tudors, in our own Country; by Charles VII., Louis XI., and their successors, in France; and by Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain, after the monarchical power was strengthened by the union of the crowns of Castile and Arragon.

125

JOHN I.

The condition in which the death of Florence V. left Holland, was deplorable in the extreme. Engaged in hostilities with Flanders, her nobility discontented and rebellious, her people alarmed and suspicious, and her young prince a minor, in the hands of a monarch who had given but too many proofs of his unscrupulous ambition 1, while to these difficulties was added that of a divided regency. While Florence was yet alive, John van Arkel, Theodore van Brederode, with the other nobles who still remained faithful to him, had, upon intelligence of his imprisonment, assembled at Dordrecht, and sent to John of Avennes a requisition that he would come into Holland without delay, and assume the government until the Count could be released; and three days after his death, they despatched the Abbot of Egtnond to the court of the King of England, beseeching him to restore to them their young Count, and to send with him a force sufficient to protect him from the fate that had befallen his father 2. Guy, brother of John of Avennes, came into Holland, commissioned by John to undertake the administration in his behalf, until he should repair thither in person, which he promised to do shortly.

  1. Vide Note D, at the end of the volume.
  2. Rym. Feed., torn, ii., p. 717. Melis Stoke, boek v., bl. 364, 365.

Note D. (Page 125.)

Suspicions have been cast upon Edward, as if guilty of a previous knowledge of the murder of Count Florence; they are, however, not borne out by facts. It is true that the chief instigator of that plot, the Lord of Cuyck, was engaged to perform any service that the King of England might require of him, in consideration of the sum of 2000 livres; but we are not justified in concluding that the treaty was made between them with a view to this particular transaction, since it was merely such an one as petty princes frequently entered into with rich and powerful monarchs; nor were the terms of it unusual, since Waleran, lord of Monjoie and Hauquemont, bound himself to the service of Edward nearly at the same time, is a manner precisely similar : " Et sur ces (i. e, the 2000 livres,) lui avions faite homage, et foiauté, pur li loiaument servir a notre poer, et consailler." There is likewise no evidence to show that the conspirators themselves entertained any other design at first, than that of conveying Count Florence to imprisonment in England or Flanders, which being prevented by the Naardeners and Frieslanders they suddenly resolved upon putting him to death, lest his rescue should be achieved. It is far less easy to acquit Edward of an active participation in the iniquitous scheme of confining Florence in prison for the remainder of his life. The angry terms in which he expressed himself with regard to the Count's alliance with France 1; the promise of assistance made to the conspirators at Cambray by his temporary vassal, the Lord of Cuyck, a promise which could hardly have been ventured upon without his sanction; the fact that the conspirators carried their prisoner to Muyden for the purpose of transporting him thence to England; and, above all, a letter which he wrote to the emperor, only two days before the Count's death, wherein he makes use of this remarkable expression, " speramus enim quod magis in persona filii, quam in persona patris res eadem foret salva," are circumstances that fix upon him a considerable, if not the largest share in the guilt of this enterprise, to which he was prompted at once by a feeling of vengeance against Florence for having forsaken his alliance, and by the ambition of exercising unbounded influence in the affairs of Holland when the nominal government was lodged in the hands of his infant son-in-law.

  1. Rym. Feed., torn. ii. p. 117.

126

Although John of Avennes was next of kin to the young Count, being the son of Adelaide of Avennes, sister of his grandfather, yet Louis of Cleves, Count of Hulkerode, related in a more distant degree, assumed to himself the administration of affairs, his supporters being principally found among the friends of those who had conspired against Count Florence; and Guy of Avennes, not having sufficient influence to prevent his exercising the authority of governor, agreed to divide the government with him, until the arrival of his brother John; Nortb Holland being allotted to Louis, who resided at the Hague, while Guy reserved to himself South Holland, and remained at Geertruydenberg, Upon the arrival of John of Avennes in Holland, he found the great majority of the people favorably disposed towards him, and within a short time his party became so powerful, that Louis of Cleves was forced to retire into his own territory 1.

The enemies of Holland were not backward in taking advantage of the embarrassments she was now laboring under. At the time when the late Count had lent his assistance to John II., bishop of Utrecht, against the Lords of Amstel and Woerden, that prelate had consented that these two lordships should be transferred to the sovereignty of Holland. This arrangement was by no means acceptable to his successor, William II,, who sought, therefore, every means of disturbing Holland in these possessions. The West Frieslanders had become so deeply attached to the person of Count Florence, that during his life there was no hope of shaking their allegiance; but after his death, it was found less difficult to revive in their breasts their ancient love of freedom, particularly as they had conceived the idea, from the long residence of Count John in England, that he was not the real son of Florence 2.

  1. Beka in Johan., p. 99. Melis Stoke, boek v., bl. 366, 383—387.
  2. Wilhelm. Proc. ad ann. 1297.

127

1297 Accordingly at the instigation of the bishop, and 1297 relying on his promises of assistance, they once more took up arms, mastered and destroyed all the castles Count Florence had built, except Medemblick, which they blockaded 1. The governor, John of Avennes, was at this time fully occupied with the affairs of Zealand. Wolferd van Borselen, who had before been aided by Guy, Count of Flanders, in his treasonable undertakings, and had, since the revolt of 1287, lived in retirement or exile, now applied to the same quarter for assistance in the ambitious projects he was forming. Having surreptitiously obtained from the inhabitants of Dordrecht two ships of war, under pretence of a threatened invasion by the Flemings, he went forthwith to Guy of Flanders, and found but little trouble in persuading him to invade Walcheren, and lay siege to Miiddleburg. The town had been blockaded some months, when John of Avennes advanced to its relief, and on his arrival at Zierikzee, the Flemings hastily raised the siege, and retired to Flanders, sustaining severe loss in their retreat, from a sally made by the besieged 2. Avennes having been received with great joy in Middleburg, did not long remain there, as the events which were occurring in West Friesland urgently demanded his presence. Medemblick, surrounded by the insurgents, and cut off from all supplies, was on the eve of a surrender, when John came up to its relief; he forced them to raise the siege, but the weather becoming suddenly cold, his troops conceived so great a dread of being blocked up by the ice, that desertion became general; some retreated to the ships in the harbour of Medemblick, and the remainder returned home by different land routes, not without considerable loss of life. John, thus left nearly alone, had no resource but to retire to Holland 3.

  1. Beka in Wilhelm., ii., p. 101. Melis Stoke, boek v., bl. 398, 391.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek v., bl. 393—395.
  3. Melis Stoke, boek v., bl. 405—408.

128

Meanwhile, the king of England, anxious to secure an influence in the court of his intended son-in-law, sent ambassadors to Holland, requiring the attendance of three nobles out of each of the provinces, and two deputies from each of the "good towns 1," at the marriage of the Count John with the Princess Elizabeth, and at the confirmation of the treaty 2. Accordingly, the English ambassadors were accompanied on their return by the deputies of the nobles, with Theodore van Brederode at their head, and those of the good towns, Dordrecht, Haarlem, Middleburg, and others. They were detained some time at the court of England; but at length the marriage was celebrated with great splendour, and the ambassadors, laden with rich presents, returned with the young bride and bridegroom ra a well-equipped fleet to Holland 3. The conditions imposed by Edward in the treaty made on this occasion, rendered the young Count little more than a nominal sovereign in his own states; he was obliged to appoint two Englishmen, Ferrers and Havering, members of his privy council, and to engage that he would do nothing contrary to their advice, or without the consent of his father-in-law. The disputes between Flanders and Brabant on the one side, and Holland on the other, were to be referred to the mediation of Edward 4.

  1. This is the first time we observe the towns participating in political affairs: it coincides nearly with the summoning of borough members to parliament in England (1295), and the assembly of the states in France (1302).
  2. Rym. Feed., torn, ii., p. 729. Melis Stoke, boek v., bl. 400, 401.
  3. Wilhelm, Proc. ad ami, 1297.
  4. Rym. Feed., torn, ii., p. 743—745.

129

On the return of John of Avennes from the war in Friesland, he found that the Count John had landed in Zealand, and knowing he had nothing but hostility to expect from Wolferd van Borselen, who had obtained possession of the young prince's person, and was devoted to the interests of England and Flanders, he deemed it advisable to retire without delay into Hainaut. His departure left Borselen without a rival, and he immediately assumed the title of governor of Holland, and guardian of the minor 1.

The Frieslanders still refusing to acknowledge John as the son of Count Florence, the first step of Borselen was to march with the young Count into that province, at the head of an army, of which some Englishmen who were present are said to have remarked, that, " if such an army were landed at one end of England, it might march, in spite of all opposition, to the other." With so powerful a force, it was a matter of no great difficulty to subdue the West Frieslanders; and it was done so effectually, that this was the last time the Counts of Holland were obliged to carry war into their Country 2. The Bishop of Utrecht, also, not satisfied with the share he had borne in their revolt, afterwards preached a crusade against Holland, and made an assault on Monnikendam; but, being forced by the Kemmerlanders to take refuge in Overyssel, he consented to purchase a peace by the cession of Amstel and Woerden 3.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek v., bl. 411. Wilhelm. Proc., ad aim. 1297. v Idem, ad ann. 1207.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek v., bl. 415—420.
  3. Beka in Wilhelm., p. 102.

130

These successes so increased the influence of Wolferd van Borselen, that his authority in the state became almost absolute; he obtained from the young prince a written promise to protect him against any evil that threatened him from the murderers of Count Florence, although (since most of them were his friends) he had nothing to fear from them: John bound himself, also, to be guided entirely by his advice until he should attain the age of twenty-five; he excluded from the privy council, on one pretext or another, all those members who were not in his interests, obtained for himself the investiture of the fortress of Ysselstein, and the lordship of Woerden, and attempted to levy heavy and arbitrary taxes on the whole nation. Being, from his attachment to the English, opposed to Philip of France, he obliged John to conclude a treaty with Flanders, promising subsidies to Count Guy during his war with France 1, John, in effect, marched with an army to Ghent; but the truce for two years, concluded shortly after between France and England, in which the Counts both of Holland and Flanders were included as allies of Edward, rendered their services unnecessary 2.

1298 The ambition and rapacity of Borselen had already ! excited vehement indignation and disgust against him, when he thought fit to venture upon the hazardous measure of debasing the coin 3, a stretch of power which the Dutch, a nation depending for their existence upon trade and commerce, have never been able to endure, even from their most arbitrary sovereigns; and we shall have many opportunities hereafter of remarking their extreme jealousy in this particular.

  1. Robert, and Guy of Flanders, swore solemnly that the conspirators J against Count Florence had received neither assistance nor encouragement from them; but the young Count, though forced by Borselen to. admit them to a conference, and receive their oath, kept his eyes fixed on the ground the whole time they were present, and could not be induced >| to look upon them. Melis Stoke, boek y., bl. 436.
  2. Wilhelm. Proc. ad ann., 1297. Melis Stoke, boek v., bl. 428—437; boek vi., bl. 474. Rym. Feed., torn ii., p. 796*.
  3. Beka in Wil., ii. p. 102. j

131

The murmurs of the citizens then became loud and general; and the popular hatred appeared already to threaten the ruin of the court favorite, when a quarrel, in which he involved himself with the town of Dordrecht, concerning its immunities, brought matters to a crisis. It may not be thought tedious, perhaps, to detail at some length the particulars of this transaction, since it was by their unceasing watchfulness against any encroachments upon their municipal rights, and their pertinacity in defending them, that the Hollanders were enabled to preserve them unimpaired, while those of other nations, obtained at even greater cost and pains, were annihilated in the grasp of an absolute monarchy, or swallowed up by the privileges of an overwhelming aristocracy. By a charter granted in 1252 to the town of Dordrecht, by William II., the | right of pronouncing judgment without appeal, in all cases whatever, both criminal and civil 1, is vested in the sheriffs; and this appears to be only confirmatory of a more ancient prescriptive right exercised by these magistrates, of trying all causes arising within the limits of the city. Aloud, Bailiff of South Holland 2, appointed to that office by Borselen, claimed the right of hearing the preliminary examinations 3 of some malefactors then in custody at Dordrecht, for a crime (of what nature does not appear) committed within the precincts of the city. The magistrates, deeming this right to belong solely to themselves, proceeded to take the examinations, without noticing the claim of the bailiff; and while they were thus employed, Borselen himself accompanied by the Count, repaired to Dordrecht.

  1. This privilege is not common; in general an appeal lies from the municipal courts to the court of Holland, in all civil cases.
  2. The bailiff was an officer of justice appointed by the Count in the open Country, whose duties were similar to those of the schout in towns.
  3. Eene stille waarheid (praecedente informatie) bezitten,"—something in the nature, I apprehend, of the magistrates' commitment in our own Country.

132

He demanded that the whole of the documents relating to the matter in question should be immediately delivered up to him, alleging that it belonged to the jurisdiction of the court of Holland. The magistrates refused to surrender them, on the plea that, according to the charter of William II., they alone had the power of hearing and deciding all causes whatsoever, occurring within the limits of the town 1. Borselen, enraged at this answer, threatened them with imprisonment if they did not obey, and withdrew immediately to Delft» and thence to the Hague, commanding five of tbeif number to follow him. As the Dordrechters considered it hardly safe for their magistrates to brave the storm alone, they sent with them deputies from the great council of the town, making in all about ten or twelve persons. Of these, two, mentioned according to the simplicity of the times merely by their chrfetian names, John and Paul, were particularly noted as strenuous defenders of their privileges; and being for this reason obnoxious in a high degree to Borselen they remained at Delft, while three others, John the Miller, Peter Tielmanson, and Jacob, went to the Hague for the purpose of holding a conference with the Count. They were detained there some time, on account of the absence of Borselen, without whose advice John durst not venture to interfere in the affair. Immediately on his arrival, he inquired where John and Paul were, which excited suspicions in the minds of the rest, that he meditated some evil design against them. Warned by their companions, therefore, the two councillors hastily returned home, and when Borselen came with the Count shortly after, from the Hague to Delft, he found them already gone.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek vi., bl. 478—482. Boxhorn, Theat, Urb. Holl, p. 100.

133

Their departure, for permitting which Borselen bitterly reproached the magistrates of Delft, caused vehement discussions on the subject of the controversy in the senate of that town, and the Bailiff Aloud offered to fight in single combat any one who would maintain that the cause of the sheriffs of Dordrecht was just. But the burghers of Delft would permit no one to accept the challenge, being of opinion, that the immunities of the towns ought not in any case to be subject to the chances of a battle. John and Paul were accused of contumacy by Borselen's party, in not awaiting the arrival of the Count, who menaced Dordrecht with the consequences of his high displeasure. On the return of the deputies thither, bearing intelligence of the threats used by the Count, the burghers thought it advisable to put themselves in a posture of defence. Four " hoofdmannen," or captains of burgher guards, were appointed, and letters despatched by the senate to all the " good towns" of Holland and Zea-Jand^ intreating them to consider the cause of Dordrecht as their common cause 1.

Their preparations were not made in vain, as no long time elapsed before the town was invested. Borselen, in order to cut off from the inhabitants all communication from without, both by land and water, stationed troops in the surrounding forts, and a number of vessels, called "Outlyers," in the Merwe. The bailiff Aloud also, who commanded the fort of Kraajestein, above Dordrecht, caused pilework to be laid across the river to obstruct its passage. During the work, a single cog boat, having approached close to the town, excited such a commotion within the walls, that the burghers with one accord sallied out, and hurried, some by land, some in boats, to Kraajestein.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek vi., bL 482—499.

134

Here they came to a sharp engagement with Aloud's troops, killed and wounded a considerable number, and returned with the loss of only one life to Dordrecht 1. Aloud having given information to Borselen of this occurrence, the latter determined to raise a general levy both in Holland and Zealand against the Dordrechters: but, being unable to carry his purpose into effect, from the discontents which had spread over the whole County, he deemed himself no longer safe at the Hague, and, leaving the court by night, carried the young Count with all expedition to Schiedam, whence he took ship to Zealand. On the discovery of the abduction of Count John, the court and village of the Hague were 1299 in uproar; numbers hurried to Vlaardingen, where, finding that the ship in which Borselen had sailed lay becalmed in the mouth of the Merwe, they manned all the boats in the port with stout rowers and quickly reached the Count's vessel, whom they found very willing to return with them 2. Borselen was conducted a prisoner to Delft. Hardly had the populace there heard of his arrest when they assembled before the doors of the gaol, demanding with loud cries that " the traitor should be delivered up to them." Those within, struck with terror, thrust him, stripped of his armour, out at the door, when he was massacred in an instant, every individual of the immense multitude eagerly seeking to gratify his hatred by inflicting a wound upon him 3. A similar destiny soon after befel the Bailiff Aloud. Being forced to surrender his fort of Kraajestein, he was made prisoner, and brought to Dordrecht; but he had scarcely entered the city, when himself and five of his followers were sacrificed to the fury of the exasperated populace 4.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek vi., bl. 409—606.
  2. Idem, boek vi., bl. 506—516.
  3. Wil. Proc, ad ann. 1299.
  4. Melis Stoke, boek vi., bl. 530.

135

As John was still too young to conduct the business of government alone, he invited to his assistance his cousin, John of Avennes, and appointed him guardian over himself and the County for the space of four years 1. The death of Borselen, and the accession of John of Avennes to the government, entirely deprived the English party of their influence in Holland, since Avennes had been constantly attached, both from inclination and policy, to the interest of the French court. His first act was to make a reconciliation4 between the people of Delft and the relatives of Borselen, and this being effected, he entered into a covenant with seven of the principal towns of Holland, neither to make nor consent to any peace with the murderers of Count Florence, or their posterity, to the seventh generation 2. Soon after, determined on entering into a close alliance with France, he set out on a journey to that court, leaving Count John at Haarlem, sick of the ague and flux, which terminated his existence on the 10th of November of this year 3. Suspicions of poison were soon afloat, and Avennes has been accused of this crime; but as the charge is flatly denied by Melis Stoke 4, and the nature of John's disease is expressly stated by another contemporary and credible historian 5, its being adopted by Meyer, a Flemish author writing two centuries later, is hardly sufficient to affix so deep a stain on the character of John of Avennes, and which is contradicted by the whole tenour of his life. As John died without children, the County was transferred, by the succession of John of Avennes, the nearest heir, to the family of Hainaut.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek vi., bl. 539.
  2. Idem, bl. 544. • Idem, bl. 546.
  3. Idem, boek vi., bl. 547,548.
  4. Wil. Proc., ad ann. 1299.
  5. "Zoen," vid. chap, ii., p. 95.

136

Thus ended this noble and heroic race of princes, having now governed the County for a period of four hundred years; of whom it may be remarked, that not one has been banded down to us by historians as weak, vicious, or debauched, A race of brave warriors and gallant knights; of wise lawgivers and skilful politicians: under whose government we have seen their little territory raised from a half-drained marsh to a respectable rank among the states of Europe, and its alliance courted by the most powerful monarchs: under whose government were laid the foundations of that greatness and prosperity to which Holland afterwards attained: under whose government, above all, the people were blessed with laws and institutions so admirably adapted to their wants, habits, and national peculiarities, that they preserved them almost unchanged through a long course of after ages. The Hollanders are perhaps justified, more than any other people, in indulging the proneness of human nature to look back to some golden age long past of happiness and prosperity; since while nations more favoured by extent of territory and natural advantages were wasting their strength in useless wars, or torn to pieces by intestine commotions, they were making daily advances in freedom, commerce, wealth, and learning. Deservedly, therefore, was the memory of their "ancient Counts" cherished long and tenderly by the people; and it was to its descent from them that the illustrious house of Brederode owed a popularity, which three centuries later was still so great, as to cause suspicion and alarm to the reigning sovereign.


Part 1, Chapter 2

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Volume I

57

CHAPTER II

Ada. Marriage with Louis, Count van Loon, William comes to Schouwen. Proclaimed Count. Imprisonment of Ada. Alliance of Louis with Flanders and Utrecht. William deprived of his authority. His Restoration. Peace with Utrecht; with Flanders; with Louis van Loon. Affairs of Germany. Alliance of Holland with England and Germany against France. Battle of Bouvines. Truce. Alliance with France. William accompanies Louis of France to England. Peace between France and England. Crusade. Capture of Damietssta. Death of William. Charter of Privileges granted to Middleburg. Florence IV. Minority. Crusade against the Stedingers. Tournament at Corbye. Death of Florence. His Children. William II. Minority. Chosen Emperor. Siege of Aix. War with Flanders ; with West Friesland. Death of William. Court at the Hague. Canal of Sparendam. Charters granted to the Towns. Digression on the Constitution of Holland.

 ADA AND WILLIAM I

The last wish of Count Theodore (1203), that the guardian-ship of his daughter and her states should be confided to his brother William, was frustrated by the intrigues of the Countess-dowager Adelaide of Cleves, who, in order to debar him from all share in the administration, bad determined upon marrying her daughter to Louis, Count of Loon, and, with this view, had summoned him to come secretly into Holland, during the lifetime of the Count. Unsuitable as the match appeared, (since Loon was only a small fief of the bishopric of Liege,) she now succeeded in gaining the consent of several powerful nobles to it 1, and used such dispatch in the completion of her design, that the nuptialsof the young Countess were celebrated before, her father's body was consigned to the tomb 2. William, therefore, on his arrival at the Zype, found his brother dead, and his niece already married; and being unable to obtain a safe conduct from Adela or Count Louis, to visit his brother's grave at Egmond, which he made the pretext of his coming, he returned into Friesland 3.

  1.  Vid. Letter of the Countess Adelaide in Rym. Fad., torn. i., p. 145. Chron. Belg. Anon., ad ann. 1203.
  2.  Melis Stoke, boek ii., p. 479—482.
  3.  Melis Stoke, boek iii., U. 1, 2, deel. 2.

58

Within a very short time, however, symptoms of discontent at the prospect of being governed by a female, and a stranger, began to manifest themselves among some of the nobility, even such as had consented to Ada's marriage; and Philip van Wassenaar, one of the leaders of the disaffected, brought William disguised to the island of Schouwen. Here he was received with every demonstration of joy, and shortly after, proclaimed throughout Zealand as lawful governor of the County 1. The Kemmerlanders, headed by Walter of Egmond, and Albert Banjaard, quickly followed the example of Zealand, and the Lady Ada, and her husband, who were then at Haarlem, escaped with difficulty, and in the darkness of the night, to Utrecht. But the young Countess, unable to support the loss of her mother's presence and counsel, ere long quitted that city, and hastened to rejoin her at Leyden. Here she was besieged by Philip van Wassenaar, and the citadel being poorly supplied with provisions, was soon forced to surrender 2. The Countess Ada was sent prisoner to the Texel, and subsequently to the court of John, king of England. William, however, was not more secure in his government, since Louis van Loon, a young man of high courage and enterprising spirit, was little inclined to sit down quietssly under the loss of his bride, and her princely portion.

  1. 1 Beka in Theod., p. 63.
  2. 2 Melis Stoke, boek iii., bl. 7—9.

59

He courted to his alliance the Bishop of Liege, the Duke of Limburg, and Philip, margrave of Namur, and purchased the friendship of the warlike Bishop of Utrecht for the sum of two thousand pounds Flemish 1. Philip of Namur was now governor of Flanders, in the absence of his brother Baldwyn IX., elevated about this time to the throne of Constantinople 2; and an irresistible bait was held out to him, by the offer of abolishing the tolls at Geervlietss. He promised immediate and effective aid to Louis 3, and many of the Holland nobles, seeing his party so rapidly increasing, fell off from their allegiance towards William, who, thus deprived of the means of resisting the force arrayed against him, was obliged to retire to Zealand. After his departure, the whole of Holland submitted to Louis, through the activity and efforts chiefly of the Bishop of Utrecht: nor was William long allowed to remain unmolested in Zealand. Philip of Namur, landing with some troops in Walcheren, quickly made himself master of the island; and about the same time, Hugh van Voorn, a Zealand noble in the interests of Ada, possessing himself of Schouwen, subjected nearly the whole of Zealand to the authority of Louis van Loon. William, to avoid being taken  prisoner, was forced to conceal himself from the pursuit of his enemies, under a pile of wet nets in a fishing boat, in which he happily escaped. In a short time, the administration of Philip van Voorn, governor of Zealand in the name of Louis van Loon, became so intolerable to the inhabitants, that they determined to search out William, who was secreted in one of the islands, and to re-establish him in his authority 4.

  1. The "pondt" Flemish is worth about ten shillings; there is also another coin called pondt, of value forty " groots," or half-pence.
  2. 'Gibbon, Decl. and Fall, &c, chap. 61.
  3. Meyer, Ann. Fland., ad. ann 1203, p. 63. Heda, p. 187.
  4. Melis Stoke, boek Hi., bl. 11—24, 2 deel. Beka in Theod., 2°, p. 64.

60

The scheme was executed almost as soon as formed; and Philip van Wassenaar, and Walter van Egmond, William's partisans in Holland, being informed of his restoration in Zealand, assembled with great expedition a considerable body of Kemnierlanders, and fortified themselves in Leyden. They were driven from thence by Louis, before Count William could advance to their assistance, who, on his arrival, found his adversary encamped near Voorschoten. William, marching to Ryswick, took up an advantageous position there, when the Duke of Limburg, having moved forward from the camp of Louis, for the purpose of reconnoitring, was so astonished at the number and excellent condition of the enemy's troops, that he made a precipitate retreat. This step spread terror and mistrust through the remainder of Louis's army, and the flight soon became general; arms, tents, provisions, all were left on the field; the women even joined in the pursuit of the fugitives, great numbers of whom were slaughtered, and Count Louis himself hardly reached Utrecht in safety 1. This success was Counterbalanced by the loss of Dordrecht, which, having been captured by William's troops, now fell again into the hands of the Bishop of Utrecht. So unfortunate an event disposed William to hearken to terms of accommodation, and peace was soon after concluded between him and the bishop 2. The Count of Loon, thus deprived of his most active ally, induced Philip of Namur to make an irruption into the island of Schouwen. William hastened thither upon the news of his landing, but before the two armies came to an engagement, a peace was effected by the interference of Matilda of Portugal, Countess dowager of Flanders.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek iii., bl. 24—39. Beka in Theod., 2°, p. 65. Chron. Belg., ad ami. 1204.
  2. Ileda in Theod., 2°, p. 188.

61

 WILLIAM I

1206 Louis being then at Utrecht, received there the news of the reconciliation between his rival and his ally; which left him no alternative but to consent to a treaty, concluded under the mediation of Philip of Namur, who, however, took care that the terms of it should be highly advantageous to him 1. 1207 William, therefore, never thought fit to adhere to its conditions, of which the principal was, that he should obtain the restoration of the Countess Ada to her husband; and Louis, perceiving that there were no hopes of his performing this stipulation, sent in the next year an ambassador (Walter Bertrand) to John, king of England, to solicit the return of his wife. John, at this time engaged in a war with France, and in disputes with his subjects, was desirous of gaining as many partisans as possible to his own cause, and that of his nephew, Otho IV., emperor of Germany, whose rival,* Philip of Suabia, was supported by the king of France. He consented, therefore, to restore the Countess, on condition that Louis should serve him in arms as often as required, and adhere to the Emperor Otho, so long as he should remain the ally of England 2. But as the circumstances in which John was placed, his kingdom being laid under an interdict, and himself at variance with his nobles, did not admit of his affording any active assistance to Louis; the latter never regained any footing in Holland or Zealand, and William remained in peaceable possession of the County.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek iii., bl. 43—45. Meyer, Ann. Fland., ad ann. 1208, p. 63.
  2. Vid. Lett, of the Countess of Holland, and Convention of the Count van Loon. Rym. Feed., torn, i., p. 14-5,14G.

02

The Countess Ada lived after her re-union with her husband until the year 1218, when she died without children 1. The death of Philip of Suabia, in the year 1208 appeared likely to leave Otho undisputed master of the German empire: but dissensions soon after arising between the Pope and the emperor (1211), on the subject of their possessions in Italy, sentence of excommunication was pronounced against Otho, and, in consequence of it, the papal legate in Germany induced a portion of the electoral princes to declare Frederick, son of Henry VI., as emperor 2. The Count of Holland, since the death of Philip of Suabia, had adhered to the side of Otho, from whom he obtained a confirmation of his authority 3; whereas Louis van Loon, following the example of his liege lord, the Bishop of Liege, espoused the party of Frederick, soon after his election. This circumstance inclined the King of England, now threatened with an invasion by Philip II. of France, to abandon the alliance with Louis for that of Holland. He, therefore, made a treaty with William, by which the latter bound himself to assist the king as often as required, with twenty-five lances 4, to receive pay out of the royal treasury while serving in England; to allow him to levy one thousand foot soldiers in Holland, and to provide him with ships to transport them into England, the charges of which were to be defrayed by the king: John engaged, moreover, to pay the Count the sum of four hundred marks of silver 5,6.

  1. Snoi. Rer. Batav., lib. vi., p. 82.
  2. Mat. Par., Rer. Aug. Hist., p. 193. Herm, Com. Col., ii., p. 839.
  3. Wilhelmus Procurator ad ann. 1206.
  4. Each "lance" was composed of ten horsemen, and an indefinite number of attendants on foot, called " Knappen."
  5. Rym. Feed., torn, i., pp. 168,169, 212.
  6. William declares himself the liege man of the king in respect of this sum, binding himself to assist him in defending England, and in gaining possession of his other states.

63

1214 Besides the Count of Holland, the King of England had formed an alliance with Ferdinand, Count of Flanders, Otho, emperor of Germany, and the Duke of Brabant; and these princes were prepared to enter France with their united forces, amounting to one hundred thousand men, as soon as Philip should he occupied with the invasion of England. Philip, therefore, determined to direct his operations first against his vassal, the Count of Flanders, and marching thither in person, at the head of his army, enCountered the allied troops near the bridge of Bouvines, between Lille and Tournay. Though far inferior in numbers, the King of France obtained a complete victory; the Count of Flanders and the Duke of Brabant were taken prisoners, and the Emperor Otho narrowly escaped sharing the same fate 1. The Count of Holland, whether dazzled by the success which «attended the arms of Philip on this occasion, or that some cause of dissatisfaction had sprung up between himself and King John, took advantage of a truce concluded between England and France shortly after the battle, not only to detach himself from the alliance of the former, but to enter into a treaty with Philip, by virtue of which he was called upon, ere long, to take an active part in hostilities against his former ally.

The dissensions between the English nobles and their sovereign had now risen to such a height, that they resolved to declare his right to the crown forfeited, and to offer the sovereignty of England to Louis of France, eldest son of Philip 2. 1216 Allured by the prospect of so rich a prize, Philip despatched his son with a considerable fleet to England, whither he was accompanied by the Count of Holland, at the head of six and thirty nobles with their vassals 3.

  1. Mat. Par., 210, 211. Hern. Cor., Col. 842—845.
  2. Mat. Par., p. 234.
  3. Meyer, Ann. Flnnd., lib. viii., ad ann. 1216.

64

The death of John, in the same year, was followed by an unsuccessful battle fought near Lincoln, and the return of the discontented nobles to their allegiance under Henry III., his son; and Louis, finding himself deserted by most of his former friends, was glad to conclude a peace with the Earl of Pembroke, guardian of the young king, in order to ensure indemnity to his partisans, and his own safe retreat into France 1. 1217 The termination of the war between France and England left Count William free to accompany the crusade undertaken at this time; and he accordingly set sail from the Meuse, with twelve large ships, which, uniting with a great number of smaller vessels from Friesland, arrived after some delays at the port of Lisbon 2. Immediately upon their landing, a message was sent by the Portuguese nobles to the crusaders, beseeching their assistance against the King of Morocco, who had wrested the fortress of Alcazar from the King of Portugal, and obliged the inhabitants of that Country to deliver into his hands a hundred Christian slaves every year. The greater part of the Frieslanders refused to delay their journey to the Holy Land, but the Hollanders under Count William besieged and took Alcazar, and continued the remainder of the year in Portugal. 1218 Being earnestly admonished by the Pope to hasten without further loss of time to the Holy Land, William joined the fleet of the crusaders at Acre, in the next spring, when it was determined to make first the conquest of Egypt, after which it would be easy, they supposed, to subdue Syria and Palestine.

  1. Mat. Par., p. 249—251. Rym. Foed., torn, i., p. 221, 222.
  2. Comit. Holl. Exped. in Syriain, torn. ii.,p. 20.

65

With this design, the crusading forces laid siege to Damietssta, a large and well-fortified town, situated on the right bank of the Nile, and united to a forty built on a rock in the middle of the river, by a strong chain of iron. The Hollanders and Frieslanders, by means of a floating tower of a new and peculiar construction, gained possession of the fort 1, and, breaking the chain, opened by this means the passage of the river to the Crusaders. The capture of the fort was soon followed by that of the city; but in the year 1221, it again fell into the hands of the Saracens, nor did any ultimate advantage ensue to the Crusaders from this conquest 2. Soon after the conclusion of the siege of Damietssta, William returned to Holland, which he governed in peace for about four years. He died on the 4th of February, 1224 3. In this reign was granted a charter of privileges (nearly the oldest known in the County of Holland 4) to the city of Middleburg, in Zealand, in the joint names of Joanna, Countess of Flanders, and William of Holland 5. By this charter, certain fines were fixed for fighting, maiming, striking, or railing, for resisting the authority of the magistrates, and other delinquencies of minor importance; under the jurisdiction of the schout and sheriffs 6 of the city.

  1. The men of Haarlem are said to have borne the principal share in this exploit, the anniversary of which was celebrated in the city until long after.—.Boxhorn, Theat. Urb. Holl., p. 128,130.
  2. Oliveri Hist Dam., cap. 5, 8, 9,17, 39, col. 1401—1437.
  3. Melis Stoke, boek iii., bl. 47.
  4. That of Geertraydenberg is somewhat older, being dated 1213, but much mutilated.—Aantek. op Vaterland. Hist., torn, ii., pi 111.
  5. Walcheren, of which Middleburg is the capital, was one of the five islands held by the Counts of Holland as a fief of Flanders. VOL I. P
  6. The nature of these offices will be explained at the end of this chapter.

66

All civil causes between citizens, or between a citizen and a foreigner, must be tried by the same magistrates, with an appeal to the Count sitting in judgment with the sheriffs. If a foreigner have fought with a citizen, the sheriffs shall endeavor to pacify the quarrel, and in case either party refuse to submit to their decision, they shall ring the town-bell, and call out all the citizens to compel him to obedience, Whoever rings the town-bell without the order of the magistrates, or does not appear when it is rung, is liable to a fine. One of the provisions of this charter evinces a solicitude for the security of the property of individuals, which would seem to belong to a more advanced state of societssy; it is, that the guardians of minors must give security to the magistrates, before they can undertake the management of their estates. It is difficult to account for the causes which led to the enactment of another provision, which purports, that no one is competent to give evidence, unless he have a dwelling in the town, and pays scot and lot. A Middleburgher, choosing another lord than the Count of Holland, must pay ten pounds Flemish (5/.) to the Count, and ten shillings to the town; the Count reserving to himself the judgment in such cases 1. The charters of the other cities of Holland and Zealand bear more or less resemblance to this, which, ancient as it is, appears, nevertheless, to have been rather a confirmation of prescriptive customs, than a new code of regulations, though there is no earlier instance on record of the Counts binding themselves by oath to the observance of them 2.

  1. From this it would appear that the subject had a right to withdraw his allegiance from hid lord, a custom which, though it might be the occasion of i some disorders, must yet, by providing a remedy against oppression and tyranny on the part of the lord, have tended much to soften the rigour of feudal government.
  2. Boxhorn op Reigeroberg, i. deel., bl. 169.

67

 FLORENCE IV

1224 Florence IV. was only twelve years of age when he succeeded his father; but it is not known with certainty who administered the affairs of the County daring his minority, or under whose direction it was that the young Count conferred on the towns of Domburg and West Kappel, in Walcheren, charters of privileges, confirmed by the attestation of several Holland and Zealand nobles, and similar in their nature to the one granted by his father to the citizens of Middleburg 1.

Florence was the first and last of the Counts of Holland who, in obedience to the injunctions of the holy see, bore a part in one of those crusades against Christian heretics, which had, unhappily, become so much the mode during this century. The Stedingers, a people inhabiting the small tract of Country bordering on the Weser, having refused to acknowledge the temporal jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Bremen, were, for this reason, accused by him of heresy, before 1233 Pope Gregory IX., who preached a general crusade against them. The Duke of Brabant, therefore, with the Count of Cleves and the Count of Holland, who sailed to the Weser in a fleet of three hundred ships, led their united forces into the Country of the Stedingers. The invading army, amounting to forty thousand strong, laid waste the whole land with fire and sword; the Stedingers, though far inferior in numbers, defended themselves for some time with undaunted courage; but being defeated in an obstinate and bloody battle, in 1234 which four thousand of them were slain, they submitted at length to the archbishop 2.

  1. Boxhorn op Reigeroberg, ii. deel., bl. 66 et seq.
  2. Chron. Luneberg. Col., torn, i., p. 1406. Herm. Cor., col. iu p. 879. Meyer, lib. viii., ad ann. 1233.

68

The fame of Count Florence's beauty, velour, and skill in all knightly accomplishments, being widely spread abroad, produced such an eager desire in the breast of the young Countess of Clermont to see so bright a pattern of chivalry, that she induced her aged husband to proclaim a tournament at Corbye, where she knew the young Count would not fail to be present 1. The event answered her expectations, but proved fatal to the object of her admiration. Observing that one knight in particular bore himself gallantly in the joust, and overthrew all his opponents, she begged her husband to tell her by what armor and device the Count of Holland was distinguished. 1235 The apparently innocent curiosity of his wife aroused such furious jealousy in the bosom of the old man, that he forgot at once what was due to knightly faith and the rights of hospitality; and, assisted by the lord of Nielle, at the head of a number of horsemen, he rushed suddenly upon Count Florence, dragged him from his horse, and slew him, before his attendants had time to assemble for his defence. His death, however, was instantly avenged by Theodore, Count of Cleves, who killed the Count of Clermont on the spot, and forced Nielle and his followers to betake themselves to flight 2. Thus perished Count Florence, in the bloom of youth and beauty, leaving his states to his son William, an infant under seven years of age. He had four children by his wife, Matilda, daughter of Henry, Duke of Brabant; William, Florence, Margaret, and Adelaide, Countess of Hainaut 3.

  1. Oude Chronyck in Schryver's Graaven, i. deel., 1>1.427.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek iii., bl. 49 et seq. Johan a Leid., lib. xxiL, cap. 10. Herm* Cor., col. ii., p. 880.
  3. Melis Stoke, boek iii., bl. 67.

60

 WILLIAM II

The government of the County, during the minority of the young prince, was entrusted to Otho III., bishop of Utrecht, brother of the late Count 1. William had just entered his twentietssh year, was still "beardless and blushing," and not yet knighted, when he was elected Emperor of Germany 2. The causes which impelled the electors to a measure so extraordinary as that of placing a mere boy on the imperial throne, were briefly these:—The relative position of the emperors and Popes, and their conflicting claims to the sovereignty over Italy, necessarily placed them in perpetual hostility with each other; and never had their mutual recriminations and disgusts been carried to a higher pitch, than during the reign of the present emperor, Frederick II. In the year 1245, Pope Innocent IV. summoned Frederick to appear before a council held at Lyons, to clear himself of the crimes of heresy and sacrilege, of which he was accused; where, notwithstanding the bold and eloquent defence made by the emperor's proxy, Theodore of Suessa, sentence of excommunication was pronounced against him, and his subjects absolved from their oath of allegiance*. In order to give effect to the decree of the council, Innocent spared neither pains nor money to procure the election of another emperor, and he at length prevailed with the greater number of ecclesiastical, and some few of the lay electors, to nominate Henry, landgrave of Thuringia. 1246 Henry's death happening shortly after, the imperial dignity was offered to several princes of Europe, and even to Haco, king of Norway, none of whom, however, were found willing to accept so troublesome and dangerous an honour 3.

  1. Beka in Ott., iii., p. 76.
  2. Beka in Ott., 76, 77. * Mat. Par., p. 583—686,
  3. Mat. Par., 616, 633,698.

70

1247 At length, on the recommendation of Henry V., Duke of Brabant, the choice of the electors in the papal interest fell on William of Holland, who, to the hereditary valour of his race, united abilities and prudence far beyond his years, and was moreover remarkable for the extreme beauty of his Countenance, and the majestic height of his stature 1. Immediately after his election, having caused himself to be knighted by the Duke of Brabant 2, William hastened to Aix, to receive the imperial crown, but found this city entirely devoted to the interests of Frederick, and it cost him a long and expensive siege before he could effect his entrance 3. He was obliged, in order to raise funds for carrying it on, to mortgage Nimeguen, a free city of the empire, to the Duke of Guelderland, for the sum of sixteen thousand marks of silver 4,5. 1248 Aix at length surrendered, and the ceremony of the new emperor's coronation was performed by Conrad, archbishop of Cologne 6,7; but, although supported by the whole power and influence of the holy see, and strengthened by the alliance of the Duke of Brunswick, whose daughter he married, William was never able, even after the death of Frederick II., which happened in 1250, to insure general obedience to his authority; while the measures he took for this purpose raised up a troublesome and dangerous enemy in his hereditary states 8.

  1. Melia Stoke, boek iii., bl. 63. Mat. Par., 636. Beka in Ott, p. 76.
  2. Beka in Ott., p. 77.
  3. Herm. Cor., col. 894.
  4. Heda in Ott., iii, p. 206.
  5. Henceforward Nimeguen continued permanently united to Guelderland.
  6. Mat Par., p. 651.
  7. According to Hermannus Corner!, by the Cardinal of St Sabine, the Pope's Legate, col. 894.
  8. Vit. Chron., col. ii., p. 1738 and seq.

71

According to an ancient custom of Germany, those vassals who neglected to do homage to a new emperor within a year and a day after his coronation, lost irrecoverably the fiefs which they held of the empire. The emperor, therefore, in a dietss held 1252 at Frankfort, declared all those fiefs escheated, the possessors of which had not received investiture from him within a year and a day after his coronation at Aix 1. Among the number of these, was Margaret, Countess of Flanders, familiarly termed " Black Margaret," daughter of Baldwin, emperor of Constantinople. She had omitted to do homage for the five islands west of the Scheldt 2,—the lands of Alost and Waas, and the four manors,—for which reason William deprived her of these territories, and bestowed them on John of Avennes, the husband of his sister Adelaide 3. John was the son of Margaret, by her first husband, Bouchard, lord of Avennes, from whom she had been divorced in 1214, on the plea of too near a relationship between the parties, and that Bouchard had entered into holy orders, and was a deacon at the time of their marriage 4. She was afterwards married to William de Dampierre, a Burgundian nobleman, by whom she had three sons, William, Guy, and John; and upon her succession to the County, after her union with William, she declared her intention of leaving the whole of her states to the children of her second husband, alleging that the marriage with Bouchard of Avennes haying been declared null by the Pope, the issue of it must be illegitimate 5.

  1. Schmidt Hist, des Alle., liv. vi., chap. 9.
  2. As William himself held these as a fief of Flanders, and an arrier-fief of the empire, he was placed in the curious position of being vassal and suzerain in respect of the same lands.
  3. Meyer, Ann. Fland., lib. 9, ad ann. 1252, p. 77.
  4. Minei Dip. Belg., torn, i., p. 205.
  5. Mat. Par., 761.

72

The stigma thus cast on his birth, coupled with the fear of losing his inheritance, provoked John of Avennes to declare open war against his mother; but on the mediation of Louis IX* of France, a treaty was made, whereby John» after his mother's death, should inherit Hainaut, and William of Dainpierre, Flanders 1,2. Matters stood thus, when William made the transfer above mentioned, of the fiefs held by Flanders, under the empire, in favour of John of Avennes. 1253 This intelligence no sooner reached the ears of Margaret, than she assembled a powerful army, with the design of invading Zealand; and when her troops were in readiness to march, sent to demand homage of the emperor, as Count of Holland, for the five islands of the Scheldt. The emperor, flushed with the pride of his high station, haughtily answered, that "he would be no servant where he was master, nor vassal where he was lord* 3. The rage of Black Margaret at this contemptuous reply knew no bounds; and while she sought to amuse William by affecting to listen to the terms of accommodation proposed by Henry, Duke of Brabant, she dispatched her son, Guy of Dampierre, at the head of her army, into Zealand. The troops landed at West Kappel, where they sustained a signal defeat, in an engagement with the Hollanders, under Florence, brother of the emperor, and Guy, with his brother, John de Dampierre, were taken prisoners 4.

  1. Meyer, lib. ix., ad ann. 1246, p. 75. JEgid. de Roys., ad ami. 1246.
  2. The wisdom of this decision of St. Louis is much applauded by the French historians (Velly, Hist, de France, torn, iv., p. 353); but it seems more remarkable for expediency than for justice; since, if John of Avennes were legitimate, he was entitled to the whole of his mother's fiefs; if illegitimate, he had no claim to any part of them,
  3. Melis Stoke, boek iii., bl. 76—78.
  4. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxiii., cap. 3. Meyer, Ann. Flanel., lib. ix., ad ann. 1263, p. 77.

73

Upon the tidings of this misfortune, Margaret immediately dispatched ambassadors into France, to supplicate assistance from that kingdom, and to offer the County of Hainaut to Charles of Anjou, brother of Louis IX. Charles readily accepted the offer, and with as many troops as he could assemble on the spur of the occasion, marched into Hainaut, and possessed himself of Valenciennes, and several smaller towns. Hardly, however, had the emperor made his appearance in the field early in the ensuing ^1254 spring, than Charles shut himself up in Valenciennes to which the emperor laid siege, when the Duke made his escape from the town, and hastily retreated to France. The desertion of her ally rendered Black Margaret amenable to terms of peace which she had before haughtily and angrily refused 1,2. She agreed to surrender Hainaut, Alost, and the four manors, to John of Avenues; but the treaty was not finally con* eluded until after the death of William.

The West Frieslanders, who never submitted but with reluctance to the government of Holland, and lost no opportunity of making a straggle for their independence, had, during the absence of the Count in Germany, again revolted, and, according to their custom, inflicted great damage upon the Kemmerlanders.

  1. Velly, Hist. de France, torn, v., p. 221. Melis Stoke, boek iii., bl. 92—107.
  2. After the battle of West Kappel, Jobn of Avennes sent ambassadors to his mother, entreating her to listen to terms of accommodation, if not for his sake, for the sake of her sons, who were his prisoners. "My amis are in your hands/' answered the fierce old virago; "but not for that will I bend to your will: slay them, butcher! and devour one seasoned with pepper, and the other with salt and garlic!"—Mat. Par., p. 763. Such language in the mouth of a woman, and a princess, would give us no very advantageous opinion of the manners of these times.

74

1255 Some forts which the emperor had built within the boundaries of the province served rather to irritate their jealousy, than to check their turbulence; and at length William found it necessary to repair in person, with a powerful army, to West Friesland, in order to reduce it to obedience. From Alkmaar, he advanced in the depth of winter to Vroone, a considerable village of Friesland; before him lay the Heer Huygenward, a large drained lake, now entirely frozen over; here the Frieslanders awaited his approach, drawn up on the ice, and divided into small bands of foot, clad in linen frocks, and lightly armed, with half pikes, javelins, and Danish axes. 1256 The Hollanders, on the contrary, were in complete armor, and rode the heavy horses peculiar to their Country. The ice being half a foot thick, the emperor did not hesitate to attempt the passage; and the Frieslanders purposely retreating to where it was weakest, he galloped on in heedless pursuit of them, leaving his troops at some distance behind. The ice broke, when his horse sank up to his middle in the mud beneath, and in attempting to recover himself, threw his rider. Three or four of the Frieslanders immediately rushed upon him, affecting ignorance of who he was, and deaf to his prayers for mercy and offers of ransom, cruelly slaughtered him. His body was secretly buried at Hoogtwoude; and his army, after the death of their leader, retreated in disorder, and with heavy loss to Holland 1. This prince built the court-house at the Hague, whither he transferred the supreme court of Holland, from Haarlem 2.

  1. Mat. Par., 793. Melis Stoke, boek iii., bl. 114—120.
  2. Beka in Ott., p. 80.

75

The internal commerce of Holland appears even at this early period to have been considerable, since the expenses of the canal of Sparendam, commenced daring this reign, were appointed to be paid by tolls levied on the ships passing through it, from one penny to twelve pence, according to their size 1. The numerous and expensive undertakings in which William II. was engaged, during nearly the whole period of his government, rendered necessary to him the support and assistance of the towns which he purchased by the grant or confirmation of privileges so important, that in course of time they rendered them, as towns, integral and influential portions of the nation. Alkmaar, in 1254, was exempted from all burdens, except contributing to the wars with the West Frieslanders; and in the year 1245, Haarlem was declared free of the County tolls, on condition of providing sixty-four men at arms for the service of the Count, when required, and of paying him twenty pounds (Flemish) yearly, with the like sum when the Counts should marry, travel to the court of the emperor, or be made knights. The administration of justice was conferred on the magistrates of the city, certain fines being appointed for various crimes and misdemeanors, among the rest, for homicide 2. It is probable that the more aggravated cases of homicide, such as amounted to murder, were punished with death; since in a charter of privileges of the same kind, granted to Dordrecht in 1253, this punishment is awarded to the willful slayer of another. Delft likewise received a similar charter of privileges in this reign 3.

  1. Recherches sur le Com., torn. L, p. 174.
  2. Boxhorn, Theat. Urb. Hoi., p. 131. Handvesten van Wm. II. Scriveliua "Haarlem," bl. 218.
  3. Boxhorn, Theat Urb. Hoi., p. 162.

76

DIGRESSION ON THE CONSTITUTION OF HOLLAND.

As the constitution of Holland now begins to assume a regular and permanent form, it may be permitted to make a short digression, for the purpose of giving such an idea of its composition, before the union of 1579, as the notices scattered here and there through the different histories and descriptions of the Country will enable us to form; since no work exists, that I am aware of, which may present it to our view in a clear and connected whole.

The constitution of Holland is particularly worthy of observation, as carrying out to an extent greater than that of any other nation, the system of municipal government; a system which, whatever its defects, contributes perhaps more than any modification of civil polity with which we are hitherto acquainted, to promote the civilization, happiness, and freedom of societssy; and which, although it may be better adapted to the wants of a rising, than to the habits of a long-established community, has yet been found so beneficial to mankind in every varietssy of climate and situation, and to accommodate itself so admirably to people of totally opposite religions, laws, morals, and manners, that the rulers of every Country would do well to pause long, and consider carefully, before they abandon it 1. The towns of Holland were not, as in other nations, merely portions of the state, but the state itself was rather an aggregate of towns, each of which formed a commonwealth within itself, providing for its own defence, governed by its own laws, holding separate courts of justice, and administering its own finances; the legislative sovereignty of the whole nation being vested in the towns, forming in their collective capacity the assembly of the states.

  1. For the advantages resulting from the system of municipal government in India, see the able and eloquent description of that Country in Alison's History of Europe, vol. vii. 'r and for its effects on the free cities of Germany, Eneas Sylvius De Mor. Germ., p. 10£5—1068; two nations which differ as much, perhaps, as possible in all the above-mentioned particulars.

77

The government of every town was administered by a senate (Wethouderschap,) formed of two, three, or four burgomasters, and a certain number of sheriffs, (Schepenen,) generally seven: a few of the towns, as Dordrecht, had only one burgomaster. The duties of the senate were, to provide for the public safety by keeping the city walls and fortifications in repair, to call out and muster the burgher guards in case of invasion or civil tumult, to administer the finances, to provide for the expenses of the town by levying excises on different articles of consumption, and to affix the portion of County taxes to be paid by each individual. To the burgomasters was committed the care of the police and the ammunition, of the public peace, and of cleansing and victualling the town. The senate generally appointed two treasurers to receive and disburse the city funds under their inspection, and an advocate, or pensionary, whose office (similar to that of recorder in our own municipal corporations) was to keep the charters and^ records, and to advise them upon points of law. The Count had a representative in each town, in the person of the schout, an officer whom he himself appointed, sometimes out of a triple number named by the senate. It was the business of the schout 1 besides watching over the interests of the Count, to seize on all suspected persons and bring them to trial before the "Vierschaar," or judicial court of the town.

  1. We have no English term for this office: that of County sheriff, (including the duties he usually performs by deputy,) is analogous to it in some respects: the word "Schout" is an abbreviation of " Schould-rechter," a judge of crimes, Grotius, Inleydinge tot de Hollandsche Rechtsgeleerdheyt, bl. 127.

78

This court was composed of the sheriffs, and had jurisdiction over all civil causes, and over minor offences 1, except in some towns, such as Leyden, Dordrecht, &c, where the power of trying capital crimes was specially given to them in the charters granted by the Counts 2: the schout was also bound to see the judgments of the vierschaar carried into execution 3. Besides the senate there was, in every town, a council of the citizens, called the Great Council, (Vroedschap 4,) which was summoned in early times when any matter of special importance was to be decided upon; but afterwards their functions, in many of the towns, became restricted to the nomination of the burgomasters and sheriffs for the senate 5. In Hoorn, where the government was on a more popular basis than in most of the other towns of Holland, this council comprised all the inhabitants possessing a capital of two hundred and fifty nobles, and from this circumstance was called the "Rykdom," or wealth. The offices of burgomasters and sheriffs being annual in this city, the members of the " Rykdom" met on a certain day in every year for the purpose of electing new ones to fill their places; the ballot was then cast for nine men, who afterwards chose three new burgomasters, and named one of the old to act with them during the year ensuing; twenty-one others were then ballotted for, from whom the schout, on the part of the Count, nominated the seven sheriffs 6.

  1. The power of trying offences which were not capital was termed the low jurisdiction.
  2. Boxhorn, Theatrium Urbium Holland., p. 100,108,341;
  3. Guicciardini, Belg. Des., torn, L, p. 197.
  4. Literally "council of wise men."
  5. Guicciardini, Belg. Des., torn. iL, p. 160.
  6. ' Velius "Handvest". in Chronyk van Hoorn, U. 21—60.

79

Dordrecht

In Dordrecht, the most confined and aristocratic of the municipal governments of Holland, the great council consisted of forty members, whose office was for life, and who filled up the vacancies as they occurred, by election among themselves. The senate of this town was composed of one burgomaster, whose office was annual, nine sheriffs, and five councilors (raden); four sheriffs and three councilors went out of office one year, five sheriffs and two councilors the next, and so on alternately; their places were filled up by the Count, or the schout on his behalf, out of a double number nominated by the council of forty.

The only representatives of the people in the government were the so-named " eight good men," (goede luyden van achte) and their functions were limited to choosing the burgomaster in conjunction with those senators whose term of office had expired; if they were unanimous, their votes reckoned for twelve, but the burgomaster chosen must always be one of the ex-senators 1.

The number of burgomasters and sheriffs, as well as of members of the great councils, differed in different cities, but their duties and mode of election was similar in all, except Rotterdam, where, on the death or removal of any one of the great council, consisting of twenty-four members, the Count, or his schout, chose another from three persons named by the rest; the seven sheriffs and three burgomasters were here changed every year, and on the day of election twenty-four beans, five among them being black, were thrown into an urn, from which all the members of the great council drew: those to whom the black beans fell were precluded from filling the offices of the senate themselves, but with them lay the nomination of the double number, from which the Count selected the sheriffs and burgomasters 2.

  1. Guicc, Belg. Des., torn, ii., p. 100.
  2. Idem, p. 102.

80

The inhabitants of the towns being generally merchants and traders, were divided into guilds of the different trades; at the head of each guild was placed a deacon (dekken), to regulate its affairs and protect its interests; and as the towns obtained their charters of privileges from the Counts, so did the guilds look to the municipal governments for encouragement and support, and for the immunities they were permitted to enjoy 1. Each guild inhabited for the most part a separate quarter of the town, and over every quarter two officers, called " Wykmeesters," were appointed by the burgomasters, whose duty it was to keep a list of all the men in their district capable of bearing arms, to see that their arms were sufficient and ready for use, and to assemble them at the order of the magistrates, or upon the ringing of the town bell: the citizens, on their part, were bound to obey the summons without delay, at any hour of the day or night; over all the wykmeesters were placed two, three, or four superior officers, called "Hoofdmannen," or captains of the burgher guards 2. The guilds, when called out to service within the town, assembled, and acted each under their own banners; but in defense of the state they were accustomed to inarch together under the standard of the town, and dressed in the city livery 3. As every member of a guild was expected to have his arms always ready for use, and the burgher guards (Schuttery) were frequently mustered, and drilled under the inspection of the burgomasters and sheriffs the towns were able to man their walls, and put themselves into a state of defense in an incredibly short space I of time. In this manner each town formed, as we have remarked, a species of republic, containing within itself the elements of civil government and military force.

  1. Vclius Hoorn, boek i., bl. 9. I
  2. Guicc, Belg. Des., torn. L, p. 180. I
  3. Vclius Hoorn, bl. 64. I

81

The burgher, for the most part, considered his town as his nation, with whose happiness and prosperity his own was inseparably linked, not only as regarded his public, but also his private interests; since his person was liable to be seized for the debts which its government contracted, and the government, on the other hand, if he were too poor to pay the County taxes, stepped in to his relief, and not infrequently discharged them for him 1. This separate existence (if we may so term it,) of the towns, a source of national strength inasmuch as, by developing to its fullest extent the social activity of the people and giving to each individual a place in the political scale, it formed, as it were, a heart in every one of the extremities of the body politic, was yet a cause of weakness by the disunion, jealousy, and opposition of interests which it occasioned; the patriotism of the Dutchmail was but too often confined within the walls of his native city; and we shall have occasion more than once to remark, in the course of Dutch history, that the towns pursuing each their own private views, totally lose sight, for awhile at least, of the interests of the nation in general, and even of their own as members of it. The municipal government and privileges of the towns extended over a certain space without the walls, which the burghers enlarged as they found occasion by grants obtained from the Counts, whether by favor or purchase 2.

  1. Velius Hoorn, bl. 90,147.
  2. Boxhorn, Theat. Urb. Holl., p. 191,198 and passim.

82

The portion of the County not included within these limits, and commonly called the "open Country," either formed the domains of the nobles or abbeys, or were governed by bailiffs, whose office was analogous to that of the schout in the towns, and who were, like them, appointed by the Count. Both nobles and abbots* exercised the low jurisdiction in their states, and sometimes the high jurisdiction also 1: the nobility had the power of levying taxes on the subjects within their own domains, and exercised the right of private warfare among themselves; of the latter privilege they were always extremely jealous, and the efforts of the Counts to abolish or modify it were for many centuries unavailing 2: in fact, it fell into disuse in Germany and Holland later than in the other Countries of Europe. The nobles were exempt from the taxes of the state, being bound in respect of their fiefs to serve with their vassals in the wars of the County; and if from any cause they were unable to attend in person, they were obliged either to find a substitute of to pay a scutage (ruytergeld,) in lieu of their services, in the same manner as other vassalsof the Count 3: such, however, was only the case when the war was carried on within the boundaries of the County, or had been undertaken by their advice and consent; otherwise the service they rendered depended solely on their own will and pleasure 4. The chief of the nobility were appointed by the Count to form the council of state, or supreme court of Holland: the council of state assisted the Count in the administration of public affairs, guaranteed all treaties of peace and alliance made with foreign nations; and in its judicial capacity, took cognizance of capital offences, both in the towns (unless otherwise provided by their charters,) and in the open Country.

  1. Chron. Egmond, cap. 30, 64. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxxi., cap. 13.
  2. Johan. a Leid., lib. xxxi., cap. 39. Melis Stoke, boek x., bl. 309.
  3. Grotius, "Inleydinge," &c, bl. 164.
  4. Groot Plakaat, deel. v., bl. 713.

83

To this court, where the Count generally presided in person, lay an appeal in civil causes from all the inferior courts in the state 1. In after times, as the towns increased in wealth and importance, and the more prolonged and expensive wars in which the Counts were engaged rendered their pecuniary support necessary, they, likewise, became parties to the ratification of treaties 2,3, and were consulted upon matters relating to war or foreign alliances. It was probably the custom of summoning together deputies from the towns for these purposes which gave rise to the assembly of the states, as historians are unable to fix the exact time of its origin. It has been generally supposed that before the middle of the sixteenth century, the six "good towns" only, that is, Dordrecht, Haarlem, Delft, Leyden, Amsterdam, and Gouda, enjoyed the right of sending deputies to the states 4. This, however, is not altogether the fact. It is true that treaties of peace and alliance were usually guaranteed by the great towns only, and that affairs relating both to domestic and foreign policy were frequently transacted by them in conjunction with the deputies of the nobles, the smaller towns (unwilling to incur the expense of sending deputies to the states,) being content to abide by their decision. But until about 1545 the small towns were constantly summoned to give their votes upon all questions of supply 5, nor did the deputies of the great towns consider themselves authorized to grant or anticipate the payment of any subsidies without their concurrence 6.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek x., bl. 895.
  2. The first treaty which appears guaranteed by the towns was made with Edward I. of England in 1281.
  3. Rym. Feed., torn, ii., p. 592.
  4. Observations on the United Provinces, by Sir W. Temple, chap, ii., p. 121. Hooft's Nederlandsche Historie, boek viii., bl. 258.
  5. Vide List of the Assemblies in "Regist der Daagvaarten van Holland;" door Aert van der Goes beschreven., passim. Edit, in British Museum.
  6. Aert van der Goes Reg., bl. 48, 98,329.

84

The small towns were likewise accustomed to send deputies to the states when a measure was to be discussed which peculiarly regarded their own welfare: as, for example» upon the occasion of a question concerning the imposition of a duty on the exportation of corn, when deputies appeared from most of the towns of the Waterland, where the principal commerce in grain was carried on 1; and in like manner, when unusual precautions were found necessary to secure the herring fishery, deputies of the towns which depended on that trade for their support were summoned to the states to consider of the measures proposed by the government for its protection 2 As it does not appear that the same towns were always summoned to the voting of supplies, it is most probable that the Counts invited such of them to appear at the assemblies as they thought most able or willing to contribute towards satisfying their pecuniary demands, in the same manner as our own sovereigns in former times were wont to do.

The deputies to the states were nominated by the senates of the several towns; each town possessing but one voice in the assembly, whatever number of deputies it might send; the whole body of the nobility likewise enjoyed but one vote, though it was often represented by several, never by less than three deputies. The states were generally summoned by the Counts to the Hague, or to any other place where they might happen to be residing.

  1. Aert van der Goes Reg., bl. 313.
  2. Regist. der Daagvoarten van Holland door Adrian van der Goes_ ann. 1547,W.25.

85

It appears to have been competent for any one or more of the towns to call an assembly when and where they judged it expedient; but the more usual practice was to petition either the Count or the council of Holland to issue the summons. The deputies of the nobles and towns deliberated separately,. and afterwards met together to give their votes, when the nobles voted first, and then the towns, the ancient city of Dordrecht having the precedence 1. The deputies were called together to deliberate upon specific question 2 only: if any new matter arose, they were obliged to delay their decision until they had consulted their principals upon it; and no measure could be carried, if either the nobles, or any one of the towns, refused to give their vote in its favour 3.

The principal officers employed by the assembly of the states, were a registrar or keeper of the records, who acted likewise as secretary, and an advocate called the pensionary of Holland, whose business it was to propose all subjects for the deliberation of the states, to declare the votes, and report the decisions of the assembly to the Count, or council of state»; although this officer did not possess the right of voting, he was accustomed to take a share in the debates, and generally enjoyed great influence both in the assembly of the states and the whole Country; the nobles, likewise, chose a pensionary, nearly always in the person of the same individual. The constitution of the states of Zealand, differed from that of Holland, inasmuch as the clergy in the latter did not form a separate estate, nor were they represented in the assembly; whereas in Zealand, the abbot of St. Nicholas in Middleburg, enjoyed the right of giving the first vote as representative of the ecclesiastical state; the Marquis of Veere and Flushing represented the whole body of the nobility, and had likewise one vote, while deputies were sent from six .only of the principal towns, Middleburg, Zierikzee, Goes, Veere, Flushing, and Tholen.

  1. Velius Hoorn, boek ii., bl. 85. Grotius, de Ant. lleip. Bat., cap. 5. Aert van der Goes., Regist., bl. 114.
  2. Guicc., Belg. Des., torn, i., \\ 83.
  3. Vid. Instruction to the Advocate or Pensionary; Bor., deel. ii., boek xiii., bl. 21.

86

The Count being accustomed to reside for the most part out of the province, deputed two officers called " Rentmeesters" or treasurers, to collate the fiefs, and to manage the receipt and expenditure of his revenue; to them also, he directed all the decrees and edicts issued by himself or his council, which they were bound to publish and enforce, as well as to seize in his name all suspected persons in the open Country and villages, and bring them to trial before the magistrates of Middleburg and Zierikzee. One of these officers had the jurisdiction over West Zealand, the other over East Zealand 1.

It is impossible at this time to define exactly the powers formerly possessed by the states, since during the reign of feeble princes, or minors, they naturally sought to extend them, and often succeeded in so doing; while, on the other hand, they were considerably abridged by the more powerful and arbitrary Counts, particularly those of the house of Burgundy. The most essential, however, that of levying taxes, none of the sovereigns of Holland before Philip II. of Spain ever ventured to dispute; and the old feudal principle, that the nation could not be taxed without its own consent, wholly abandoned in France, and evaded in our own Country by the practice of extorting benevolences, was in Holland, except in some rare and single instances, constantly and firmly adhered to 2.

  1. Guicc, Belg. Des., torn, ii., p. 168—180.
  2. The imposts levied by the nobles on their domains are to be considered rather in the light of lords' rents than taxes, since the lands of the vassals were supposed to belong to the lords, and they were not levied on such as held their lands by military service; but as they were unlimited in amount, and almost every article of raw produce was liable to them, they were the cause of grievous oppression.

87

The Counts, on all occasions of extraordinary expense, were obliged to apply for funds to the assembly of the states, and these applications were called " petitions" (Beden), a word in itself denoting that the subsidy was asked as a favor, not claimed as a right. If the " petition" of the Count were granted by the states, a certain portion of the sum required was adjudged to each town, and to the open Country, (which in this respect was represented by the deputies of the nobility,) and raised by an assessment on houses (Schildtal), and a land-tax (Morgental). This tax was levied in the towns, not by any receiver or officer on the part of the Count, but by the senate, which was answerable for the payment of the quotas that the towns had bound themselves to furnish: the custom of levying the taxes on the County in general, was first introduced under the government of the house of Burgundy. The authority of the Count, however, was not so limited as it would at first appear. His ordinary revenues were so ample, as to preclude the necessity of making petitions to the states, except in cases of unusual expenditure; in addition to extensive private domains, and the profits of reliefs and of the fiefs which escheated to him as lord 1, he was entitled to the eleventh part of the produce of the land in West Friesland 2; and he had moreover the right of levying tolls on ships passing up and down the rivers; and customs upon all foreign wares imported into the Country 3.

  1. Grotius, Inleydinge, &c, boek ii., deel. 43.
  2. Idem, deel. 45.
  3. Alpert. de Div. Temp., lib. ii., cap. 20.

88

Besides these sources of revenue, he received considerable sums for such privileges as he granted to the towns 1; which were also accustomed to give gratuities when he was summoned to the court of the emperor; when his son, or brother was made a knight; and upon the marriage of himself, his son, brother, sister, or daughter 2. The important right also possessed by the towns of rejecting any measure proposed in the states, by a single dissentient voice, was considerably modified in practice, in consequence of the influence which the Count obtained over them by granting or withholding privileges at his pleasure. He likewise exercised, on many occasions, the power of changing the governments of the towns, out of the due course, but this was always considered as an act of arbitrary violence on his part, and seldom failed to excite vehement remonstrance, as well from the states, as from the town which suffered it.

Thus the constitution of Holland was, as we may gather from the preceding observations, rather aristocratic than republican, being exempt indeed from the slightest leaven of democracy in any of its institutions. Nevertheless, it was in many respects essentially popular in its spirit: although the government of the towns was lodged in the hands of but few individuals, yet as they were generally men engaged in manufactures and commerce, or (in later times) gentry closely connected with them, their wants, interests, and prejudices were identified with those of the people whom they governed; while the short duration of their authority prevented the growth of any exclusive spirit amongst them, and was a check upon the passing of laws detrimental to the community at large, since they themselves must so soon in the character of private citizens become subject to their operation.

  1. Velius Hoorn, boek i., bl. 13, 14. The Count acknowledges the receipt of six hundred new Dort guilders, (a coin worth at that time about a shilling and a penny,) for exemption from tolls at Sparendam, Heusden, and Friesland, and engages that neither the Count, nor any one in his name, should commit a citizen of Hoorn to prison. W, Proc-, ad ann. 1324.
  2. Boxhorn, Thcat. Urb. Holl., p. 187.

89

Special regulations also were adopted in every town, by which no two members of the government could be within a certain degree of relationship to each other; thus preventing the whole authority from being absorbed by one or more wealthy and powerful families, as was the case in the Italian republics, especially those of Florence and Genoa. The guilds, although they possessed no share in the administration of affairs, yet exercised considerable influence in the towns, from their numbers and wealth; the members also being all armed and organized for the public defense, were equally ready to assemble at a moment's notice for the purpose of obtaining the removal of any grievance, or the redress of any injury which they might conceive themselves, or the inhabitants in general, to have sustained.

The fundamental principles of the government, as recognized by the best authorities, were these:—that the sovereign shall not marry without the consent of the states; that the public offices of the County shall be conferred on natives only; the states have a right to assemble when and where they judge expedient, without permission from the Count; it is not lawful for the Count to undertake any war, whether offensive or defensive, without the consent of the states; all decrees and edicts shall be published in the Dutch language; the Count shall neither coin, nor change the value of money, without the advice of the states; he shall not alienate any part of his dominions; the states shall not be summoned out of the limits of the County; the Count shall demand "petitions" of the states in person, and not by deputy, nor shall he exact payment of any greater sum than is granted by the states; no jurisdiction shall be exercised except by the regular magistrates; the ancient customs and' laws of the state are sacred, and if the Count make any decree contrary to them, no man shall be bound to obey it 1.

  1. Groot Plakaat., deel. in., bl. 6,13. Grotius, de Antiq. Reip. Bat., cap. 0.

90

It is not-meant to be affirmed that these principles were always adhered to; on the contrary, they were frequently violated; and under the powerful princes of the house* of Burgundy, almost wholly neglected; but the Dutch constantly looked to them as the sheet-anchor of their* political existence, and seldom failed to recur to and enforce them whenever an opportunity offered itself for so doing.

I shall conclude this digression, in which I trust I have not sacrificed perspicuity to brevity, with a few remarks on the military force, the administration of justice, and the tenure of property in Holland.

The armies of Europe, before the reign of Charles VII. of France, who first introduced the custom of keeping on foot a regularly disciplined force, were little more than bands of pillaging mercenaries and disorderly troops of vassals; nor had Holland much advantage in this respect, as far as regarded offensive warfare. The towns indeed, on receiving their charters» generally engaged to supply the Count in his wars, with a certain number of men at arms, or vessels of war; but these burgher troops were far from composing a regular and disciplined militia; they were, on the contrary, accustomed to march separately, the citizens of each city under their respective banner, headed by their own officers, and distinguished by the livery of their town; and during the whole of the campaign, they usually remained in separate encampments 1.

  1. Velhis Hoorn., boek i., bl. 54.

91

In the same manner the barons and knights, when summoned by the Count to do military service, attended him at the head of their vassals, who were disinclined to obey any commands but theirs 1. From such a promiscuous and disorganized multitude, it is evident that neither celerity, steadiness, nor uniformity of action was to be expected; they were obliged to serve for a limited time only, during which they were entitled to receive pay 2; if, however, the war were undertaken without the consent of the nobles and " good towns," the service was merely voluntary, and during their own pleasure. In case of invasion, every man fit to bear arms, was bound to be provided with them, and to hold himself in readiness to defend his Country 3. The harems and knights wore armor, and served on horseback, as in other Countries; but the lesser vassals, the burgher troops and the volunteers, composed the infantry of their armies: these were armed with long knives, and heavy clubs called * Staven" or "Kluppels, having sharp iron points at the end 4, Danish axes, pikes, and javelins 5. In battle they usually knelt on the right knee, holding a shield in the left hand, while with the right they threw the javelin, or when in close combat used the sword 6. The crossbow was not much known among them until the year 1440 7.

  1. Johan. a Leid., Chron. Belg., lib. xxxL, cap. 6.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek viii., bl. 126. Grotius, Inleydinge, &c, bl. 163.
  3. Van Loon, Aloude Regeeringe van Hoi., bl. 327, 331. .
  4. Huydecop. op Stoke, deel. iii., bl. 82.
  5. Mat. Par., p. 793. He describes the Freizlandere as peculiarly skilful in the use of the javelin.
  6. Idem, p. 253.
  7. Velius Hoorn, boek i., bl. 34.

92

Before the invention of gunpowder, the Dutch employed in their sieges the instruments common during the middle ages. The " Blyde" and "Hoestair engines for throwing stones, resembling the ancient balista and catapulta; towers built with stages, " Evenhoogen," to approach the walls 1; and " katten," or covered galleries, under which the besiegers dug mines 2.

In the middle of the fourteenth century, the Counts of Holland first began to take foreign troops into their pay; but it does not appear that the County was ever infested with those bands of pillagers, which under the name of Free Companies, desolated and ruined France and Italy for so long a period.

The Dutch never, before the union of the provinces, kept any naval force at sea: the high-admiral only having the command of a few small and half-armed guard-ships. On the breaking out of a maritime war, it was customary to detain a sufficient number of merchant ships (many of which were kept by their owners in a condition to defend themselves) without regard to whether they were freighted or empty, or whether belonging to natives or foreigners; they were armed and equipped by the Count or his Stadtholder , from stores which were always kept in readiness, and a due and sufficient sum was paid to the proprietssors for their use; to these were added the vessels of war which the towns sometimes engaged to furnish instead of troops, and those which they contributed voluntarily, in case they had any particular interest in the issue of the war 3.

  1. Huydecop. op. Stoke, dcel. iii., bl. 281, 290, 312, 313.
  2. Du Catige, Gloss in verb. Cntus.
  3. Guicc. Belg. Des., torn, ], p. 77. Grotius, Annal. Belg., lib. i., p. 5.

93

Holland has, from the earliest times, been distinguished by the sedulous care with which she has provided for the personal liberty and security of her citizens; not that it is meant to affirm, that in this, any more than in any other Country, the rights of individuals were not often violated in the rage of civil tumult and disorder; but the first principles of justice were never either corrupted or undermined; and the Dutch had always laws and institutions for the protection of the weak against the powerful, which they might fall back upon when calmness and reason returned. The administration of justice in the towns was, as we have observed, lodged in the hands of the respective magistrates; the schout, whose office it was to arrest suspected persons, had no power to do so, unleés " flagrante delicto," without the consent of the burgomasters; he was then bound to bring the accused, withifl three days, before the " vierschaar," or tribunal of the sheriffs 1; this court was held with open doors, and liberty allowed for all persons to go in and out at pleasure* Thus publicly the schout brought forward his charge against the accused, and demanded that punishment should be inflicted on him. The accused was allowed the benefit of any advocate he might choose, and to clear himself of the charge by such means as he thought best, being always confronted with the witnesses 2. Neither if he were too poor to pay an advocate was he left unprotected; pleaders of the first ability being appointed to defend such persons, who performed that office with equal zeal and integrity.

  1. So that those by whose authority the accused was arrested, were not accustomed to sit in judgment on him.
  2. This admirable regulation contrasts strongly with the usage of our own Country, where, in trials for treason, the accused were seldom, or never, confronted with the witnesses.

94

If the crime were of a trifling nature, the accused was dismissed upon security that he would appear when called upon, and his trial was postponed until the more important cases were disposed of: in case it turned out that the charge were made without foundation, the schout was obliged to pay the expenses. This wise provision protected the citizens against vexations accusations on the part of the Count, while the power of arrest being lodged in the hands of his officer, was not likely to be used on frivolous pretexts, at the instigation either of the municipal authorities, or of private enemies. If the crime proved against the accused were of a heinous nature, he was put to the torture. Although the Netherlanders were not sufficiently in advance of the rest of Europe to abolish this barbarous and fallacious mode of ascertaining the guilt or innocence of the accused, yet it was used with the utmost precaution. Before the judges could order its execution, they were bound to have the consent of the great council of the town, and the culprit was deprived of his burgessship: the presence of two of the sheriffs was necessary when the schout inflicted the torture, and he was obliged to stop at their command. The culprit was required to repeat his confession the next morning in some public place of the city, so that neither he, nor any one else, might afterwards affirm that it had been extorted by torture. Being brought again before the magistrates, sentence was pronounced against him, and executed under the inspection of the schout within twenty-four hours. Sepulture was denied to such as were executed for capital crimes, unless a particular exception were made, which was sometimes purchased for a sum of money. Rather less ceremony was observed in the use of the torture upon foreigners residing in the state, but in other respects they were treated as natives 1.

  1. Guicc, Belg. Des., torn, i., p. 193,197.

95

Offences in the open Country were tried before the council of Holland, or before the Count's bailiff, assisted by his vassals, or by the so-called " well-born men;" that is, such as, not being noble, were descended from free and honorable ancestors, had the right of bearing arms, of riding with one spur, and were scot free 1. If the accused were a vassal belonging to the domain of a baron, he was tried by a court composed of the lord and his vassals; but m case the lord possessed only the low jurisdiction, and the crime committed, were capital, it was necessary to bring him before the court of Holland. There is no evidence (that I can discover) of anything like a trial by jury.

It would be vain to attempt to give an account of the several punishments awarded to offences, as they differed in different places, being regulated for the most part in the special charters of the towns, often by prescriptive customs, and sometimes by the discretion of the judge. In cases of homicide, besides the punishment inflicted by the state, it was necessary to make an atonement and reconciliation (zoen) with the relatives of the deceased; the mode of effecting which was so curious, that some account of it will scarcely be deemed tedious. When a person suffered death by the act of another, the next of kin of the deceased was bound immediately to make his complaint before the Count's bailiff; in former times, in presence of the dead body, but from the year 1349, when, for reasons which will appear hereafter, cases of homicide became more frequent, so that it was often found impossible to hear them within a requisitely short space of time, it was usual to cut off the right hand of the corpse, and preserve it instead; and subsequently, the cupidity, of the officers of the court introduced the custom of giving money to avoid this ceremony.

  1. Grot., InL, &c, b. i., deel. 14.

96

The complainant must then, with four others of the relations of the deceased, to be chosen by those of the accused, or by the judge, swear four times, that he will accuse no man unjustly. After this he made his alarm (" wapenroep 1") over the open grave prepared for the deceased, declaring to God in heaven, to the Count, to the bailiff of the district, and to all good people, how, where, when, and by whom, he had been willfully put to death, and that thereby, the peace of God in heaven, the peace of the Count of Holland, and the peace of the bailiff, was broken, and praying that justice might be done for such injury. This being ended, the relations of the deceased, to the third degree, were at liberty to seize the delinquent; and it they slew him, were bound only to pay a fine of four farthings, and lay the weapon wherewith he was slain on his body 2; or atonement might be made before the burial of the deceased, which was likewise done over the open grave, between the relations to the third degree on both sides, and under the mediation of competent persons chosen in the district. The delinquent then appearing, sued for pardon on his knees, and a sum of money was paid by his relations to those of the deceased, proportioned to his station (the life of a noble being valued more highly than that of a person not noble), and the degree of criminality of the delinquent, such as whether the homicide amounted to murder, that is, were committed in secret, by lying in wait, and taking the victim unawares, and from motives of malice, hatred, or anger; or whether it were done in open combat, with lawful or unlawful, equal or unequal weapons 3, and what had given rise to the quarrel.

  1. Literally, call to arms,
  2. If this happened, no atonement would be required.
  3. Thus, if a sudden affray occurred between two burghers, armed for the performance of their military duties, and one of them were slain, the degree of criminality of the slayer would be reckoned comparatively leas.

97

Atonement being thus made, a reconciliation (zoen) followed, the parties joining hands, and swearing to keep the peace towards each other " so long as the wind blew, and the cock crew;" and he who violated this peace, incurred the loss of his right hand. In the year 1460, however, those relations of the delinquent who could prove themselves to have had no share in, or knowledge of, the homicide, were exempt from the payment of the atonement. Maiming was estimated at one-third in proportion to homicide, and atonement was made for lesser wounds, without an alarm, by payments in proportion to their severity. A person guilty of homicide was bound, moreover, to make compensation (vergoeding 1) by way of annuity, to the widow, children, or such kindred of the deceased as were accustomed to be supported by his labour or bounty. The degree of guilt of the offender, though it made a difference in the punishment and the atonement, made none in the compensation; to which the physician who occasioned the death of a patient through ignorance, the driver of a carriage, or the captain of a vessel, who, by his negligence or want of skill, sacrificed the lives of those entrusted to his care, were equally liable. If the Count pardoned the offender, the wife and children were at liberty to insist upon his making a humble confession of his guilt, that he should give place to them wherever they met, and bestow a donation on the poor. In cases of purely accidental, or that which amongst ourselves comes under the denomination of justifiable, homicide, neither compensation nor atonement were required 2.

  1. The "weregild" of our Saxon ancestors seems to have comprehended both the atonement and the compensation.
  2. Grot., InL, &c, b. iiL, deel. 32, 33.

98

The law of inheritance was not, before the end of the sixteenth century, uniform throughout the County of Holland. In North Holland 1 the ancient law of Friesland, termed "Aasdomsregt 2" prevailed; by which the maxim was held, that "the nearest blood takes the good 3;* with the modification* however, that "property does not easily ascend 4;" otherwise it was so strictly interpreted, that on the death of an intestate, his living children inherited his estate, as a degree nearer to him in blood, to the exclusion of the children of a son who may have died before him; but if no children were left, then the grandchildren came in, before the parents, who stood next in succession 5; then followed the brothers and sisters, without regard to whether they were of the whole or half blood; and in this case, the children of one deceased, stood in the place of their parent. In default of brothers and sisters, and their descendants, the uncles and aunts of the intestate inherited, whether by the father's or mother's side, regard being had to proximity alone, and so on through all the degrees of kindred.

  1. Likewise Friesland, Utrecht, the Veluwe, and Zutphen.
  2. From " Azing," an old Friesland word, signifying judge, or president of a court of the so-called " well-born men." Vid. p. 138.
  3. " Het naeste bloed beurt het goet."
  4. " Het goet en klimt niet gaern."
  5. Thus, if a man inherited an estate from his father, and died without issue before his mother, the estate fell to her.

99

In Zealand and South Holland, the rule of succession termed the "Schependomsregt," and supposed to be derived from the old law of the Franks, held, that u property must go back from whence it came;" not applying, however, to children and their descendants who inherited first, representative succession being admitted; in default of direct descendants the parents succeeded in case both were alive; but if one were dead, the estate did not go to the survivor, because it could not be supposed to have come from thence, but to the heirs of the deceased parent. Brothers and sisters of the half-blood, were entitled to a moietssy only of the share of those of the whole; unless in case one parent survived, when the brothers and. sisters of the whole blood by the side of the deceased parent, and the half by the side of the survivor, took an entire share 1.

The inheritance of real and personal property under these laws, followed the usual rule with respect to places where customs differ. Thus, if a man whose land was situated in a part of the Country where the "Schependomsregt" prevailed, happened to die intestate in a place subject to the "Aasdomsregt," the succession to his real estate followed the former rule, while the distribution of his personal property was guided by the latter, and visa versa 2. In 1580, the states promulgated a new law of inheritance, amalgamating in Some degree both these customs, which was pretty generally adopted. Parents could not by will pass over or disinherit their children, or leave more than two-thirds of their property away from them, nor more than the half if their number exceeded four, unless in consequence of certain specified offences committed by the latter against their parents. Property, both real and personal, except lands held by feudal tenure, was equally divided amongst all the children 3.

  1. Grotius, Inleydinge, &c, b. ii., deel. 28.
  2. Idem, deel. 26.
  3. Idem, deel. 13.

100

A considerable portion of the land in Holland was held by feudal tenure, fiefs being of two kinds; such as were held immediately of the Count, termed fiefs proper; and arrier fiefs, or those held under his vassals» since no man who was not himself a vassal of the Count, could be lord of a fief in the County. These were again divided into perfect and imperfect, or noble and base fiefs; of which the latter reverted to the lord on failure of direct male heirs, unless the succession of females in the right line were expressly provided for in the original grant. These fiefs did not admit of representative succession; but descended to a younger son surviving his parent, in preference to the children of an elder, who had died before him. The perfect or noble fief, did not revert to the lord, so long as any kindred remained of the feoffee, of either sex, direct or collateral, and whether by the male or female (sword or spindle) side to the tenth degree, males being preferred before females, and the elder to the younger; thus, on failure of issue, and of brothers and sisters, the estate would devolve on the son of a sister, in preference to the daughters of the brothers, and in default of males to the eldest female, whether she were the daughter of a sister, or a brother; in like manner, on failure of nearer kin, the estate of the feoffee would devolve to the eldest male, and in default of males, to the eldest female of the cousins-german, without regard to whether they were of the father's or mother's side. Of the latter kind, were those fiefs which the possessors of free (or allodial) estates had created, by surrendering their lands into the hands of the Count, or some powerful noble, to be received of him again in fee, in order to become thereby entitled to his protection 1; many were so created during the troubled times which will hereafter come under our notice.

  1. Guicciardini, Des. Belg., torn, ii., p. 158. Grotius, Inleydinge, &c, b. ii., deel. 41.

101

All fiefs in the County were held by liege, none by simple homage, which was customary chiefly among sovereign princes to each other. The obligation on the part of the lord towards his vassal was protection and defense (schout ende scherm); on that of the vassal, homage and allegiance, whereby he bound himself to be faithful to his lord; to follow his standard in war 1; to seek his advantage; to counsel him to the best of his ability; to aid and assist him; and to reveal to him anything that came to his knowledge likely to do him an injury. Besides homage, a relief Was due from the vassal to the lord upon taking possession of a fief, the amount of which was generally specified in the grant, and often consisted of nothing more than a falcon, greyhound, spurs, or such like acknowledgment, which was sometimes commuted for money. If no relief were specified, the amount was fixed at ten carolus guilders for a large or middling fief, and one year's fruits for a small fief. The large fiefs were such as comprised the high or low jurisdiction, or were valued *t* an annual income of three hundred guilders (about thirty pounds); those which produced less than three hundred, and more than ten guilders, were reckoned as middling, and such as were under ten, were called small fiefs; of these, the latter were generally held by what we term soccage tenure, that is, the payment of a yearly rent 2.

  1. Such only as held their fiefs by military tenure were properly bound to this condition; and there is little doubt that in foreign wars the attendance of the vassals on the lord was confined to them; but in the private wars of the nobles, the obligation to aid and assist comprised within itself the taking up arms in defence of the lord, and it appears that all the tenants on his estate, let the nature, of their tenure be what it might, were accustomed to perform this service when called upon; Indeed it is scarcely to be imagined that they would expose themselves to the effects of his anger by refusing. Ann. Eg., cap. 84, et passim. The lord of Egmond here obliges all his " villani" to lay siege to the abbey.
  2. Grot Inleyd., b. ii., deel. 41.

102

Homage was to be rendered by the heir, within a year and six weeks from the time the fief had devolved to him; after which he was permitted to enjoy it only upon payment of a double relief. Minors were to do homage by their guardians; but were equally liable to the payment of a double relief in ease of neglect. On the death of the lord, his vassals were bound to do homage to his successor; but were not required to pay a fresh relief 1. I find nowhere any mention of wardship (the custody of the lands of a vassal during his minority), or marriage (the power of disposing of a female vassal in marriage), as rights claimed by the lord, nor any trace of their existence.

Fowling, and fishing in the rivers and inland waters (except with a rod and line, which was open to all), appertained solely to the Count, or to such persons as he might grant permission; every one of noble birth was at liberty to take hares and rabbits on his estate; but it was penal for any person of lower degree to destroy them, even upon his own land, whatever devastation they might commit. The chase of the larger animals was reserved for the Count, except that each baron (vryheer) was allowed to hunt one hart in the year 2.

Fiefs might be lost by the tenant, either through escheat or forfeiture. Escheatment of a fief occurred through failure of heirs, which in imperfect fiefs not infrequently happened, especially during seasons of war or civil commotions; and in this case, the earlier Counts were accustomed to grant the fief to the nearest collateral heir, upon payment of a reasonable sum; forfeiture ensued as a consequence of the infidelity of the vassal, or .of an injury or offence committed by him against his lord; in the former case, the lord might enter at once upon the fief, by virtue of his right of dominion; but in the latter, he was obliged to abide the issue of an action at law.

  1. Grot Inleyd., deeL 43.
  2. Idem, b. i., deel. 37; b. ii., deel. 1.

103

If a lord, by the judgment of a court composed of his vassals, were found guilty of neglecting the protection or defense of any one of them, he forfeited his right to the allegiance of that vassal, whose estate became thenceforth free, or allodial; or a lord might voluntarily relinquish his rights over his vassal, when the effect on the estate of the latter was the same; but the lord of a fief which had become so by the voluntary surrender of the proprietssor, could not transfer his rights to any one inferior to himself in station or power 1. The lord could not withhold his consent to the transfer of a perfect fief, whether by gift, exchange, or sale; but the Count of Holland, by paying the price agreed upon between the vendor and purchaser, within a year and a day of the conclusion of the bargain, might stand in the place of the latter. Whether the lords of arrier-fiefs possessed this right appears doubtful. In the transfer of imperfect fiefs, the consent of the lord was not claimed as a right, but asked as a favor, or purchased for a consideration 2.

It seems probable, that a species of copyhold estates were often created by those proprietssors of allodial lands, who, not being themselves vassalsof the Count, were not competent to grant fieft. The word copyhold (Erfhuur, or hereditary lease,) is used, because the tenure resembles that so termed in this Country, such as it became in course of time, more than any other; though different in its origin, since it was never supposed to be held at the will of the lord, but when not perpetual, (similar to our customary freehold,) held either for a term of years, or restricted to certain heirs of the first possessor; in the latter case, custom provided, as amongst us, that the estate being demanded, and the services of the copyhold performed, the lord could not refuse to admit the next heir of the tenant on his death.

  1. Grot. Inleyd., &c, b. ii., decl. 42.
  2. Idem, deel. 43.

104

The succession to a copyhold estate extended to all the heirs of the tenant, female as well as male, and even to illegitimate children through the mother. It differed from that to a perfect fief in the latter particular, and also inasmuch as it was in its nature divisible, (though the lord was not bound to recognize the division, but might require the services of the copyhold from whichever tenant he pleased,) whereas the fief could not be divided, except with the consent of the lord, when the same relief was due for each part, as for the whole.

A copyhold might be forfeited by the tenant» through omitting to pay the lord's rent for three years successively, or neglecting to perform the requisite services; but the lord could not, in such cases, enter upon the lands of his tenant, except by virtue of a decision of a court of law; and if he foiled to make his claim during the third part of a century, the estate of the tenant became a freehold 1.

Lands were likewise held by yearly tenancy, and the holders of these, as well as copyholds, were classed under the denomination of villeins 2; but it is difficult to determine what services were exacted from these villeins, or whether they were precisely defined.

  1. Grot. Inleyd., b. ii., deel, 40, 41.
  2. Villani; not exactly in the sense we use the term, but as the inhabitants of " Tills," farm or Country houses. Ann. Egm., cap. 84.

105

In the surrender of the lordship of some copyhold lands, by the abbey of Egmond to the lord of Egmond, are mentioned: the duty-fish (hofvisch), or the choice of one out of every boat load of fish landed from the sea; the mill-due (molenrecht), that is, a portion of every sack of wheat carried to the mill to be ground (it being unlawful either to erect or remove a mill without permission of the lord); and the carriage due (waagenrecht), or the right of using the carts and horses belonging to the tenants at pleasure. Upon these lands, besides a yearly rent, payments were due of * silver, pepper, capons, sheep, platters, and such like things," probably in the nature of heriots. Yearly tenants, besides the annual rent and other " expenses, exactions, and contributions," appear to have been bound to keep the dikes, sluices, and dams on the estate in repair 1.

It seems doubtful whether any portion of the inhabitants of Holland were in a state of actual servitude or bondage. Grotius speaks of them as at all times divided into the three classes of nobles, well-born men, and common people (gemeene luyden), without any mention of serfs as having ever existed. In ancient times, however, the distinction between a noble and a person not noble, was very considerable; the life of the former was valued at a higher price than that of the latter, in making atonement for a homicide; the nobles alone were eligible to the supreme court, or council of state, and were exempt from the public taxes; and there were some cases in which one not noble could not give either information or evidence against a noble 2.

  1. Aimalefl Egmund., cap. 73.
  2. Grot. Inleyd., &c, b. i., deel. 14.

106

It is evident, indeed, that the condition of the tenants on the estates of the nobility was very far inferior in security and happiness to that enjoyed by the inhabitants of the towns, particularly where the lord exercised jurisdiction in his domain; since it must have been next to impossible for the inferior vassals and villeins to obtain redress of any wrong or injury he might commit against them, when the tribunal in which they must seek it, was a court composed of the vassals themselves 1.

Nevertheless, the circumstances of their being always prepared with arms for the common defence, (which they were apt to use in their own when occasion required,) and the facility with which they might remove to the towns, where they would be sure to find employment, shelter, and protection, would be likely to prove a powerful check upon the commission of any acts of gross tyranny or oppression.

  1. An appeal indeed, in all civil cases, lay to the supreme court of Holland; but this, from the difficulty and expense attendant on it, could be but very rarely resorted to, particularly in the earlier times.

Part 1, Chapter 1

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

Volume  I

CHAPTER I


 

23

Theodore I. Grant of Charles the Simple. Church at Egmond. Death of Theodore. Theodore II. Rebellion of the West Friezlaners. County made hereditary by Otho HI. Church and Altar at Egmod. Death of Theodore. Arnold slain by the West Frieslanders. Theodore III. Irruption of the Normans. Origin and Rise of the Bishopric of Utrecht. War between Holland and Utrecht. Accommodation between the Count and the Bishop. Pilgrimage and death of Theodore. Theodore IV. Dissensions between Holland and Flanders. The Five Islands of the Scheldt. War between the Emperor and Bishop of Utrecht and the Count of Holland. Invasion of Holland by the Emperor. His retreat. War with Liege and Cologne. Death of Theodore. Florence I. Alliance of Utrecht against Holland. War, and Defeat of the Allies. Florence surprised and killed. Theodore V. Guardian-ship of his mother. Her second marriage. War with Flanders and the King of France. War with Utrecht. Godfrey of Lorraine takes possession of Holland. Theodore recovers his States. Friesland granted to the Bishopric. Death of Theodore. Florence II. Crusades. Pacific disposition of Florence. Alliance with the Empire. Death and Character of Florence. Heresy. Theodore VI. Alliance with Germany. Grant of Friesland. Disputes between Theodore and his brother. Influence of the Clergy at the Imperial Court. Its effects on Holland. War with Utrecht. Mode of defence adopted by the Bishop. Peace. Colonization from Holland. Death of Theodore. Florence III. Hostilities with Flanders. Marriage. Treaty with Utrecht. Overflowing of the Rhine. Renewal of Hostilities with Flanders. Defeat and imprisonment of Florence. Release. Treaty made on the occasion. Revolt of the West Frieslanders. Flood. Crusade. Florence dies at Antioch. Coinage. Theodore VII. Wars with Flanders and West Friesland. Theodore victorious in both. Conduct of the Bishop of Utrecht in Friesland. War with Utrecht and Brabant. Imprisonment and Death of Theodore.

 Theodore I

913 To the lands which this Count already held, Charles IV. of France, surnamed the Simple, added the abbey of Egmond 2, with its dependencies, from Zuithardersbage to Kinnem 3. Charles had entered into possession of the kingdom of Loraine, in which this territory was situated after the death of the Emperor Louis III., the last descendant of Charlemagne in Germany 4. 924 By the cession which this prince made to the Emperor Henry L of the whole kingdom of Lorraine, these lands, as well as the remainder which Count Theodore possessed, became a fief of Germany 5. Nothing further is known of Theodore, than that he built a church of wood at Egmond, dedicated to St. Adelbert 6, and founded there a convent of nuns 7. The time of his death is uncertain, but it is generally supposed to have occurred in the year 923 8.

  1. Vide Note B at the end of the volume.
  2. Situated near Alkmaar.
  3. A stream in Kennemerland. Miraei Cod. Don. Pia. torn, i., p. 35, cap. 26.
  4. Ann. Sax. Col., torn. L, p. 240.
  5. Idem, 248.
  6. St Adelbert was an Englishman, and archdeacon of the see of Utrecht» under Willebrord, the Northumbrian, the first bishop. Chron. Egmund., cap. 1,2.
  7. Melis Stoke, boek L, bl. 54.
  8. Herman. Corn. Chron. Col., torn, ii., p. 617.

 Note B. (Page 22)

The time of the foundation of the County of Holland is involved in great obscurity, and I will not enter into the tedious discussion as to whether it should be fixed in 863, according to the most prevalent opinion, or, as others say, in the year 922. For the former date we have the authority of Melis Stoke, John of Leyden, Beka, Barlandus, Meyer, and numerous others; while Buchelius, the annotator of the Chronicle of Beka, Schryver, John van der Dors the younger, and the author of the admirable " Vaterlandache Historie," (Wagenaar) insist upon the latter.

The origin and rise of the County are, I believe, here traced with as much clearness as the intricacy of the subject admits of; and the facts stated are home out by the documents preserved in the " Diplomata" of Miraeus, of the authenticity of which there seems no reason to doubt: one or two brief observations, therefore, will suffice to prove, that neither of the foregoing conjectures is absolutely correct.

Charles the Bald of France, by whom the original grant in 863 1 was supposed to have been made, possessed no part of Holland, since all the land between the Rhine and the Meuse was included in the kingdom of Lorraine; and Charles the Simple, who did in fact bestow Egmond and its dependencies on Theodore I. in 912, was in 922 engaged in a war with the rebel, Duke Robert of Paris, who had usurped his crown 2; and consequently it was highly improbable that he should confer grants of those lands of which at that time he was not even in possession, since little more than Aquitaine was left to him by the usurper.

  1. The County of Flanders was, in fact, founded at this period; and either this circumstance may hare given rise to the mistake, or the monks of Egmond, the first chroniclers of Holland, may have willfully falsified the date in the charter, as not wishing the origin of their nation to appear less ancient than that of the Flemings, their neighbors and rivals.
  2. Wily, Hist, de France, torn, ii., p. 205,

 Theodore II

Hardly had Theodore established himself in the government after the death of his father, when he was obliged to march against his rebellious subjects in West Friesland, whom he overcame, and forced to return to obedience 1. He had by his wife, Hildegarde, two sons, of whom the younger, Egbert, became archbishop of Treves, and the elder, Arnold, married Luitgarde, sister of Theofana, the wife of Otho II., emperor of Germany 2. 983 The Empress Theofana, after the death of her husband, and during the minority of her son, Otho III., enjoyed a large share in the administration of the empire; and her alliance with the family of die Count of Holland, induced her to use her influence over the mind of the young emperor, to obtain for Theodore a grant of all those states as an hereditary fief which he had hitherto enjoyed in usufruct only 3. In this grant were comprehended the lands lying between the Lauwers (Liore,) and Yssel 4; a village, then known by the name of Zonnemare 5; the territory between the streams of Medemblick 6 and Chimeloes, or Gemarcha 7, Kemmerland, Texel, and Maasland, with the reservation of the tribute, commonly called "Huuslade 8." By this grant the hereditary succession to the County was placed on a secure and permanent footing, and from it, perhaps, might more properly be dated the commencement of its existence as a separate and independent state 9.

  1. Johaa a Leid., lib.vii., cap. 2.
  2. She is said to be the sister of Theofana by all the early historians, but the Greek Emperor Romanus, father of the latter, had only two daughters, Theofana and Anne, married to the Czar of Muscovy, (Gibbon Decl. and Fall, &c., vol. viii, p. 373). It is not improbable that Luitgarde, particularly as it is a Saxon and not a Greek name, might have been the daughter of the empress; the son of Arnold is called grandson of the Empress Theofana, (Ann. Sax., col. i., p. 450,) and Luitgarde, sister of the wife of Henry II. Idem Ibid. 403. Melis Stoke, boek i., bl. 73.
  3. Vide du Cange, in Feudum et Beneficium.
  4. Not the river in Friesland, but that to the south of Holland, on which Ysselmonde is situated.
  5. In Zealand.
  6. In West Friesland.
  7. In the present province of Friesland.
  8. A duty upon every house, payable to the sovereign. Johan. a Leid., lib. vii., cap. 26. Miraei Diplomats., torn, i., p. 62, cap. 41.
  9. The tribute, Huuslade, appears to have been ere long discontinued, though we have no evidence as to the exact time that it was so.

The Hollanders must at this time have made some progress in wealth and the arts, since we are told that Theodore rebuilt the church of St. Adelbert of stone; a work of no mean importance in a Country wholly destitute of materials for such a purpose, and where, from the nature of the ground, considerable skill must have been required to make a secure foundation for a building of any solidity. He also presented, after its completion, an altar of pure gold, inlaid with precious stones, with a volume of the Gospels likewise ornamented with jewels and gold 1. He died in 988, within a month after his wife Hildegarde, and was buried with her under one monument in the church which he had built at Egmond 2.

  1. Miraei Dip., torn, i., p. 71, cap. 61. Melis Stoke, boek i., U. 65, et seq.
  2. Johan. a Leid., lib. vii., cap. 28.

 Arnold

The grant of Otho III. rendered it unnecessary that Arnold should obtain the emperor's confirmation of his authority, and the succession henceforward passed in the regular line, without any intervention of the imperial sovereignty, nor did the emperors ever interfere in the slightest degree in the internal government of the County; in process of time, indeed, the Counts of Holland so far freed themselves from the ties of feudal allegiance, that it became at length a matter of dispute whether or not Holland owed fealty to the empire at all Arnold's short reign of five years was spent in continual warfare with his rebellious subjects of West Friesland, by whom he was slain in a battle fought near the village of Winke l. 993 He left two sons, of whom the younger Siward, or Sigefrid, is said to have been the founder of the noble and illustrious house of Brederode 2.

  1. Johan. a Leid., lib. viiL, cap. 1,6.
  2. Idem, lib. viii., cap. 3.

 Theodore III

26

Succeeded his father when only twelve years of age, the government being administered during his minority by his mother Luitgarde1. In the year 1010 the Normans again made an irruption into Friesland, defeated the Hollanders who opposed their passage, and advanced as far as Utrecht; but either from veneration for the Episcopal see, or from esteem for the sanctity of the Bishop Ansfrid, they retired without committing any injury on the city: the Utrechters themselves set fire to the houses along the quay, lest the enemy might make use of them to besiege the citadel 2. This is the last time we hear of any invasion by the Normans of either Holland or Friesland: they began about this period to establish themselves in Italy 3, and attracted by her fertile fields and rich wines, henceforward left unmolested the cold and marshy shores of the Netherlands. The reign of Theodore was continually disturbed by hostilities with Athelbald, bishop of Utrecht; and as he and his successors will, for a series of years, appear often as enemies, and sometimes, though rarely, as allies of the Counts of Holland, a few observations on the origin and rise of this bishopric may not be misplaced.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek i., bL 99.
  2. Alpertus de Dir. Temporum, Col. torn, i., lib. 1., cap. 9,10.
  3. Sismondi Hist, des Rep. ItaL, torn, ii., p. 266,

In the early part of the seventh century, Dagobert, first king of Austrasia, having conquered Utrecht 1 from the Frieslanders, founded there a Christian church: but the greater portion of the inhabitants being still heathens, and the Frieslanders again taking possession of the town, it was some time after destroyed 2. In the year 719, Willebrord, the Northumbrian priest before mentioned as being enjoined by Pepin Heristal to preach the gospel in Friesland, and who in 696 had been created by the Pope Archbishop of Friesland, fixed the seat of his bishopric at Utrecht, where he built a church and monastery 3. Charles Martel, mayor of the palace to Thierri IV., king of Australia, granted to the Church, in 722, all the royal domains and privileges in and around Utrecht, with several other rich estates 4: and after the death of Gerolf of Friesland, father of the first Count of Holland, Odilbald, bishop of Utrecht, obtained for his church from Zwentibold, king of Lorraine, (son of the Emperor Arnold), the sixth part of the fishery at the mouth of the Rhine, which Gerolf had before enjoyed, and the third of nearly all the royal tolls and customs in Kemmerland and West Friesland 5, to the Texel 6. In the year 937, Emperor Otho I. of Germany granted to Baldric, then bishop of Utrecht, the privilege of coining money, and bestowed on him the land lying between Gouda and Schoonhoven, and the tolls at Muyden on the Vecht 7.

  1. Antonina in the time of the Romans: it was afterwards called Wil-tenburg by the Wilts, a nation of Sclavi, who formed a settlement there. The name of Trajectum, or Utrecht, was given to it by Dagobert.
  2. Vide Letter of St. Boniface to Pope Stephen, in Miraei Cod. Don. Pia, torn, i., cap. 10, p. 13,14.
  3. Hist. Wil. Hede in Willebrordo, p. 25; Bede Hist. Ecc, lib. r, cap. 1
  4. The northern part of the province of Holland.
  5. Mine! Don Belg., lib. ii.> cap. 3; Dipl., torn. i., p. 401.
  6. Heda in Odilbald, p. 65, 66.
  7. Heda in Bald, p. 81—87.

27

By Ansfrid, predecessor of the present bishop, the domain of Utrecht had been enriched by the addition of Teisterband, (an ancient County, extending from Wyk te Duurstede to the old Meuse) 1, and thus brought close to the territories of the Counts of Holland, over the whole of which, likewise, the Church of Utrecht had a spiritual jurisdiction; and this furnished the bishops with a pretext for laying claim to the temporal sovereignty of the County 2. Hence arose disputes of a nature easily exasperated into hostilities. On the present occasion, the Bishop Athelbald had encouraged his vassal, Theodore Bavo, margrave of that part of his diocese which bordered on the County of Holland, in his attempts to extend his authority within the confines of Count Theodore's territories 3. 1016 Theodore compelled Bavo to evacuate Bodegrave, of which he had possessed himself, and in order to provide a barrier against the encroachments of this restless neighbor, he built and fortified the celebrated town of Dordrecht 4, which became, and long remained, the capital of the County, and ever afterwards held the first rank in the assembly of the States. Here he levied tolls upon all vessels passing up or down the Waal. This excited great. discontent among the merchants, particularly those of Tiel, who earnestly petitioned the emperor to release them from the exactions of the Count of Holland, representing, that otherwise they would be forced to discontinue their trade to England, and consequently should be unable to pay him their accustomed tribute 5.

  1. Mirsi Dip., p. 262,263; Heda in Anfrid, p. 94, 95.
  2. Minei Dip. passim, torn, iv., p. 373, 445; Boxhorn Theat, Urb. HolL, cap. 3, p. 29.
  3. Beka Chron. Ultra in Adelb., p. 97.
  4. Van Loon Aloude Holl. Hist., 2 deel., bl. 272.
  5. Alpert. de Div. Tern. Col., torn, i., lib, ii., cap. 20.

28

1018 These complaints, supported by the influence of the Bishop of Utrecht, had so great weight with the emperor, that he commanded Godfrey, Duke of Lorraine, to assist the bishop in expelling Theodore from the fortress of Dordrecht. Godfrey, in obedience to his orders, assembled a large body of troops, and accompanied by the Bishops of Cologne, Cambray, Liege, and Utrecht, with their forces, landed at Vlaerdingen on the Merwe #, at that time the residence of the Counts of Holland. In the engagement which ensued, an event, as singular as unexpected, turned the fortune of the day in favor of the Hollanders, and saved the infant state from the destruction which appeared inevitable: the battle was at the hottest, and the Hollanders were defending themselves bravely, but almost hopelessly, against superior numbers, when suddenly a voice was heard crying, " Fly, fly." None could tell from whence the sound proceeded, and it was therefore interpreted by the troops of Lorraine, as a warning from Heaven 1: their rout was instantaneous and complete; nearly the whole of the foot soldiers belonging to the Bishops of Liege and Cambray were slain: numbers, in their eagerness to escape, were drowned in the Merwe, and the shore is said to have been strewed with dead bodies for the space of nearly two miles. The Bishop of Utrecht, with a few followers, saved themselves by flight; and the Duke of Lorraine remained a prisoner in the hands of Theodore, who shortly after released him, in order that he might negotiate a reconciliation with the emperor 2.

  1. Beka in Adelbold, p. 38.
  2. Alpert. de Div. Temp., lib. ii., cap. 21.

# Dordrecht at the Merweda, A mistake of the writer because of the accepted history by scholars in the 19th century.

29

Under his mediation, the bishop, finding himself destitute of allies, was reluctantly brought to terms of accommodation 1; and the Count of Holland afterwards held the disputed territory of Bodegrave, Merwede, and Zwammerdam, as a feudatory of the bishop 2. The miseries of this war were supposed to have been foretold by the appearance of a comet, which had excited great tenor a short time previously 3. 1039 Theodore concluded his long and troubled reign of thirty-four years, by a pilgrimage to the Holy Land; he died soon after his return, and was buried in the church of Egmond, leaving behind him a high reputation for valour and ability 4. He had two sons by his wife Ottihilda, daughter of the Duke of Saxony, Theodore and Florence, of whom the eldest succeeded him 5.

  1. Anhal. Sax., col. 1, p. 450.
  2. He became a u liber feudalis" or free Feuar of Utrecht, (t. c.9 one who acknowledged feudal superiority only,) and as such obtained a right to vote in the election of the bishop, (Heda, p. 114.) The right which vassalage gave of voting in the election of abbots, and bishops, rendered even the most powerful temporal sovereigns desirous of holding fiefs under them. Thus the Emperor Frederick I. obtained the charge of Grand Seneschal to the church of Bamberg, in respect of some lands he held in the Palatinate. Schmidt, Hist, des Allemandes, torn, iv., p. 84,165.
  3. Alpert de Div. Temp., lib. ii., cap. 19.
  4. Beka in Bernulph, p. 39; Johan. a Laid, lib. ix., cap. 16.
  5. Melis Stoke, boek L, p. 99.

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 THEODORE IV

In the reign of this prince began the first of a long series of dissensions between the Counts of Holland and Flanders 1, concerning the possession of Walcheren, and the other islands of Zealand, west of the Scheldt. The Flemings claimed these territories in virtue of a grant made by the Emperor Henry II. to Baldwin IV in 1007. surnamed Longbeard, Count of Flanders, while the Hollanders instated on a prior right, conferred by the gift of Louis the Germanic, in the year 868, to Theodore, the first Count of Holland 2. 1045 Baldwin, fifth son and successor of Baldwin Longbeard, undertook a hostile expedition into Friesland, for the purpose of forcing Theodore to resign his claims to Walcheren but no further particulars of the war are given, than that Baldwin returned victorious, and without loss, to Flanders 3. It was attended, however, with evil consequences to Holland; since the Bishop of Utrecht, taking advantage of the embarrassment it occasioned to Theodore, induced the Emperor Henry III. to lend him his assistance in regaining possession of those lands about the Merwe and Rhine, of which, he maintained that Count Theodore III. had unjustly deprived his predecessor.

  1. Flanders was erected into a County in the year 868, by Charles IL, or Bald, king of France, in favour of Baldwin Forester of Flanders, who had married his daughter Judith; it was constantly held as a fief of France. The term Flemings, which has been indiscriminately applied to all the inhabitants of the Netherlands, is here, to avoid confusion, confined to those of Flanders only. When the people of the different states of the low Countries are spoken of collectively, the word Netherlanders is used.
  2. Meyer Annales Flandrenses, lib. in, ad aim. 1007, p. 22.
  3. Idem, ad ann. 1045, lib. iii., p. 24.

31

The emperor, at the head of a numerous army, sailed down the river from Utrecht to Dordrecht, which he forced to surrender, as well as the towns of Vlaardingen, and Ehynsburg, in Delftland. 1047 He was not able long to retain these places, for Theodore having formed an alliance with Godfrey of Lorraine, overran and devastated the bishopric of Utrecht, while Godfrey made himself master of the imperial city of Nimeguen; and the emperor's army was forced to evacuate Delftland, from the overflowing of the Meuse, which rendered it impossible for the troops to remain m their encampments 1. The force of the floods, also, having broken down the dyke which confined the bed of the river, it extended itself so widely as to become too shallow to admit of the passage of the emperor's ships, which being embarrassed in the mud, were easily mastered by the Hollanders in their light flat-bottomed boats, contrived purposely for this sort of navigation 2. The emperor was, therefore, obliged to retreat over-land to Utrecht, pursued by Theodore and a small band of troops, who so harassed the rear of his army, that Henry with difficulty succeeded in reaching the city in safety 3. His departure left Theodore at liberty to regain possession of all the territory he had lost, which, however, he was not destined to enjoy long in peace. 1048 In a tournament held the following year at Liege, having accidentally inflicted a mortal wound on the brother of Herman, archbishop of Cologne, the followers of the archbishop, together with those of the Bishop of Liege, immediately attacked the Hollanders, and slew, among many others, two natural brothers of the Count. Theodore himself hardly avoided the same fate by a hasty flight, and enraged at the conduct of the two bishops, caused all the merchant ships of Liege and Cologne to be burnt, and forbade any future traffic with the bishoprics 4.

  1. Lambertus Aschaffenbuigenaifl, ad ann. 1047.
  2. Herman. Contract., ad ann. 1047.
  3. Hermannua Comeri, ad ann. 1047*
  4. Schryver's Graaven in Died. 4, 1 deel., bl. 166. Johan. a Leid., lib. x., cap. 5.

32

The bishops hereupon made a confederation with Egbert, margrave of Brandenburg, and the bishops of Utrecht and Metz, and with the assistance of some disaffected nobles of Holland, gained possession of Dordrecht 1. Count Theodore, at the head of a not very numerous force, soon after re-entered the town by night, and obliged his enemies to evacuate it; but a few days afterwards, while passing unguardedly through a narrow street, he received a wound from a poisoned arrow, shot by an unknown hand, and died within three days in January, 1049 2. The street in which this accident occurred afterwards bore the name of " Graaven Straat," or Count's Street 3. Theodore died unmarried, and was succeeded by his brother.

 FLORENCE I

The reign of this prince, like that of his predecessors, was rendered turbulent and unhappy, by the restless jealousy and enmity of the Bishop of Utrecht. In the year 1058, William I., who then filled this see, formed a confederacy against Florence, with his brother Wishard, governor of Gueldres, Hanno, archbishop of Cologne, the Bishop of Liege, the Count of Louvain, the Lord of Cuyck, and Egbert, margrave of Brandenburg; and these nobles, with their united armies, accompanied by some troops of the empire, invaded the County of Holland 4.

  1. Johan. a Leid., lib. x., cap. G.
  2. Beka in Bernulph., p. 40. Melis Stoke, boek i., bl. 110.
  3. Boxhorn Theat. Urb. Holl., p. 98.
  4. Petros Divttiis Annal. Brabant, lib. vi.

33

Florence, despairing of being able to withstand so overwhelming a force, had recourse to a stratagem, much in use in the warfare of early ages. In a field, near Dordrecht, where his forces were drawn up to await the attack, he caused pits to be dug, and lightly covered with turf, into which several of the enemies' horse, when advancing briskly, as if to certain victory, suddenly fell, and being unable to extricate themselves, the whole army was thrown into the utmost confusion; at this moment Count | Florence led forward his troops, and as they met with scarcely any resistance, the issue of the battle was decisive in their favour; 60,000 of the allied troops were slain, and the Governor of Gueldres, the Count of Lou vain, and the Bishop of Liege made prisoners 1.1061 A like success attended the arms of the Count in a j second invasion, by the Archbishop of Cologne, the I Margrave of Brandenburg, and the Lord of Cuyck, | whom he defeated, and put to flight in an obstinate and murderous battle, fought near the village of lower Hemert. Wearied with the combat, Count Florence fell asleep under a tree, not far from the scene of action, when the Lord of Cuyck, having reassembled his scattered soldiers, returned, and surprising him thus defenseless, put him to death with a great number of his followers 2. He did not, however, venture to attack the main body of the army, which retired in safety. Florence left by his wife Gertrude, daughter of Herman, Duke of Saxony, one son, Theodore, and a daughter named Bertha, or Matilda, afterwards married to Philip I., king of France 3.

  1. Heda, p. 125. Johan. a Leid., lib. xi., cap. 6.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek i., bl. 116. Manuscript Chronyck van Egmond in Schryver's Graaven, 1 deel., bl. 174.
  3. Melis Stoke, boek i., bl. 111. Velly Hist, de France, torn, ii., P. 403.

34

 THEODORE V

Theodore V., being a child of tender years at the time of his father's death, was placed under the guardianship of his mother, Gertrude of Saxony. 1063 She had conducted the administration scarcely two years, when she contracted a second marriage with Robert, the younger son of Baldwin V., of Flanders, (surnamed from this alliance the Frisian,) and in conjunction with the nobles, conferred on him the government of the County during the minority of her son 1. It was not to be supposed that the Bishop of Utrecht would neglect so favorable an opportunity, as the succession of a minor to the County of Holland, for advancing pretensions to some portion at least of the states, to the whole of which he imagined he had a claim; more particularly as William I., the present occupant of the see, was a prelate of a character no less warlike and enterprising than his predecessors, and enjoyed, moreover, at this time great influence in the Imperial court. The Emperor Henry IV., elected King of the Romans in the life-time of his father, was still a child only twelve years of age; and Hanno, archbishop of Cologne, the spiritual lord and intimate friend of the Bishop of Utrecht, having possessed himself of the person of the young sovereign, governed as he pleased in his name 2. The bishop, therefore, found no difficulty in obtaining any favor which he might think fit to desire, and accordingly in May, 1064, a grant was made to him in the name of the emperor, of the whole of the County west of the Vlie, and about the Rhine, with the abbey of Egmond, besides all those lands from which Theodore III. had expelled Theodore Bavo 3.

  1. Johan. a Leid., lib. xiii., cap. 1. Meyer Chron. Fland., lib. iii., ad arm. 1063, p. 26.
  2. Ann. Sax. Col., torn, i., p. 493.
  3. Beka in Wilhelm., p. 40. Miraei Dip. Belg., torn. L, cap. 34, p. 155.

35

The circumstance, probably, of Gertrude's marriage with Robert the Frisian, whose reputation stood high for courage, and ability, prevented the bishop from attempting to obtain a recognition of his rights for some years, and he had employed the intervening time in a pilgrimage to the Holy Land 1. After his return from thence a favorable conjuncture offered itself for enforcing the Imperial grant. Baldwin VI., Count of Flanders, had succeeded his father, Baldwin V., in 1067, and died after a short reign in 1071, leaving his son Arnold an infant, when the government was assumed by Richilda, widow of the late Count, as regent during her son's minority 2. But the nobles and people soon becoming weary of her extortions and oppression, sent to petition Robert the Frisian to come over and take possession of the regency, to which he was entitled, moreover, by a will made in his favor by his brother Baldwin, a short time before his death, at Oudenarde 3. On Robert's demand that Richilda should make an amicable surrender of the administration, she not only refused compliance, but confiscated Alost, and the five islands of Zealand west of the Scheldt, possessions of Robert in Flanders, and exercised great severity on those she suspected of being his partisans 4. To avenge these injuries, Robert collected a considerable body of troops, and besieging Richilda in Ryssel, whither she had retired on his approach, forced her to fly into France, 1071 and place herself under the protection of the king, Philip I., liege lord of Flanders.

  1. Heda in Wilhelm., p. 131.
  2. Meyer Ann. Fland., ad ann. 1070, p. 26.
  3. Idem. Melis Stoke, boek i., bl. 125.
  4. Johan. a Leid., lib. xiii., cap. 4.

36

She succeeded so well in making her cause appear identified with that of her son Arnold 1, that Philip marched in person at the head of a powerful force to defend the interests of his vassal. The two armies meeting near Cassel, the king sustained a severe defeat; the young Count Arnold, who was present at the battle, was slain, and Richilda herself taken prisoner 2. The king of France was 'glad, therefore, to conclude a peace on terms the most favorable to Robert, whom he acknowledged as Count of Flanders, engaging at the same time to marry his step-daughter, Bertha, who shortly after became queen of France. Richilda was subsequently released, at the intercession of the emperor 3. It was during these transactions in Flanders, that William, bishop of Utrecht, having gained Godfrey, Duke of Lorraine, to his alliance, by promising him the government of Holland, as a fief of the bishopric, gave him the command of the united forces of Utrecht and Lorraine, joined to some bands of mercenaries 4 from the neighboring states 5. Godfrey, although small and deformed in person, was a leader of undoubted skill, brave, sagacious, and eloquent, and the expedition under his conduct was entirely successful. Robert advanced to Leyden, and attempted, but in vain, to make a stand against his enemies. Being defeated in a severe battle, he was forced, with his wife and her children, to take refuge in Ghent.

  1. Some historians say, that she purchased the support of the King of France at the price of 4000 pounds of silver. Aegid. de Roya, ad ann. 1070, p. 27.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek i., bl. 129.
  3. Johan. a Leid., lib. xiii., p. 135.
  4. "Stipendiarios" Johan. a Leid., ubi sup. This is the first time we find mention of these kind of troops in the Netherlands.
  5. Heda in Wilhelm., p. 131. Johan. a Leid., lib. xiii., cap. 5.

37

Holland, and, soon after, West Friesland, submitted to Godfrey 1; he also conquered and brought under subjection the East Frieslanders 2. He founded the city of Delft, where, after having governed the Country for about four years with great harshness and severity, he was assassinated by one Gilbert, a servant of Count Theodore; and soon after he received the fatal wound, he caused himself to be conveyed to Utrecht, where he died 3,4. 1075 His death was followed in the same year by that of William, bishop of Utrecht 5. Conrad, successor to the see, assumed, likewise, the government of Holland; and to defend himself against any disturbance on the part of Robert the Frisian and Theodore, he completed the fort of Ysselmonde, begun by William, which commanded the passage along the Yssel 6. The Hollanders, unable to endure with patience the episcopal yoke, earnestly desired the restoration of their lawful sovereign, while the young Theodore wished no less ardently to recover his paternal inheritance; and Robert the Frisian being in tranquil possession of Flanders, found himself at liberty to assist his adopted son in the enterprise he now formed for this purpose 7. 1076 In order to strengthen themselves by an important alliance, they sought the friendship of William the Conqueror, then king of England, who had married Matilda, sister of Robert the Frisian. William sent some vessels to their assistance, which, uniting with those of Count Robert, sailed towards the Merwe.

  1. Johan. a Leid., lib. xiii., cap. 5; lib. xiv., cap. 2*
  2. Inhabitants of the present province. Vide Note C. at the end of the volume.
  3. Heda in Wilhelm., p. 131. Melis Stoke, boek L, bl. 137.
  4. The extreme deformity of his person obtained for Godfrey the surname of Humpback.
  5. Beka in Wilhelm., p. 42.
  6. Idem, p. 43.
  7. Schryver's Graaven, 1 deel., bl. 243. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl, 347.

Note C (Page 37)

The historian Wagenaar (Vat. Hist., boek vii., No. 1.) is of opinion that the Counts of Holland had no footing in Friesland, east of the Zuyderzee, until long after this period. But the whole of the land lying between the Yssel and " Liore," is mentioned in the grant of Otho III. to Theodore II., Count of Holland: and the latter is much more likely to be the Lauwers in Friesland, than, as Wagenaar supposes, the small stream of the Lee in the southern part of Delftland, which, as Medemblick and the Texel are also named, would exclude the Country lying between, that is, the greater portion of Delftland, and the whole of Rhynland and North Holland : indeed, a single glance at the map will suffice to show that it was hardly possible this stream could have been the boundary fixed upon for the County.

The supposition that the Lauwers is in reality the river meant, besides the similarity of the name, is further confirmed by the great probability which exists, that the Zuyderzee was still, as in the time of the Romans, an inland sea, Friesland and West Friesland forming one continued tract of land along the north of it, intersected by the Vlie, which connected the Zuyderzee with the ocean, the rivers Medemblick, Chimelosara, and other small streams.

A flood, which happened in 1173, considerably extended the limits of the Zuyderzee, and from that period until 1396 it continued gradually to increase, overflowing " whole forests and many thousand acres of land, so that large ships might be navigated where carriages used to travel." In 1396 another deluge occurred, which formed the Marsdiep, separated the islands of Texel, Vlielandt, and Wieringen from the main land, and drowned the land around Enkhuyzen and Medemblick 1.

We may therefore conclude that the rivers Medemelec, or Medemblick, and Kinnem in Kemmerland, with the Texel, were the boundaries of the County, as granted by Otho III., on the west 2, and the Lauwers on the east. The Emperor Lothaire certainly made a grant of Friesland, in 1125, to his nephew Theodore VI.; but if the rights of the Counts of Holland were founded solely upon this charter, it is hardly probable that the Emperor Frederic I. should have considered their claims and those of the bishops of Utrecht so equal, as to decide that the government should be divided between them (in 1165), since the grant of

  1. Schryver's Graaven, deel i., bl. 343.
  2. The portion of Holland' around Egmond was granted by Charles the Simple, king of France,

Lothaire was long subsequent to those of Henry IV. of 1077 and 1086, upon which the bishops grounded their pretensions. John of Leyden, speaking of the grant of Lothaire, says, that he again incorporated the land in question with the County of Holland, according to the ancient rights, "secundum antiqua privilegia iterum incorporavit 1. He likewise tells us, that Friesland had been wrested from Holland, by Egbert, margrave of Brandenborg 2, which opinion is adopted by the author of the Netherland Chronicle 3, and by Heda 4, but controverted by Buohelius, the annotator of the latter (Note " c,") on the ground that the expulsion of the Count of Holland is not mentioned in the diplomas of Henry IV. to the bishop of Utrecht: but it does not appear probable that either the emperor who made the grants, or the bishop who obtained them, would voluntarily adduce any pretensions which the Counts of Holland may have had to the territories conferred by them.

  1. Lib. xvii., cap. 2.
  2. Lib. xv., cap. 5.
  3. Divis. x., cap. 10
  4. P. 138,

38

A large number of Utrecht ships lay in the mouth of that river, to oppose their passage; but after a long and severe contest, the whole of the bishop's fleet was either captured or dispersed, and the fortress of Ysselmonde, where Conrad himself then resided, was forced to surrender, on condition that, a free passage being granted to him and his followers, the bishop should renounce all claim to the states of the Count of Holland, and restore all the conquests made by himself or his predeces 1. The fortress was afterwards dismantled, and the inhabitants joyfully took the oath of allegiance to Count Theodore, who, as soon as he was confirmed in the possession of the County, formed a matrimonial alliance with Othilda, daughter of Frederick, Duke of Saxony 2. The Bishop of Utrecht finding his hopes of aggrandizement frustrated on the side of Holland, fixed them on another quarter. During the long and vexatious disputes between the Emperor Henry IV., and Pope Gregory VII., which embittered that prince's reign, and finally shortened his days, the bishop constantly adhered to the side of the emperor, and took care to secure ample compensation for his fidelity. 1077 Egbert, Margrave of Brandenburg, being slain whilst engaged in rebellion against his sovereign, his states, after his death, we confiscated, and the bishop obtained for his share the Counties of Staveren, Oostergowe, Westergouwe, and Islegowe, 1086 comprising nearly the whole of the present province of Friesland, which had been wrested by Egbert from Theodore of Holland, after the death of Godfrey the Humpback of Lorraine 3.

  1. Beka in Conr., p. 43.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 348—360. Johan. a Leid., lib. xv., cap. 2.
  3. Heda in Con., p. 139. Johan. a Leid., lib. xv., cap. 5.

39

The Count, though he lived some years after, made no attempt to dispute with the bishop the possessions conferred on him by this grant; he died in 1091, having governed the County fifteen years after his restoration, leaving only one son by his wife, Othilda, of Saxony 1.

 FLORENCE II

Florence II., surnamed the Fat.—In his reign, the preaching of Peter the hermit inflamed nearly the whole of Europe with the desire of rescuing the tomb of the Redeemer from the hands of the infidels. The events of this singular phenomenon in the history of mankind are so generally known, the motives of the clergy who kindled the zeal of the multitudes, the 1095 temper and opinions of the people who responded to their call, the crimes and miseries which these expeditions caused and encouraged, with the advantages which ultimately ensued from them, have been so often and so amply discussed by the most able historians, that it would be superfluous and even tedious to dwell upon them here; and the more so, as the effects on Holland were, for some time at least, comparatively slight; for though we find the names of several of her nobility numbered in the ranks of the Crusaders, and among them those of Arkel and Brederode, the most powerful and illustrious in the state, yet, whether that the mercantile habits of the people rendered them unwilling to engage in war, except some tangible advantage were to be gained by it, or that their constant hostilities with the bishops of Utrecht had placed the Church in such an unfavorable point of view, as to render them less liable than the rest of the world to spiritual influence, certain it is, that the enthusiasm was. neither so highly wrought nor so widely diffused as among the other peoples of Europe, and particularly the neighboring County of Flanders.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 350, 351,

40

Their present Count also, Florence the Fat, was, unlike his ancestors, a man of a pacific and somewhat indolent disposition, insomuch that he lived during the whole of his reign in peace, not only with the emperor, but even with his restless neighbor and hereditary foe, the Bishop of Utrecht 1. The only transaction wherein we find them opposed to each other, was of a kind not unprofitable to the Count. The Bishop Conrad had possessed himself of a church at Alburg, to which the Abbot of St. Truyes in Liege deemed he had the sole right. Florence, who was the advocate 2 of the abbey, succeeded in bringing about a surrender of the church to the abbot, but caused himself to be well paid for his services; for the abbot tells us that, he "was obliged to draw the unwieldy body of Count Florence, our advocate, with silver cords from Holland to Utrecht, and to bend the stiff neck of the bishop with a hammer of the same material" 3. 1106 Florence sought to increase his power rather by friendly alliances than by conquests; he married Petronella, daughter of Theodore, Duke of Saxony, and half sister of Lothaire, afterwards Emperor of Germany 4; and on the accession of Henry V. to the empire, the Count entered into a treaty with him, by which it was provided, that they should use their united efforts to obtain possession of the part of Zealand and Flanders west of the Scheldt, of which the Countess-dowager Richilda had, in the year 1071, deprived Robert the Frisian.

  1. Beka in Godebold, p. 45.
  2. The rich abbeys and bishoprics elected an advocate, whose business it was to defend their interests in the secular courts, and, if required, to march at the head of their vassals in war. They were also called, from the nature of the former duty, " Causidici." (Du Cange," Advocati Ecclesiarum in Gloss.") This office was sometimes hereditary, held independently, and even against the will of the bishop or abbot, on whose behalf it was exercised. (Chron. Egmond, p. 43,89. Schmidt, Hist. des Alle., torn, iv., p. 207, 208.
  3. Chron. Rudolphi in Vat. Hist. gequot., boek vii., No. 8.
  4. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 364, 355.

41

It does not appear, however, that the Hollanders afforded any active assistance to the emperor, in the expedition he undertook for this purpose in 1100, though there seems no doubt that Count Florence was included in the peace made shortly after at Metz 1, and that the Count of Flanders ceded to him, by that treaty, Zealand west of the Scheldt, and Waasland, since his successors held these lands as a fief of Flanders. Florence the Fat ended his tranquil reign of thirty years in the spring of 1121; he is represented to us as tall and large in stature, of gentle and affable manners, and a placable and benevolent disposition; he excelled all his forefathers, as well in riches as in virtue; his tournaments were celebrated for their splendor and costliness 2; and we may suppose that during his reign, the Hollanders made no inconsiderable advances in freedom, the arts 3, commerce, and, perhaps, even literature; if so, however, it is left unnoticed by the early chroniclers, who have rather given us a record of the vices, ignorance, and superstition of men, than traced their first steps towards virtue and knowledge. That theological discussions already occupied a large share of public attention, appears evident from the fact, that heresy not only made its appearance, but struck such deep root, particularly in Zealand, that it was found very difficult to extirpate.

  1. Ann. Sax. Col., torn, i., p. 619, 621.
  2. Beka in Con., p. 43. Melis Stoke, boek ii., p. 854.
  3. In the year 1148 a number of magnificent pictures were destroyed at Utrecht by a fire, which consumed the principal churches in the city. Schryrer's Graaven, 1 deel., bl. 312.

42

One Tanchelyn ventured to preach the doctrine, that the ministers of the church, and the offices of priest and bishop, were entitled to no particular reverence; that the receiving of the body and blood of Christ in the sacrament, was not necessary to salvation 1; and that no tithes ought to be paid to ecclesiastics. Blasphemy, impietssy, and the most odious crimes, were imputed to him by the clergy, but among the people he was held in high esteem, and the belief in his divine mission was widely spread; they drank, as from a holy fount, of the water in which he had bathed, and accompanied him, wherever he went, sometimes to the number of three thousand, armed for his protection. He was at last surprised, while going on board a ship without his usual guard, and killed by a blow on the head from the hand of one of the priests, by whom his doctrine, and the boldness with which he preached it, had made him both hated and feared 2. It was left to the efforts of the ecclesiastics to stop the progress of this heresy, which does not appear to have excited any general persecution. Florence had by his wife Petronella of Saxony, three sons, Theodore, Florence, and Simon, and one daughter, named Hadwy 3.

 THEODORE VI

1123 Theodore VI. being too young at the time of his father's death to undertake the management of affaire, his mother, Petronella, was appointed governess during his minority; a woman of extraordinary courage, sagacity, and ambition. She took up arms in the cause of her brother Lothaire of Saxony, against the Emperor Henry V., with whom he was at war; and Henry, although he invaded Holland with a powerful army, found considerable difficulty in forcing her to acknowledge feudal allegiance to him 4.

  1. The doctrine of the real presence had been disputed in France nearly a century before. Velly, torn, ii., p. 375.
  2. Vide Letter of the Chapter of Utrecht to the Archbishop of Cologne in Cod. Babenberg., No. 288, Col., torn. ii.
  3. Johan. a Leid., lib. xvi., cap. 1.
  4. Melis Stoke, boek iL, bl. 959. Chron. Luneburgicum Col., torn, ii., p. 1369.

43

1125 The election of Lothaire to the throne of Germany, at length put an end to the enmity between the emperors and the Counts of Holland, which had now subsisted, with the intermission only of the short alliance between Florence the Fat and Henry V., for more than a century. Lothaire, in gratitude for the aid which Petronella had afforded him against Henry, invested her son Theodore with the Counties of Oostergowe and Westergouwe, in the province of Friesland, of which Henry IV. had made a grant to Conrad, bishop of Utrecht 1. Neither the Hollanders or the bishops, however, reaped any benefit from the imperial gifts, since the Frieslanders, a people devotedly attached to their freedom, would not endure that those liberties which " their ancestors had purchased with their blood, should be destroyed by a stroke of the pen 2." The grant of the emperor was, on the contrary, the occasion of a dangerous war to Count Theodore, since the Frieslanders of Oostergowe and Westergowe, excited to rebellion his subjects in West Friesland, always ready for change, and eager to assert their independence. 1132 A quarrel having arisen not long before, between Theodore and his brother Florence, surnamed the Black, the West Frieslanders, among whom the latter was popular, from his velour and eloquence, took advantage of this circumstance to solicit him to accept the sovereignty over them, and defend them against the oppression of the Count 3. Florence readily assumed the command offered him, and under his conduct they surprised and plundered Alkmaar; the Kemmerlanders also, thinking the present a favorable opportunity to "fight themselves free 4", united with the Frieslanders, and swore allegiance to Florence.

  1. Johan. a Leid, lib. xvii., cap. 2. Heda in And., p. 157.
  2. Ubbo Emnicus Rerum Frisicarum, lib. vi.
  3. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 3«4—370.
  4. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 372.

44

This unnatural contest between the brothers lasted two years, and was at 1134 length terminated by the interference of the emperor Lothaire, their uncle, who brought them to terms of accommodation, whereby each retained that which they had in possession; but Florence being slain not long after, in an ambush laid for him by the lords of Arensbeig and Cuyck, West Friesland and Kemmeiv land returned to the dominion of Count Theodore 1. 1137 On the death of the Emperor Lothaire, Conrad III. of Hohenstaufien was raised to the imperial dignity by the instrumentality of the bishops of Cologne and Treves, which gave the clergy once more a preponderance in the councils of the Germanic court. The effect of their influence was soon felt by the Count of Holland, since one of the first acts of Conrad was to revoke the grant of Oostergowe and Westergowe made by Lothaire, and restore Friesland to the see of Utrecht 2. As it was more than probable that this circumstance would prove the occasion of a declaration of war on the part of the bishop, Theodore only wanted a pretext for striking the first blow. This was soon afforded by the disputes that arose between Bishop Heribert and Otho, burgrave of Benthem, whose sister Theodore had married 3. Otho had taken advantage of the discontents manifested by the inhabitants of Drent, against the government of the bishop, to invade that province, but was defeated, and taken prisoner 4.

  1. Johan. & Leid., lib. xvii., cap. 0. Beka in And., p. 48. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 376.
  2. Heda in And., p. 157.
  3. Schryver's Graaven, 1 deel., bJ. 319. Beka in Ilcr., p. 50.
  4. Idem, p. 51.

45

Count Theodore no sooner heard of the disaster that had befallen his brother-in-law, than he quickly assembled his forces, and laid siege to Utrecht. The bishop seeing no chance of being able to defend himself with temporal, had recourse to spiritual weapons. Attired in his pontifical robes, and followed by his clergy, he issued out of one of the gates of the city, with the book and candle in his hands 1, ready to pronounce sentence of excommunication on the Count, unless he instantly raised the siege. The Hollanders who stood before the walls prepared for an assault, were confounded at this strange spectacle, and Count Theodore himself was seized with such dread of the spiritual ban with which he was threatened, that he threw down his shield and helmet, and forbade the commission of any further hostilities. The bishop knew so well how to turn his pious terrors to advantage, that he obliged him to swear, that he would retire without molesting the city, and to ask forgiveness on his knees, barefoot and bareheaded 2. The reconciliation which followed gave Theodore leisure to undertake a voyage to the Holy Land. 1139 During his absence, the Bishop of Utrecht did not remain idle, although he refrained from any actual violation of the peace. By the treaty made in 1018, by which Theodore III. consented to hold Bodegrave, Merwede, and Zwammerdam, as a fief of Utrecht, the Counts of Holland had gained the right of voting as vassals in the election of the bishops.

  1. In pronouncing sentence of excommunication, the clergy usually held a lighted candle during the time it was being delivered, which they threw down and extinguished as it was finished. Mat. Par., p. 585.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 386. Beka in Heribert, p. 50.

46

Heribert now obtained from the Emperor Conrad III. a charter, vesting the right of election in the chapter of Utrecht, to the exclusion of the vassals; and likewise another, confirming him in the possession of Oostergowe and Westergowe, with a penalty of one thousand pounds of pure gold against any one who should venture to infringe it 1. As the Counts of Holland did not think it necessary to pay regard to either of these edicts, their only effect was to exasperate still further the jealousy and enmity existing between them and the bishops.

In this reign, Holland was already sufficiently populous to admit of the removal of a large colony of its inhabitants. Adolphus, Count of Holstein, and Albert, surnamed the Bear, margrave of Brandenburg, having defeated and subdued the Wendels 2 and Obodrites 3, nations of the Sclavonian race 4 the whole of them deserted their Country: to re-people the lands now left waste, therefore, Albert sent to Utrecht, Holland, Zealand, and Flanders, from whence he collected a vast number of builders and husbandmen, and settled them on the borders of the Elbe and Havel. 1151 The Hollanders (so strong is the power of habit on the human mind) fixed themselves, by choice, on the low and marshy lands south of the Elbe, and the tracts then called Balsemerland and Marsciemerland, extending to the forest of Bohemia, and which the Sclavi had before wrested from the Saxons. Notwithstanding the difficulties they had to contend with, both from the nature of the soil, and the frequent incursions of the Sclavi, these patient and industrious colonists built towns and churches in their new settlement, and in a short time rendered it incredibly rich and flourishing 5. Theodore died in the autumn of 1157, leaving four sons by his wife Sophia, daughter of the Count Palatine of the Rhine. 6

  1. Heda in Herib., p. 163—166.
  2. Inhabiting the present Pomerania. Herm. Cor., Col. 2—631.
  3. People of Mecklenburg. Idem, 632.
  4. The Sclavi possessed, besides Pomerania, the whole Country front the Oder to the Elbe. Idem.
  5. Helmoldia Chron. Slav., lib. L, cap. 67. Herman. Corn. Col., torn. ii., p. 697.
  6. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 394.

 FLORENCE III

47

1157 Florence, finding, on his accession to the government* that the Flemish merchants evaded the payment of the tolls at Dordrecht, by passing down the Maas (now the old Meuse) by Geervlietss and Bornesse, obtained permission of the emperor to establish a toll at the former place. The Flemings, deeply aggrieved at this new burden on their trade with Holland, which, even at this early period, was of considerable value, made complaints to Count Philip of Flanders, who governed the County in the room of his father, Theodore of Alsatia, then in the Holy Land. Philip, young, brave, and ambitious, readily determined to make war on the Count of Holland, both by land and sea, for the protection of the commerce of his subjects; and accordingly equipped a number of ships sufficient to keep the Holland navy in check, while with his land forces he made himself, master of the Waasland, after which, having enriched his troops with considerable booty, he retired to Flanders 1. Several years elapsed before Count Florence found himself in a condition to attempt the recovery of his lost territory, or to revenge the injuries inflicted on his subjects. Meanwhile, he sought and obtained in marriage, Ada, grand-daughter of David I., king of Scotland, and under pretext of bringing home his royal bride, he put to sea a large fleet of ships, by which she was escorted to the mouth of the Maas, where the fleet remained stationary, until circumstances should permit Florence to renew the war with Flanders 2.

  1. Meyer Ann. Fland., lib. v., ad ann. 1157, p. 47.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 395,396. p Heda, p. 172,173,181.

48

He likewise concluded an amicable treaty under the auspices of the Emperor Frederick I., with Godfrey, bishop of Utrecht, whereby the government of the long-disputed territory of Friesland was to be exercised in common, and its revenues equally divided between them; and about the same time entered into an agreement with the bishop, and the Counts of Guelderland and Cleves, that they should mutually take measures to prevent the disasters arising from the frequent overflowing of the Rhine 1.

1165 To this effect several dykes were raised, and a canal dug a little above Rhenen, on the borders of Guelderland, to lead off a portion of its waters to the Zuyderzee 2. Thus, having secured himself on the side of Utrecht, Florence recommenced hostilities both by land and sea 3, against Philip of Flanders, which, however, terminated in a manner most disastrous to the former, since he was defeated in a severe naval battle, many of his nobility were slain, and himself wounded and carried prisoner to Bruges. As the Counts of Holland owed fealty to the Counts of Flanders for the five islands west of the Scheldt, Florence, upon this ground, was cited before a court, composed of the vassalsof Count Philip, and declared to have forfeited all right to those islands. 1167 Upon the mediation of the Bishops of Cologne and Liege, Philip consented to release Florence, after an imprisonment of two year, and to reinstate him in the territories he held of Flanders 4.

  1. The old mouth of the Rhine at Catwyk was now nearly closed up.
  2. Heda, p. 172,173,181.
  3. The Flemish historian says that "tanta sibi vim militum piratarum que conflaverat, ut totius maris imperium obtinere videretur". Meyer Ann. Fland., lib. v., ad aim. 1165, p. 49.
  4. Schryver's Graaven, 369—361. Meyer Ann. Fland., lib. v., ad aim. 1165, p. 49.

49

The treaty made on this occasion, gives a little insight into the customs of the Netherlander at this early period, and therefore deserves to be noticed somewhat at length. By Art. 6th, it is provided: That if any Fleming being in Holland, shall be robbed, the inhabitants of the place where the act is committed shall be obliged to make restitution, and to banish the thief, or be answerable for all the evil and mischief he may occasion if allowed to remain; should the inhabitants be unwilling to pay the sum required, the Count must take it upon himself to do so. By Art. 13th, if a debt be demanded of a Flemish merchant, travelling in Holland, and he deny such debt, his creditor shall not hinder him on his journey, but follow him to the place whither he is going, and there submit the case to the determination of the magistrates 1; if the debtor be too long, or vexatiously detained, he shall be indemnified by the Count. Should the Count of Holland, or his successors, violate any of the articles of this treaty, his vassals in the five islands shall leave his service, and become subjects of the Count of Flanders, till he make satisfaction; which, if he persist in refusing, the guarantees of the treaty, on the side of Holland, shall pay to the Count of Flanders six thousand marks of silver. The Count of Holland was obliged to forego the right of exacting tolls at Geervlietss, and to surrender the sovereignty of Waasland. The treaty was signed by a great number of nobles as sureties on both sides 2.

  1. " Schepenen," orsheriffe. VOL. I.
  2. Meyer, Ann. Fland., ad ann. 1165—1167, p. 49, 50. Aegidius, de Roya Chron. Belg., ad ann. 1167.

50

1168 The West Frieslanders had not let slip the favorable opportunity for rebellion, offered by the imprisonment of Count Florence, but made use of it on the contrary to attack and plunder their neighbors the Kemmerlanders, and to possess themselves of Alkmaar, which they laid in ashes 1. Florence was no sooner released, than be determined to chastise their insolence. He therefore marched into West Friesland at the head of a powerful body of troops, among whom were the flower of his nobility, and came to a pitched battle with the insurgents near Schagen: the Frieslanders, purposely retreating, drew their pursuers into an ambush, when they turned suddenly upon them; a sharp conflict ensued, in which the Hollanders were totally defeated; a great number, particularly of the nobles, slain, and many more made prisoners 2. Florence was never able, during the whole of his reign, to reduce his rebellious subjects in that quarter to entire obedience, though in an expedition he undertook against them some years after (1184), he forced the Frieslanders of Texel and Wieringen to pay him a fine of four thousand marks of silver 3,4. The year 1170 was rendered memorable by a terrific flood, which extended over Holland, Friesland, and Utrecht: in the latter province, the waters rose to so great a height, that the people were able to catch fish with nets from the walls of the town 5. The position of the land of the Netherlands renders it, as is well known, subject to constant disasters of this kind. To avoid tediousness, therefore, they will be passed over without mention, unless they are attended with any lasting effect» or cause a permanent change in the face of the Country.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 397,398.
  2. Idem, boek ii., bl. 404-408.
  3. The small mark containing about 15d.
  4. Johan. a Leid., lib. xviii., cap. 7.
  5. Beka in Godf., p. 54.

51

The crusade preached in 1187 by Pope Clement III., drew a considerable number of the princes of Europe to the army of Frederick I. or Barbarossa, (1189) emperor of Germany: among these was the Count of Holland, who had assumed the cross three years before 1. The crusading army having spent the winter in Greece (1190), passed the Hellespont in March, 1191, and in the month of May following, rendered themselves masters of Iconium. The troops, who had suffered greatly during their long march, and the ensuing siege, were still further dispirited by the death of their brave and able leader, Frederic Barbarossa, who perished while bathing in the small river of Seleph, in Armenia 2. After his decease, the army was conducted to Antioch by Frederic, Duke of Suabia, his second son, where the imprudent use of food and wine, after a long-continued scarcity of provisions, caused a pestilential sickness in the camp, and among the immense number of those who fell victims to its ravages, was Count Florence of Holland. He was buried near the grave of the Emperor Frederic, in St. Peter's church, at Antioch 3. His reign was invariably unfortunate; but he is represented as a prince of admirable pietssy and integrity. This Count is said to be the first who obtained from the emperor the privilege of coining money, stamped with the arms of Holland 4.

  1. Godf. Monach. St. Pantaleonis, ad ann. 1188,1189. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 418.
  2. Herman. Cor., col. ii., p. 787, 788.
  3. Hist. Terne Sanct. Col., torn, ii., p. 1351.
  4. Recherches sur le Commerce, torn, i., p. 89.

 THEODORE VII

52

Florence III. left by Ada, the Scottish princess, Theodore, his successor to the County; William, who remained in the Holy Land for nearly five years after the death of his father; Florence, archdeacon of Utrecht; Robert, governor of Kemmerland, and four daughters 1. The confused state of affairs in Flanders, at the time of the accession of Theodore^ seemed to offer him a favorable opportunity of releasing himself from the vassalage to which he was subject, in respect of the five islands, and which was a source of perpetual vexation to the Counts of Holland. Philip of Flanders, who had accompanied the crusade in 1189, died during the siege of Acre, about two years after, leaving no issue; whereupon Philip IL, king of France, claimed the County, as having escheated to him in default of heirs male 2. Baldwin, Count of Hainaut, however, son of Margaret, sister of the late Count, assumed the government of the County in defiance of the right claimed by Philip as Suzerain; and while he was occupied in maintaining his authority against the king, Theodore of Holland petitioned Henry VI., emperor of Germany, that he might henceforth hold the islands west of the Scheldt as an immediate fief of the empire, and likewise for leave to restore the tolls at Geervlietss 3. As the Count of Flanders himself owed allegiance to the empire for the islands in question, Henry refused the first petition 4; the second, however, was more successful; and the merchants of the empire, as well as the Flemings, were j commanded to pay five per cent., on all ships of value more than one hundred marks, passing by Geervlietss. 5 The renewal of this impost, and the severity with which it was exacted, (the Hollanders often forcing the Flemings to pay double) so greatly irritated the  latter, that they made an irruption into Walcheren in 1195 while Florence could only oppose them with a divided force, since he was at this time embarrassed by another war 5.

  1. Beka in Godf., p. 53. I
  2. Meyer, Ann. Fland., lib. vii., ad ann. 1191, p. 57. I
  3. Idem, lib. vii., ad ann. 1191, p. 57. I
  4. Idem, lib. vii., ad ann. 1192, p. 58. I
  5. Meyer, Ann. FL, ad ami. 1195, p. 61. Beka in Bald., p. 57.

53

William of Holland perceiving, shortly after his return from the Holy Land, that some enemies at court had found means to excite suspicion and jealousy in the mind of his brother towards him, retired to ^West Friesland, where the disaffected were always sure to find companions ready for revolt 1. Hostilities were begun on the side of William, when Theodore sent one part of his army to Friesland, under the conduct of his wife Adelaide, (daughter of the Count of Cleves,) while he himself advanced with the remainder to expel the Flemings from Walcheren. The issue of both expeditions proved fortunate. Theodore forced the Flemings to evacuate Zealand, while the lady Adelaide, having found means, by dint of money and promises, to seduce a considerable portion of William's troops from their fidelity, defeated the remainder in a battle fought near Alkmaar, and William himself with difficulty escaped being taken prisoner 2. Towards the end of the same year the brothers were reconciled, by the influence chiefly of their mother, Ada of Scotland, and Theodore consented to bestow on William 300 pounds Flemish yearly, payable from the tolls at Geervlietss, and all his possessions in Friesland 3, to be held as a fief of Holland 4. The good fortune of Count Theodore at length deserted him, and the event of a war, in which he was afterwards engaged with Utrecht, was disastrous in the extreme. both to himself and the state.

  1. Beka in Bald., p. 57. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 850.
  2. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 452, 453.
  3. Not West Friesland, but the present province of that name.
  4. Beka in Bald., ii., p. 57. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 456, 457.

54

By the treaty made between Florence III. and the Bishop Godfrey in 1165, it was stipulated that they should divide equally the revenues of Friesland, which, of course, implied an understanding, that neither party was to levy taxes without the consent of the other. The present bishop, Theodore van der Aare, was elected to the see of Utrecht after it had been occupied for a short period by Theodore, uncle of the Count of Holland, and Arnold of Isenburg, both chosen at the same time, the former by the vassals 1, Theodore of Holland and the Count of Guelderland, and by a portion of the canons, the latter by the remainder of the canons only. Van der Aare found, on his consecration, that the finances of the bishopric were so deeply involved, in consequence of the troubles arising from a disputed election, as not to admit of his paying much regard to the condition of the treaty made with the Count of Holland respecting Friesland*. He therefore, without consulting Count William, used every means he could devise to extort money from the Frieslanders. William manifested his dissatisfaction at this mode of proceeding, by seizing the bishop at Staveren and throwing him into prison. But the Frieslanders, dreading the vengeance of heaven for the injury done to so holy a person, released him by force of arms; and William, as he found that the greater number of the people espoused the.cause of the prelate, applied for assistance to Otho, Count of Guelderland, whose daughter he had married, and to his brother Theodore, of Holland. Each, in compliance with his request levied a considerable body of troops, and Otho took possession of Deventer, while Theodore laid siege to the city of Utrecht 3.

  1. As the vassalsof Utrecht continued to vote in the election of the bishop, notwithstanding the charter vesting the right in the chapter alone, granted by the Emperor Conrad III., the elections were, in consequence, perpetually disputed between the two parties. Beka, p. 52. Heda, pp. 160,171,184, &c.
  2. Beka in Theod., ii., p. 62.
  3. Joban. k Leyd., lib. xix., cap. 11. Beka in Theod., ii., p. 62.

55

In this difficulty the bishop betook himself for protection to Henry, Duke of Brabant or Lower Lorraine 1. Henry commenced operations in favour of his new ally, with possessing himself, by stratagem, of the person of Otho of Guelderland, upon which Theodore raised the siege of Utrecht, marched to Brabant for the purpose of releasing Otho, and besieged and took Bois le Due. 1202 On his return to Holland, laden with booty and prisoners, he was intercepted near Heusden by the Duke of Brabant's army, strengthened by the soldiers of Cologne and Liege, together with some troops from Limburg and Flanders. A sharp engagement ensued, in which Theodore's troops were entirely defeated, and he himself was taken prisoner 2. He was released within the year upon payment of 2000 marks of silver; but by the treaty then made with the Duke, he was obliged to surrender Breda, and bound himself and his successors to do homage to the Dukes of Brabant for Dordrecht, and all the lands lying between Stryen, Waalwyk, and Brabant, and to assist them against all their enemies, except the emperor 3. Thus the ancient capital of the County became a fief of Brabant, and so continued until the year 1283, when John I., Duke of Brabant, released the Count of Holland from his fealty.

  1. The duchy of Brabant took its rise in the year 1106, when the Emperor, Henry V., divided the ancient kingdom, or duchy of Lorraine, into two parts, called Upper and Lower Lorraine, and bestowed the latter on Godfrey the bearded, Count of Louvain, who assumed the title of Duke of Brabant and Lorraine. Henry III., Duke of Brabant, dropped the title of Duke of Lorraine, and styled himself Duke of Brabant only. Guic-ciardini, Belg. Descrip., torn, i., p. 90. Johan. a Leid., lib. adv., cap. 4.
  2. Petrus DiYsus Troph. Brab., lib. x., ad ann. 1202.
  3. Butkens Tropbées de Brab., Corps. Dip., torn. L, p. 130.

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1203 Theodore did not long survive this calamity; he was attacked by a severe sickness at Dordrecht, and on the approach of death, earnestly desired to see his brother William, with a view, probably, of bequeathing to his protection Ada, his only daughter, whom, as he had no son, he left heiress of his dominions 1. He died, however, before his wish could be accomplished, and his untimely fate brought new miseries on his Country; the government falling into the hands of a girl of tender years, guided by a mother, sufficiently shrewd, indeed, and courageous, but intriguing and ambitious.

  1. Melis Stoke, boek ii., bl. 478. Beka in Theod., ii., p. 63.

Davies Vol 1, Preface

HISTORY OF HOLLAND and the Dutch Nation

FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE TENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

 

Including an account of the municipal institutions, commercial pursuits, and social habits of the people

 
The rise and progress of the protestant reformation in Holland.
The intestine dissentious foreign wars

BY C. M. DAVIES.

In Three Volumes
Vol. I
LONDON: G.Willis, Great Piazza,Covent Garden MDCCCXLI

PREFACE

At a period such as the present, when the general appetite for knowledge is at once quickened and satiated by all that is pungent in wit, delicate in sentiment, rich in learning, and novel in science—when, by the plastic hand of modern invention, history herself is made to suit the alluring garb of romance—it is with diffidence that I solicit attention to a work which has nothing but fidelity to recommend it, and of which the subject, deeply interesting in itself, but deficient perhaps in some of the subsidiary attractions incidental to historical narrative, requires a pen of more than ordinary ability to do it justice. It is not an overweening vanity or presumption that has prompted me on this occasion; not that, unawed by the high and grave duties of an historian, I have ventured upon them in wanton recklessness, or blind ignorance of my own incapacity, or touched without trembling the very lowest hem of the mantle of Livy and Tacitus; but in the conviction that it is the duty of every one to cast his mite, however humble, into the treasury of human knowledge; in the consciousness that if I shall have done little to enlighten, I have in no one instance willfully contributed to the propagation or continuance of error; in the hope of proving useful to those who, like myself, have felt the disadvantage to which the English reader of history is subject, of knowing nothing of the internal government, constitution, laws, and habits of a people, whose name, celebrated throughout the world, is to be met with on nearly every page of the history of Europe. It is with the view of presenting this knowledge in a compendious form that the following Work has been composed, of which, as I have said, the chief recommendation is fidelity; and, in order that my readers may advance with confidence in this yet almost untrodden path, I have not hesitated to incur the imputation both of tediousness and pedantry, by quoting an authority for the statement of every, even the most simple fact; and I have likewise pointed out the exact place in the author where the passage referred to is to be found, so as to give every facility for the discovery and correction of any error into which I may have fallen. In cases where facts have been differently represented by different writers, I have given the preference to such contemporary authors as had the best opportunities of becoming acquainted with the truth, or whose penetration and integrity render them most worthy to be relied on: where these fail me, I have had recourse to such compilers as are most generally esteemed for judgment and research; and having done this, I have forborne to enter into tedious discussions of facts, which after all may be of comparatively slight importance, and lengthened disquisitions on autWs which are never likely to fall into the hands of the generality of readers.

But though neither time nor labor has been spared, the Work falls still far short of the model framed for it in my own mind. Would that the task might be undertaken by-some more skilful hand,—by one who to equal earnestness and patience may unite infinitely more talent and opportunity; and who, undeterred by the difficulties he will enCounter, and of which more than a due share has fallen to my lot, may convince himself and the world of the real value and abundance of that mine from whence I have failed to extract gems.


 

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